NATIONAL DEFENSE

The first duty of our Government to its own citizens and foreigners within

its borders is the preservation of order. Unless and until that duty is met

a government is not even eligible for recognition among the family of

nations. The advancement of world civilization likewise is dependent upon

that order among the people of different countries which we term peace. To

insure our citizens against the infringement of their legal rights at home

and abroad, to preserve order, liberty, and peace by making the law

supreme, we have an Army and a Navy.

Both of these are organized for defensive purposes. Our Army could not be

much reduced, but does not need to be increased. Such new housing and

repairs as are necessary are tinder way and the 6-year program in aviation

is being put into effect in both branches of our service.

Our Navy, according to generally accepted standards, is deficient in

cruisers. We have 10 comparatively new vessels, 22 that are old, and 8 to

be built. It is evident that renewals and replacements must be provided.

This matter was thoroughly canvassed at the last session of the Congress

and does not need restatement. The bill before the Senate with the

elimination of the time clause should be passed. We have no intention of

competing with any other country. This building program is for necessary

replacements and to meet our needs for defense.

The cost of national defense is stupendous. It has increased $118,000,000

in the past four years. The estimated expenditure for 1930 is $668,000,000.

While this is made up of many items it is, after all, mostly dependent upon

numbers. Our defensive needs do not can for any increase in the number of

men in the Army or the Navy. We have reached the limit of what we ought to

expend for that purpose.

I wish to repeat again for the benefit of the timid and the suspicious that

this country is neither militaristic nor imperialistic. Many people at home

and abroad, who constantly make this charge, are the same ones who are even

more solicitous to have us extend assistance to foreign countries. When

such assistance is granted, the inevitable result is that we have foreign

interests. For us to refuse the customary support and protection of such

interests would be in derogation of the sovereignty of this Nation. Our

largest foreign interests are in the British Empire, France, and Italy.

Because we are constantly solicitous for those interests, I doubt if anyone

would suppose that those countries feel we harbor toward them any

militaristic or imperialistic design. As for smaller countries, we

certainly do not want any of them. We are more anxious than they are to have

their sovereignty respected. Our entire influence is in behalf of their

independence. Cuba stands as a witness to our adherence to this principle.

The position of this Government relative to the limitation of armaments,

the results already secured, and the developments up to the present time

are so well known to the Congress that they do not require any restatement.

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