CHAPTER II

The name of Dean Berkeley--an acute and kindly philosopher--engaged our

attention in the last chapter. So did that ripe scholar and master of

Trinity, Richard Bentley;[1] then came that more saintly Doctor--Isaac

Watts, whose Doxologies will long waken the echoes in country churches;

we had a glimpse of the gloomy and lurid draperies, with which the muse

of Dr. Edward Young sailed over earth and sky; sadly draggled, too, we

sometimes found that muse with the stains of earth. We spoke of a

Lady--Wortley Montagu--conspicuous for her beauty, for her

acquirements, for her vivacity of mind, for her {53} boldness, for her

contempt of the convenances of society, and at last, I think, a

contempt for the whole male portion of the human race.

Then came that keen, discerning, accomplished poet, Alexander Pope,

with a brain as strong and elastic as his body was weak and shaky; and

who, of all the poets we have encountered since Elizabeth's day, knew

best how to give to words their full forces, and how to make them

jingle and shine.

But the lives of these I have now named, and of those previously

brought to your notice[2] overreached the reign of Queen Anne, and

dropped off--some in the time of George I., some under his son George

II., and others in an early part of the long reign of George III.

_From Stuart to Brunswick._

But how came the Georges of Hanover and Brunswick to succeed Anne

Stuart? Yes, there was a son of the deposed and exiled James II.

(whose {54} mother was an Italian princess--making him half-brother to

Queen Anne) known, sometimes as James Edward, and sometimes as The

Pretender. He had favorers about the Court of Anne; and if the Queen

had lingered somewhat longer, or if the Jacobite or Tory political

machine had been a little better oiled and in better play, this

Pretender might have come to the throne instead of Hanover George.

Poet and Ambassador Prior, who was suspected of favoring this, was one

of those who went to the Tower, and came near losing his head in the

early days of King George; and Bolingbroke, the friend of Pope, a known

plotter for the Stuarts, took himself off hastily to France for safety.

James Edward, however, did not give the matter up, but made a landing

in Scotland in 1715 and led that dreary rebellion, in which the poor

Earl of Mar went astray, and in which Argyle figured; a rebellion which

gives its small scenes of battle and its network of conspiracies to

Scott's story of _Rob Roy_. The Pretender escaped with difficulty to

France, made no succeeding attempt, lived in comparative obscurity, and

died in Rome fifty years {55} later. He was, according to best

accounts, a poor, weak creature, of dissipated habits--of melancholy

aspect--dubbed King of England[3] by the Pope--given a stipend by the

over-gracious Holy Father--and at last a costly tomb in St. Peter's,

which is dignified by some good sculptural work. Travelling

sentimentalists may meditate over its grandiose inscription of James

III., King of England!

James Edward had married, however, a Princess Sobieski of the Polish

family, by whom he had two sons, Charles Edward and Henry. The elder,

Charles Edward, an ambitious, handsome, gentlemanly, and amiable

man--known as the Young Pretender--did, by favor of French aid, and

stimulated by larger French promises, make a landing in Scotland in

1745, which was successful at first, but ended with that defeat on

Culloden Moor, which--with pretty romantic broidery--gives a gloomy

setting to Scott's first novel of _Waverley_.

{56}

A second plotting of some friends of the Young Pretender, somewhere

about 1751-1752 (dimly foreshadowed in the story of _Redgauntlet_),

proved abortive. Thenceforward he appears no more in English history.

We know only that this bright, clever, brave Chevalier, who bewitched

many a Highland maiden, lived a corrupt life, made a dreary and

unfortunate marriage (1772), and, bloated with drink and blighted in

hopes, died at Rome in 1788.

His brother Henry was a priest, and was made a cardinal. He spent all

his money in pompous living, became miserably poor, and died in Venice

early in the present century--the last of his family. There is in St.

Peter's Church at Rome, in the Chapel of the Presentation, a great

tomb, showy with the sculptures of Canova, which commemorates all these

Stuarts, and--so far as Latin inscriptions can do it--makes kings and

princes of these unfortunate representatives of the family of King

James II.

Still we are without an answer to our question: How and why did the

Georges of Hanover come to the British throne?

{57}

Those who recall my mention[4] of that slip-shod pedantic king, James

I., who came from Scotland, and who brought the Stuart name with him,

will remember an allusion to an ambitious daughter of his, Elizabeth

Stuart, who married a certain Frederic of the Palatinate, and possessor

of the famous chateau whose beautiful ruins are still to be seen on the

hill above Heidelberg. You will remember my mention of that

extravagant ambition which brought her husband to grief and to an early

death. Well, she had many children; and among them one named Sophia,

who married, in 1658, Ernest Augustus, Duke of Brunswick

and--afterward--Elector of Hanover. She was a good woman, a fairly

pronounced Protestant--unlike some sisters she had; so that in casting

about for a Protestant successor to William III. and to Anne, the

orthodox wise ones of England fixed upon this Sophia, the

grand-daughter of old James I. She died, however, before Anne died and

in the same year; so that the succession fell to her son George Louis,

who became George I. of Great Britain.

{58}

He was well toward sixty when he came to England--did not care overmuch

to come; loved his ease; loved his indulgences, of which he had a good

many, and a good many bad ones; was a German all over; not speaking

English even, nor ever learning to speak it; had been a good soldier

and fought hard in his day, but did not care for more fighting, or

fatigue of any sort; had little culture, and minded the welcoming odes

which English poets sang to him less than he would mind the gurgling of

good "trink" from a beer-bottle. Yet withal, he was fairly

well-intentioned, not a meddler, never wantonly unjust, willing to do

kindnesses, if not fatiguing; a heavy, good-natured, heathenish,

sottish lout of a king.

Yet, as I have said,[5] Addison could not find words noble enough to

tell this man how Anne was dead and he was king; if Addison had made

his letter as noble as the drama of _Cato_, George I. would have yawned

and lighted his pipe with it.

This George I. had married in early life a beautiful cousin, and a rich

one, but without much {59} character; perhaps he treated her brutally

(it was certainly a Georgian fashion); and she, who was no saint, would

have run away from that Hanover home--had plotted it all, and the night

came, when suddenly her lover and the would-be attendant of her flight

was savagely slain; and she, separated from her two children and

speaking no word more to her grim husband, was consigned a prisoner to

a gloomy fortress in the Aller valley, where she dragged out an

embittered and disappointed life for thirty odd years; then, Death

opened the gates and set the poor soul free.

This was the wife of George I., and the mother of George II.; this

latter being over thirty at the time of his father's coming to England,

and not getting on over-well with the king--the son, perhaps, resenting

that confinement of his mother in the Ahlden fortress.

This Prince of Wales had no more love for letters than his father

George I.; would have liked a jolly German drinking song better than

anything Pope could do; was short, irascible, as good a fighter as the

father, swore easily and often; had a good, honest wife though, who

clung to him {60} through all his badnesses. He had a city home in

Leicester Square and a lodge in Richmond Park, whence he used to ride,

at a hard gait, with hunting parties (Pope speaks of meeting him with

such an one) and come home to long dinners and heavy ones.

It was at this lodge in Richmond Park (which is now less changed than

almost any park about London and so one of the best worth seeing) that

a messenger came galloping in jack-boots one evening, thirteen years

after George I. had come to the throne, to tell the Prince that old

George was dead (over in Osnaburg, where he had gone on a visit) and

that he, the Prince, was now King George II.[6]

{61}

"Dat is one big lie"--said the new and incredulous King with an oath.

But it was not a lie; the King was wrathy at being waked too early, and

wanted to swear at something or somebody. But having rubbed his eyes

and considered the matter, he began then and there those thirty-three

years of reign, which, without much credit to George II. personally,

were, as the careful Mr. Hallam says in his history, the most

prosperous years which England had ever known.

Remember please, then, that George I., who succeeded Anne, reigned some

thirteen years; and after him came this short, sharp-spoken George II.,

who reigned thirty-three years--thus bringing us down to 1760. I have

dwelt upon the personalities of these two monarchs, not because they

are worthy of special regard, but rather that they may serve more

effectively as finger-posts or clumsy mile-stones (with wigs upon

them)--to show us just how far we are moving along upon the big

high-road of English history.

{62}

_Samuel Richardson._

Quite early in that century into which these royal people found their

way, there lived over beyond Temple Bar, near to St. Bride's Church, in

the City of London, a mild-mannered, round-faced, prim little man who

was printer and bookseller--in both which callings he showed great

sagacity and prudence. He was moreover very companionable, especially

with bookish ladies, who often dropped in upon him--he loving to talk;

and to talk much about himself, and his doings, and the characters he

put in his books. For this was Samuel Richardson[7]--the very great

man as many people thought him--who had written _Pamela_, _Clarissa

Harlowe_, and _Sir Charles Grandison_. It is doubtful if he knew Pope

or Swift or Berkeley; he was never of the "Spectator set." Pope we

know read his {63} _Pamela_ and said there was as much good in it as in

twenty sermons: yet I do not think he meant to compliment it--or the

sermons. Neither did Bookseller Richardson know people in high

position, except Hon. Mr. Onslow the Speaker, who gave him some of the

public printing to do and put him in way of business by which he grew

rich for these times and had a fine large house out by Hammersmith,

where he kept a little court of his own in summer weather; the

courtiers being worthy women, to whom he would read his books, or

correspondence relating to them, by the hour. Possibly you have not

read his novels; but I am sure your grandmothers or great-grandmothers

have read some of them, and wept over them. He was not learned; was

the son of a country carpenter, and in his early days was known for an

easy letter-writing faculty he had; and he used to be set upon by

sighing maidens--who were suffering under a prevalent contagious

affection of young years--to write their love-letters for them; and so

at last, in busy London, when his head was streaked with gray, he began

to put together books of letters--written as if {64} some suffering or

wishful one had whispered them all in his ear. There was no machinery,

no plot, no classicism, no style--but sentiment in abundance and vast

prolixity, and ever-recurring villanies, and "pillows bedew'd with

tears." The particularity and fulness of his descriptions were

something wonderful; every button on a coat, every ring on the fingers,

every tint of a ribbon, every ruffle on a cap, every ruffle of emotion,

every dimple in a cheek is pictured, and then--the "pillows bedew'd

with tears."

There's a great budget of Richardson correspondence that shows us how

the leaven of such stories worked; letters from Miss Suffern and Miss

Westcomb, and Mr. Dunallan, and a dozen others, all interlaced with his

own; for it does not appear that the old gentleman ever refused the

challenge of a letter, or grew tired of defending and illustrating his

theories of literary art and of morals, which in his view were closely

joined. The stories were published by himself--volume by volume, so

that his correspondents had good chance to fire upon him--on the wing

as it were: "Poor Clarissa," they say; "my heart bleeds for her, and

what, {65} pray, is to become of her; and why don't you reform

Lovelace, and sha'n't he marry Clarissa? And I do not believe there

was ever such a man as Sir Charles in the world." The old gentleman

enjoys this and writes back by the ream; has his own little sentiment

of a sort too, even in the correspondence. Mme. Belfour wants to see

him--"the delightful man"--without herself being observed; so entreats

him to walk some day in the Park (St. James') at a given hour; and

Richardson complies, giving these data for his picture:--

"I go through the Park, once or twice a week to my little retirement;

but I will for a week together, be in it, every day three or four

hours, till you tell me you have seen a person who answers to this

description, namely, short--rather plump--fair wig, lightish cloth

coat, all black besides; one hand generally in his bosom, the other a

cane in it, which he leans upon under the skirts of his coat ...

looking directly fore-right as passers-by would imagine, but observing

all that stirs on either hand of him; hardly ever turning back, of a

light brown complexion, smoothish faced and ruddy cheeked--looking

about sixty-five, a regular even pace, a gray eye sometimes

lively--very lively if he have hope of seeing a lady whom he loves and

honors."

{66}

Then he writes to Miss Westbrook--an adopted daughter as he calls her:--

"You rally me on my fears for your safety, and yet I know you to be

near a forest where lies a great wild bear: I am accused for these

fears--I am accused for playing off a sheet-full of witticisms, which

you, poor girl, can't tell what to do with. Witticism! Miss W. Very

well, Miss W---- But I did not expect--but no matter;--what have I done

with my handkerchief--I--I--I did not really expect; but no matter,

Miss W----"

A man who can put tears so easily, and for so little cause, into a

letter, can put them by the barrelful in his books: and so he did, and

made Europe weep. Rousseau and Diderot from over in France,

philosophers as they professed to be, blubbered their admiring thanks

for _Clarissa Harlowe_.

I have spoken of him not because he is to be counted a great classic

(though Dr. Johnson affirmed it); not because I advise your wading

through six or seven volumes of the darling _Sir Charles Grandison_--as

some of our grandames did; but because he was, in a sense, the father

of the modern novel; coming before Fielding; in fact, spurring the

latter, by _Pamela_, to his great, {67} coarse, and more wonderful

accomplishment. And although what I have said of Richardson may give

the impression of something paltry in the man and in his works, yet he

was an honest gentleman, with good moral inclinations, great art in the

dissection of emotional natures, and did give a fingering to the

heart-strings which made them twang egregiously.

_Harry Fielding._

The British Guild of Critics is, I think, a little more disposed to

_admit_ Richardson's claims to distinction than to be proud of them: it

is not so, however, with Fielding;[8] if Richardson was "womanish,"

Fielding was masculine with a vengeance; gross, too, in a way, which

always will, and always should, keep his books outside the pale of

decent family reading. Filth is filth, and always deserves to be

scored by its name--whatever blazon of genius may compass it about. I

have no {68} argument here with the artists who, for art's sake, want

to strip away all the protective kirtles which the Greek Dianas wore:

but when it comes to the bare bestialities of such tavern-bagnios as

poor Fielding knew too well,[9] there seems room for reasonable

objection, and for a strewing of some of the fig-leaves of decency.

And yet this stalwart West-of-England man, "raised" in the fat meadows

of Somersetshire, and who had read _Pamela_ as a stepping-stone for his

first lift into the realms of romance, was a jovial, kind-hearted,

rollicking, dare-devil of a man, with no great guile in him, and no

hypocrisies and no snivelling laxities. He had a great lineage,

tracing back to that Landgrave of Alsace, from whom are descended the

kings and emperors of the House of Hapsburg: and what a warrant for

immortality does this novelist carry in those words of Gibbon!--

"The successors of Charles V. may disdain their [Somersetshire]

brethren of England; but the romance of _Tom {69} Jones_--that

exquisite picture of humor and manners--will outlive the Palace of the

Escurial and the imperial eagle of Austria."

It was at home or near by that Henry Fielding found his first

schooling; at the hand--a tradition runs--of that master who served as

the original for his picture of Parson Trulliber: if this indeed be so,

never were school-master severities so permanently punished. After

this came Eton, where he was fellow of Lord Lyttleton, who befriended

him later, and of William Pitt (the elder), and of Fox--the

rattle-brain father of Charles James. Then came two or more years of

stay at the University of Leyden, from which he laid his course

straight for the dramatic world of London; for his father, General

Fielding, had a good many spendthrift habits, with which he had

inoculated the son. There was need for that son to work his own way;

and the way he favored was by the green-room, where the sparkle of such

lively elderly ladies as Mrs. Oldcastle and Mrs. Bracegirdle had not

yet wholly gone out.

He wrote play upon play with nervous English, and pretty surprises in

them; but not notable for {70} any results, whether of money-making or

of moral-mending. He also had his experiences as stage manager; and

between two of his plays (1735 or thereabout) married a pretty girl

down in Salisbury; and with her dot, and a small country place

inherited from his mother, set up as country gentleman, on the north

border of Dorsetshire, determined to cut a new and larger figure in

life--free from the mephitic airs of Drury Lane. There were

stories--very likely apocryphal--that he ordered extravagant liveries;

it is more certain that he gave himself freely, for a time, to hounds,

horses, and friends. Of course such a country symposium devoured both

his own and his wife's capital; and we find him very shortly back in

London, buckling down to law study; very probably showing there or

thereabout the "inked ruffles and the wet towel round his head," which

appear in the charming retrospective glasses of Thackeray.[10]

But times are hard with him; those fast years of green-room life have

told upon him; the "wet {71} towels" round the head are in demand; some

of his later plays are condemned by the Lord Chancellor;[11] in 1742,

however, he makes that lunge at the sentimentalism of Richardson which,

in the shape of _Joseph Andrews_, gives him a trumpeting success. It

encourages him to print two or three volumes of miscellanies. But

shadows follow him; a year later, his wife dies in his arms; Lady

Wortley Montagu (who was a cousin) tells us this; and tells us how

other cousins were scandalized because, a few years afterward, the

novelist, with an effusive generosity that was characteristic of him,

married his maid, who had lamented her mistress so sincerely, and was

tenderly attached to his children. At about the same period he

accepted office as Justice of the Peace--thereby still further

disgruntling his aristocratic Denbigh cousins. But the quick-coming

volumes of _Tom Jones_ and their wonderful acclaim cleared the space

around him; he had room to breathe and {72} to play the magistrate; it

is Henry Fielding, Esq., now,--of Bow Street, Covent Garden. _Amelia_

followed, for which he received L1,000; and we hear of a new home out

in the pleasant country, by Baling, north of Brentford, and the Kew

Gardens.

Finally on a June day of 1754 we see him leaving this home; "at twelve

precisely," he says in his last Journal, "my coach was at the door,

which I was no sooner told than I kissed my children all around, and

went into it with some little resolution." There needed resolution;

for he was an utterly broken-down man, the pace of his wild, young days

telling now fearfully, and he bound away for a voyage to the sunny

climate of Portugal--to try if this would stay the end.

But it does not; in October of the same year he died in Lisbon; and

there his body rests in the pretty Cemetery of the Cypresses, where all

visitors who love the triumphs of English letters go to see his tomb,

among the myrtles and the geraniums. If he had only lived to pluck

away some of those grosser stains which defile the pages where the

characters of an Allworthy and of a Parson Adams will shine forever!

{73}

_Poet of the Seasons._

It was just about the opening of the second quarter of the eighteenth

century--when Fielding was fresh from Eton, fifteen years before

_Pamela_ had appeared and while George II. was in waiting for the

slipping off of Father George at Osnaburg--that a stout Scotch poet

found his way to London to try a new style of verses with the public

which was still worshipping at the shrine of Mr. Pope. This was the

poet of _The Seasons_,[12] whose boyhood had been passed and enriched

in that bight of the beautiful Tweed valley which lies between

Coldstream and the tall mass of Kelso's ruin,--with Melrose and

Smailhome Tower and Ettrickdale not far away, and the Lammermuir hills

glowering in the north. He had studied theology in Edinboro', till

some iris-hued version of a psalm (which he had wrought) brought the

warning from some grim orthodox friend--that {74} a good Dominie should

rein up his imagination. So he set his face southward, with the

crystal scenery of a winter on Tweed-side sparkling in his thought. He

lived humbly in London, for best of reasons, near to Charing Cross; but

by the aid of Northern friends, brought his _Winter_ to book, in the

spring of 1726.

It delighted everybody; the tric-trac of Pope was lacking, and so was

the master's arrant polish; but the change brought its own blithe

welcome.

We will try a little touch from this first poem of his which he brought

in his satchel, on the boy journey to London:--

"Thro' the hushed air the whitening shower descends,

At first, thin, wavering, till at last the flakes

Fall broad and wide and fast, dimming the day

With a continual flow....

Low, the woods

Bow their hoar heads; and ere the languid sun

Faint from the west emits his evening ray,

Earth's universal face, deep hid and chill,

Is one wide dazzling waste.

The fowls of heaven,

Tamed by the cruel season, crowd around

The winnowing stone....

{75}

One alone,

The red-breast, sacred to the household gods,

Wisely regardful of the embroiling sky

In joyless fields and thorny thickets, leaves

His shivering mates.

Half afraid, he first

Against the window beats; then, brisk, alights

On the warm hearth; then hopping o'er the floor

Eyes all the smiling family askance

And pecks, and starts, and wonders where he is."

That robin red-breast has hopped over a great many floors in his time;

and now after a hundred and sixty years he comes brisk as ever out of

that Winter poem of Thomson's. This Scotch poet is wordy; he draws

long breaths; he is sometimes tiresome; but you will catch good honest

glimpses of the country in his verse without going there--not true to

our American seasons in detail, but always true to Nature. The sun

never rises in the west in his poems; the jonquils and the daisies are

not confounded; the roses never forget to blush as roses should; the

oaks are sturdy; the hazels are lithe; the brooks murmur; the torrents

roar a song; the winds carry waves across the grain-fields; the clouds

plant shadows on the mountains.

{76}

Thomson was befriended by Pope, who kindly made corrections in the

first draught of some of his poems; and that you may see together the

wordy ways of these two poets I give a sample of Pope's mending.

Thomson wrote--speaking of a gleaning girl:--

"Thoughtless of Beauty, she was beauty's self

Recluse among the woods; if city dames

Will deign their faith; and thus she went, compelled

By strong necessity, with as serene

And pleased a look as Patience ere put on,

To glean Palemon's fields."

And this is the way in which Pope does the mending:--

"Thoughtless of Beauty, she was beauty's self

Recluse among the close embowering woods.

As in the hollow breast of Apennine,

Beneath the shelter of encircling hills,

A myrtle rises far from human eyes,

And breathes its balmy fragrance o'er the wild;

So flourished, blooming, and unseen by all,

The sweet Lavinia; till at length compelled

By strong necessity's supreme command,

With smiling patience in her looks, she went

To glean Palemon's fields."

{77}

There are more words, but the words gleam! Pope is the master, yet

mastered by rules; Thomson less a master, but free from bonds.

He tried play-writing, in those days when Fielding was just beginning

in the same line, but it was not a success. After a year or two of

travel upon the Continent, on some tutoring business, he published an

ambitious poem (1734-1736) entitled _Liberty_--never a favorite. He

had made friends, however, about the Court; and he pleasantly contrived

to possess himself of some of those pensioned places, which fed unduly

his natural indolence. But all will forgive him this vice, who have

read his fine poem of the _Castle of Indolence_ in Spenserian verse.

It was his last work--perhaps his best, and first published in 1748,

the year of his death.

One stanza from it I must quote; and shall never forget my first

hearing of it, in tremulous utterance, from the lips of the venerable

John Quincy Adams, after he had bid adieu (as he thought) to public

life and was addressing[13] a {78} large assemblage in the university

town of New Haven:

"I care not, Fortune, what you me deny!

You cannot rob me of free Nature's grace,

You cannot shut the windows of the sky

Through which Aurora shows her brightening face;

You cannot bar my constant feet to trace

The woods and lawns by living streams at eve;

Let health my nerves and finer fibres brace

And I their toys to the great children leave,

Of fancy, reason, virtue, nought can me bereave."

Most readers will think kindly and well of this poet; and if you love

the country, you will think yet more kindly of him; and on summer

afternoons, when cool breezes blow in at your windows and set all the

leaves astir over your head, his muse--if you have made her

acquaintance--will coo to you from among the branches: but you will

never and nowhere find in him the precision, the vigor, the point, the

polish, we found in Pope; and which you may find, too, in the fine

parcel-work {79} done by Thomas Gray, who was a contemporary of

Thomson's, but younger by some fifteen years.

_Thomas Gray._

You will know of that first poem of his--_Ode to Eton College_; at

least you know its terminal lines, which are cited on all the

high-roads:--

"Where ignorance is bliss

'Tis folly to be wise!"

All the world knows, too, his _Elegy_, on which his fame principally

rests. Its melancholy music gets somehow stamped on the brain of

nearly all of us, and lends a poetic halo to every old graveyard that

has the shadow of a church tower slanted over it.

Gray[14] was, like Milton, a London boy--born on Cornhill under the

shadow almost of St. Paul's. The father was a cross-grained man,

living apart from Mrs. Gray, who, it is said, by the gains of some

haberdashery traffic which she set up in {80} Cornhill, sent her boy to

Eton and to Cambridge. At Eton he came to know Horace Walpole,

travelled with him over Europe, after leaving Cambridge, until they

quarrelled and each took his own path. That quarrel, however, was

mended somewhat later and Walpole became as good a friend to Gray as he

could be to anybody--except Mr. Walpole.

The poet, after his father's death, undertook, in a languid way, the

study of law; but finally landed again in Cambridge, and was a

dilettanteish student there nearly all his days, being made a Professor

of History at last; but not getting fairly into harness before the gout

laid hold of him and killed him. Probably no man in English literature

has so large a reputation for so little work. Gibbon regretted that he

should not have completed his philosophic poem on education and

government; Dr. Johnson, who spoke halting praise of his poems, thought

he would have made admirable books of travel; Cowper says, "I once

thought Swift's letters the best that could be written, but I like

Gray's better."

The truth is, he was a fastidious, scholarly man, whose over-nicety of

taste was always in {81} the way of large accomplishment. He was

content to do nothing, except he did something in the best possible

way. He so cherished refinements that refinements choked his impulses.

A great stickler he was, too, for social refinements--distinctions,

preferments, and clap-trap--wanting his courtesies, of which he was as

chary as of his poems, to have the last stamp of gentility; thus

running into affectations of decorum, which, one time, made him the

butt of practical jokers at his college. Some lovers of fun there

sounded an alarm of fire for the sake of seeing the elegant Mr. Gray

(not then grown famous, to be sure) slipping down a rope-ladder in

undress, out of his window; which he did do, but presently changed his

college in dudgeon. He had, moreover, a great deal of Walpole's

affected contempt for authorship--wanted rather to be counted an

elegant gentleman who only played with letters. He writes to his

friend that the proprietors of a magazine were about to print his

Elegy, and says:--

"I have but one bad way to escape the honor they would inflict upon me,

and therefore desire you would make {82} Dodsley print it immediately,

without my name, but on his best paper and type. _If he would add a

line to say it came into his hands by accident, I should like it

better_."

I think he caught this starched folly (if it were folly) from Walpole.

I have heard of over-elegant people in our day with the same

affectation; but, as a rule, they do not write poems so good as the

_Elegy_.

Gray died, after that quiet life of his, far down in the days of George

III., 1771, leaving little work done, but a very great name. He was

buried, as was fitting, beside his mother, in that churchyard at Stoke,

out of which the Elegy grew. And if you ever have a half day to spare

in London, it is worth your while to go out to Slough (twenty miles by

the Great Western road), and thence, two miles of delicious walk among

shady lanes and wanton hedges, to where Stoke-Pogis Church, curiously

hung over with ivy, rises amongst the graves; and if sentimentally

disposed, you may linger there, till the evening shadows fall, and

repeat to yourself (or anybody you like)--

"The curfew tolls the knell of parting day,

The lowing herd winds slowly o'er the lea.

The ploughman homeward plods his weary way

And leaves the world to darkness and to me."

{83}

_A Courtier._

I have spoken of the association of Walpole with Gray; it was not an

intimate one after the two had outgrown their youth-age; indeed

Walpole's association with nobody was intimate; nor was he a man whose

literary reputation ever was, or ever can be great. He was son[15] of

that famous British Minister of State, Sir Robert Walpole, who for many

long years held the fate of England in his hand. But his son Horace

cared little for politics. He was unmarried, and kept so always; had

money in plenty (coming largely from Government sinecures) and a fat

place at Twickenham--called Strawberry Hill; which by his vagaries in

architecture and his enormous collection of bric-a-brac, he made the

show place of all that region. He established a private press at this

country home, and printed, among a {84} multitude of other books, a

catalogue of royal and noble authors--not reckoning others so worthy of

his regard; indeed, he had a well-bred contempt for ordinary literary

avocations; but he wrote and published (privately at first) a romance

called _The Castle of Otranto_.[16] It was "a slight thing," he told

his friends, which he had dashed off in an idle hour, and which he "had

not put his name to; but which succeeded so well that he did not any

longer entirely keep the secret." It is a tale, quite ingenious, of

mingled mystery and chivalry; there are castles in it, and huge

helmets, that only giants could wear; and there are dungeons, and

forlorn maidens; ghosts, and sighing lovers; mysterious sounds, and

pictures that come out of their frames and walk about in the

moonlight--it is a pattern book to read at night in an old country

house which has long corridors and deserted rooms, where the bats fly

in and out, and the doors clang and clash.

But this strange creature, Horace Walpole, is {85} known best of all by

his letters[17]--nine solid volumes of them, big octavo--covering

nearly the whole of his life and addressed to a half score or so of men

and women on all possible topics except any serious one; and all made

ready, with curious care, for publication when his death should come.

On that one point he did have serious belief--he believed he should

die. This great budget of his letters is one of the most extraordinary

products--if we may call it so--of literature. It is hard to say what

is not touched upon in them; if he is robbed, you hear how a voice out

of the night said "stop"--how he slipped his watch under his

waistband--how he gave up his purse with nine guineas in it--how Lady

Browne was frightened and gave up _her_ watch; if the king has gout in

his toe you hear of that; if he goes to the palace he tells you who was

in the ante-room and how two fellows were sweeping the floor, dancing

about in sabots; how the Duc of Richelieu was pale except his nose,

"which is red and wrinkled." Great hoops with brocade dresses come

sailing into {86} his letters; so do all the scandals about my lady

_this_, or the duchess _that_; so do the votes in Parliament and

reports about the last battle, if a war is in progress; and the French

news, and new things at Strawberry Hill--over and over. And he does

not think much of Gibbon, and does not think much of Dr. Johnson--who

"has no judgment and no taste;" and why doesn't his friend Mason[18] (a

third-rate poet) "show up the doctor and make an end of him?"--which is

much like saying that Mr. Wardle's fat boy should make an end of Mr.

Pickwick.

Yet do not think there is no art in all this, and that you would not

like them: there is art of the highest gossipy kind; and I can readily

understand how his correspondents all relished immensely his letters

whenever they came. There is humor and sparkle, and there are delicate

touches; he approaches his lighter topics as a humming-bird approaches

flowers--a swift dart {87} at them--a sniff, a whirl of wings, and away

again.

Then he has that rare literary instinct of knowing just what each

correspondent would like best to hear of--that's the secret of writing

letters that will be welcome. You cannot interchange his letters. He

tickles Lady Ossory's ear with sheerest gossip, and Lady Suffolk with

talk of dress and of the last great Paris ball, and the poet Mason with

bookish platitudes, and Conway with the leakings of political talk, and

Cole with twaddle on art or science. You want to turn your back on him

again and again for his arrant snobbish pretensions or some weak and

violent prejudice; yet you want to listen again and again. It is such

a pretty, lively, brisk, frolicsome, _petillant_ small-beerish talk,

that engages and does not fatigue, and piques appetite yet feeds you

with nothings.

He grew old there in his _gim-crack_ of a palace, cultivating his

flowers and his complexion; tiptoeing while he could over his waxed

floors in lavender suit, with embroidered waistcoat and "partridge silk

stockings," with _chapeau bas_ held before him--very reverent to any

visitor of {88} distinction--and afterward (he lived almost into this

century), when gout seizes him, I seem to see still--as once

before[19]--the fastidious old man shuffling up and down from

drawing-room to library--stopping here and there to admire some newly

arrived bit of pottery--pulling out his golden snuff-box and whisking a

delicate pinch into his old nostrils--then dusting his affluent

shirt-frills with the tips of his dainty fingers, with an air of

gratitude to Providence for having created so fine a gentleman as

Horace Walpole, and of gratitude to Horace Walpole for having created

so fine a place as Strawberry Hill.

_Young Mr. Johnson._

And now what a different man we come upon, living just abreast of him

in that rich English century and that beautiful English country! We go

into Staffordshire and to the old town of Lichfield, to find the boy

who afterward became the great lexicographer[20] and the great talker.

The {89} house in which he was born is there upon a corner of the great

broadened street, opposite St. Mary's Church. We get a pleasant

glimpse of the house on a page of _Our Old Home_, by Hawthorne; and

another glimpse of the colossal figure of Dr. Johnson, seated in his

marble chair, upon that Lichfield market-place.

His father was a bookseller; held, too, some small magistracy; was

eminently respectable; loved books as well as sold them, and had a

corresponding inaptitude for business. The son added to indifferent

schooling, here and there, a habit of large browsing along his father's

shelves; was a great, ungainly lout of a boy, but marvellously

quick-witted. With some help from his father, and some from friends,

and with a reputation for making verses, and tastes ranging above

bookstalls, he entered at Oxford when nineteen; but {90} the stings of

poverty smote him there early; and after three years of irregular

attendance, he left--only to find his father lapsing into bankruptcy

and a fatal illness. On the settlement of the old bookseller's estate,

L20 only was the portion of the son. Then follow some dreary years; he

is hypochondriac and fears madness; he is under-teacher in a school; he

offers to do job-work for the book-makers; he translates the narrative

of a Portuguese missionary about Abyssinia; he ponders over a tragedy

of _Irene_. Not much good comes of all this, when--on a sudden, our

hero, who is now twenty-six, marries a widow--who admired his

talents--who is twenty years his senior and has L800. Johnson was not

a person to regard closely such little discrepancies as that difference

in age--nor she, I suppose.

The bride is represented as not over-comely, and as one--of good

judgment in most matters--who resorted to some vulgar appliances for

making the most of her "good looks." Lord Macaulay[21] uses a very

rampant rhetoric in his encyclopaedic {91} mention of the paint she put

upon her cheeks. With the aid of her L800, Johnson determined to set

up a boarding-school for young gentlemen; a gaunt country-house three

miles out of Lichfield was rented and equipped and advertised; but the

young gentlemen did not come.

How could they be won that way? The mistress frowsy, simpering,

ancient, painted, and becurled; and Mr. Johnson, gaunt, clumsy,

squinting--one side of his face badly scarred with some early surgical

cut; one eye involved and drooping, and a twitchy St. Vitus's dance

making all uglier. What boy would not dread a possible whipping from

such a master, and what mamma would not tremble for her boy? Yet I do

not believe he ever whipped hard, when he had occasion; he was

kind-hearted; but his scolds at a false syntax must have been terrific

and have made the floors shiver.

Among the boys who did venture to that Edial school was one David

Garrick, whose father had been a friend of the elder Johnson; and when

the school broke up--as it did presently--Johnson and David Garrick set

out together for London, to {92} seek their fortune--carrying letters

to some booksellers there; and Johnson carrying that half-written

tragedy of _Irene_ in his pocket. Garrick's rise began early, and was

brilliant, but of this we cannot speak now. Johnson knocked about

those London streets--translating a little, jobbing at books a little,

starving and scrimping a great deal. He fell in early with a certain

Richard Savage,[22] a wild, clever, disorderly poet, as hard pinched as

Johnson. According to his story, he was the son of the Countess

Macclesfield, but disowned by her--he only coming to knowledge of his

parentage through accident, when he was grown to manhood. Johnson

tells the pathetic tale of how Savage paced up and down, at night, in

sight of his mother's palatial windows, gazing grief-smitten at them,

and yearning for the maternal recognition, which the heartless,

dishonored woman refused. So, this castaway runs to drink and all

deviltries; Johnson staying him much as {93} he can--walking with him

up and down through London streets till midnight--talking poetry,

philosophy, religion; hungry both of them, and many a time with only

ten pence between them.

Well, at last, Savage kills his man in a tavern broil; would have been

hung--the mother countess (as the story runs) hoping it would be so;

but he escapes, largely through the influence of that Queen Caroline,

to whom Jeanie Deans makes her eloquent plea in Scott's ever-famous

novel of _The Heart of Mid-Lothian_. Savage escapes, but 'tis only to

go to other bad ways, and at last he died in a Bristol jail.

All this offered material for a pathetic story, and Johnson made the

most of it in his _Life of Savage_--afterward incorporated in his

_Lives of the Poets_, but first published in 1744, about seven years

after his coming to London. The book appeared anonymously; but its

qualities gave it great vogue; and its essential averments formed the

basis of all biographic and encyclopaedic[23] notices for nearly a

century thereafter.

{94}

But was the story true? There were those who doubted at the time, and

had an unpleasant sense that Johnson had been wheedled by an

adventurer; but demonstration of the imposture of Savage did not come

till the middle of the present century. The investigations of Moy

Thomas[24] would go to show that the Savage friend of Johnson's early

days in London was the most arrant of impostors; and that of all the

shame that rests upon him, he can only justly be relieved of that which

counts him a child of such a woman as the Countess of Macclesfield. I

have dwelt upon the Savage episode, not alone because it provoked one

of Johnson's best pieces of prose work, but because it shows how open

were his sympathies to such tales of distress, and how quick he was to

lift the rod of chastisement upon wrong-doers of whatever degree.

In _London_, too, that imitative classic poem, there shone in a glitter

of couplets (which provoked Pope's praises) the same righteous

indignation, and the stings--pricking through all his big {95}

Staffordshire bulk--of supperless-days and of shortened means:--

"By numbers here from shame or censure free

All crimes are safe, but hated Poverty;

This, only this, the rigid Law pursues,

This, only this, provokes the snarling muse.

"The sober trader at a tattered cloak

Wakes from his dream, and labors for a joke;

With brisker air the silken courtiers gaze

And turn the varied taunt a thousand ways."

Better than this was that poem (_Vanity of Human Wishes_) in which,

even now, some of us--admiringly--

"In full flown dignity see Wolsey stand,

Law in his voice, and fortune in his hand."

And the couplet leads on through Wolsey's story to the poet's coupleted

sermon, with its savors of a church-bell--

"Still raise for good the supplicating voice,

But leave to Heaven the measure and the choice.

Safe in his power whose eye discerns afar

The secret ambush of a specious prayer;

Implore his aid, in his decisions rest,

Secure whate'er he gives, he gives the best.

* * * * *

{96}

Pour forth thy fervors for a healthful mind,

Obedient passions, and a will resigned;

* * * * *

For faith, that, panting for a happier seat,

Counts death kind nature's signal of retreat."

We must note also that famous Prologue, spoken at Drury Lane in 1747,

when the theatre came first under control of his old friend, Garrick.

Never had the stage, before nor since, a nobler summons in worthier

verse: it closes--

"Then prompt no more the follies you decry,

As Tyrants doom their tools of guilt to die:

'Tis yours, this night, to bid the reign commence

Of rescued Nature and reviving Sense:

To chase the charms of Sound, the pomp of Show,

For useful Mirth and salutary Woe:

Bid scenic Virtue form the rising age

And Truth diffuse her radiance from the Stage."

Garrick must have been proud to act under such banner of song as that.

The tragedy of _Irene_ came to its first representation a short time

afterward; and surely it would have been worth one's while to see the

stout, awkward gerund-grinder of forty, slipping into a side-box, or

even behind {97} the scenes "in a scarlet waistcoat, with rich gold

lace and a gold-laced hat!" The play, however, did not prove a great

success either then or thereafter. The Dictionary, for which proposals

had already been issued, promised better things. That Dictionary did

ultimately give him a great lift--as it has to a good many, since. The

ponderous volume furnished very many New England households seventy

years ago; and I can remember sitting upon it, in my child-days, to

bring my head properly above the level of the table. An immense and

long-continued toil went to the Dictionary. Lord Chesterfield,[25] the

finished orator and the elegant man--not unwilling to have so great a

work bear his name--called attention to the book and the author, when

nearly ready; but Johnson was too sore with hope deferred to catch {98}

that bait; he writes an indignant letter (not published until 1790) to

the elegant Chesterfield:--

"Seven years have now passed, my Lord, since I waited in your

outward-rooms, or was repulsed from your door--during which time I have

been pushing on my work, thro' difficulties of which it is useless to

complain, and have brought it at last to the verge of publication

without one act of assistance, one word of encouragement, or one smile

of favor.... The notice which you have been pleased to take of my

labors--had it been early--had been kind; but it has been delayed till

I am indifferent and cannot enjoy it; till I am solitary [his wife dead

now] and cannot impart it, till I am known and do not want it."

This does not show the stuff which went to the making of such a man as

Walpole!

The _Rambler_, too, it must be remembered, is making its periodic

visits in those early days of the Dictionary toil. Heavy it is, like

the master; and his prejudices as arrant Churchman and sturdy Tory do

indeed break through its piled-up pages; but never insidiously: he

sounds a trumpet before he strikes. Perhaps a little over-fond of

trumpeting; loving so much his long sonorous roll of Ciceronian

vocables.

But I have not the same dislike of long {99} Johnsonian periods that a

good many people have--provided always there is a Johnson to utter

them. They belong to _him_; they match with their wordy convolutions

his great billowy make of mind; and short, sharp sentences would be as

incongruous as a little spurting _jet d'eau_ where great waves come

rocking on the beach.

In fact, I have a large unbelief in much of current pedagogic talk

about style, and "getting a good style," and "reforming style," and

"Saxon style," and so on. To be thoroughly possessed of one's own

thought, and then to tell it, in the clearest possible way, is the best

law I know for a good style; and a proper following of it will give to

every mind that has any color of its own a style of its own. To putter

about the rhetorics in search of fine phrases to wrap your thoughts in,

is like going in masquerade; furbish it as you will, people will see

the smear of old wear in the tinsel trappings, and smell it too.

If short, homely Saxon will serve one's purpose best in giving sharp,

shrewd expression to thought, as most times it will, use Saxon; but if

a Latin derivation will hit the very shade of your thinking {100} more

aptly, do not affect to scorn the Latin. Even if a French

word--provided always it be at once and easily comprehensible by all

whom you address--shall touch the very eye of your purpose better than

another, do not scruple to use it.

But we must ask pardon for this intrusion of small school-mastery talk,

while the great master of the Dictionary and of the _Rambler_ waits.

As yet we have followed him through only half of his career; a stalwart

man, still in the full prime of his years; and I see grouping about him

at the Turk's Head many another whom we wish to follow; a Boswell and a

Burke; Reynolds and Beauclerk and Goldsmith--these all are in waiting.

But for a fuller and nearer view of these old club-men of more than a

century ago, we open upon another chapter of these _Lands and Letters_.

[1] Whoso would take measure, of his scholarly thoroughness, his reach,

his pertinacity, and his capacity for striking sharp blows, should

struggle through his _Dissertation on Phalaris_.

[2] Swift, Addison, Steele, Gay, _et al._, in preceding volume of

_Lands, Letters, and Kings_ ("Elizabeth to Anne")

[3] He lived for many years in the _Palazzo Muti_ near to the church of

the _SS. Apostoli_, in Rome; his disorderly life there made it a _Regio

Palazzo_!

[4] _Lands and Letters_: "From Elizabeth to Anne," p. 100.

[5] _Lands and Letters_: "Elizabeth to Anne."

[6] This is one contemporary account of it--adopted by Thackeray; but

Wraxall (1st vol., pp. 384-385 American reprint, Lea & Blanchard) says

that the Duke of Dorset was commissioned to carry the news; but some

little time being required to make himself ready, the Duchess was sent

in advance. She arrived at Kew (where the Prince was staying) just as

that Prince had gone to bed, as was his wont, after dinner. The

Princess undertook the announcement--though demurring at the duty, and

anticipating a brutal reception for one who should disturb his

after-dinner nap; he was in a huff and _did_ make the comment, noted in

the text; but it was not (says Wraxall) to a messenger in jack-boots,

but to the Princess of Wales herself.

[7] Richardson: b. 1689; d. 1761. Various editions of his works.

Known quite generally to buyers of cheap books in our day by an

abbreviated issue of _Clarissa Harlowe_ (Routledge & Sons).

[8] Henry Fielding: b. 1707; d. 1754. Editions of his works have been

edited by Arthur Murphy, William Roscoe, and Leslie Stephen; (10 vols.,

1882-1883.) Life by Sir Walter Scott in Ballantyne Library; more

trustworthy one is that by Austin Dobson.

[9] It is perhaps to be doubted if the bare-faced coarsenesses of

Fielding (much as they are to be condemned) would provoke pruriency so

much as the sentimental and sensuous languors of Richardson.

[10] _History of Pendennis_, Household Ed., Boston: Chap. xxix.

[11] It was in virtue of some altercations growing out of Fielding's

plays that British censorship was established in 1737, and (perhaps)

Fielding thereby diverted to the study of Law.

[12] James Thomson, b. 1700; d. 1748. Various editions of his poems; a

very elegant one, illustrated by the Etching Club, published 1842-62.

[13] _The Jubilee of the Constitution_, a discourse delivered by

request of the New York Historical Society, April 30, 1839, and

repeated shortly after in the old "Ludlow" Church, (now "Dime

Theatre"), in Church Street, New Haven.

[14] Thomas Gray, b. 1716; d. 1771. See Gosse's recent biography for

critical as well as sympathetic account of his life and writings. See

also Mitford's edition of his works, with life, London, 1836.

[15] Horace Walpole, b. 1717; d. 1785. The enumeration of his books,

pamphlets, and of titles relating thereto fill a dozen columns of

_Lowndes_. His letters give best measurement of the man.

[16] It purported to be a translation from the Italian of Onuphrio

Muralto.

[17] Peter Cunningham Edition. London, 1857-1859. See also _Horace

Walpole and His World_, by L. B. Seeley. 1884.

[18] Rev. William Mason, b. 1725; d. 1797; author of _The English

Garden_, published at intervals (its successive books) between 1772 and

1782. It has little merit--Walpole to the contrary.

[19] _Wet Days at Edgewood_, p. 239.

[20] Samuel Johnson, b. 1709; d. 1784. Boswell's the standard life of

him, and Birkbeck Hill's the best edition of that life. We miss in it,

indeed, some of the "Croker" notes, which made such inviting quarry for

the sharp huntsmanship of Macaulay. But the editing is done with a

love and a tirelessness which are as winning as they are rare. See,

also, Leslie Stephen's sketch--which is the best short life.

[21] _Ency. Britannica_; Art. Johnson.

[22] B. 1698; d. 1743. Poet and dramatist. Collected edit. of his

writings published in 1775. His largest claim to distinction is due to

the _Life of Richard Savage_, by Samuel Johnson; first published 1744.

[23] _Vide_ old edition of _Ency. Britannica_, also Strahan's

_Biographical Dictionary_ of 1784; _Biographie Universelle, et al._

[24] See _Notes and Queries_, November and December, 1858.

[25] Philip Dormer Stanhope (Earl of Chesterfield), b. 1694; d. 1773,

best known by his _Letters to His Son_, first published in 1774.

Johnson said they taught "the morals of a courtesan, and the manners of

a dancing-master." This was perhaps over-severe. People who do not

love to disport in fashionable waters are apt to be severe upon those

who spend their faculties upon the coquetries of bathing costume.

{101}

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