THE MINORS OF 1830
There is always a risk (as any one who remembers a somewhat ludicrous
outburst of indignation, twenty or thirty years ago, among certain
English versemen will acknowledge) in using the term "minor." But it is
too useful to be given up; and in this particular case, if the very
greatest novelists are not of the company, there are those whose
greatness in other ways, and whose more than mediocrity in this, should
appease the admirers of their companions. We shall deal here with the
novel work of Sainte-Beuve, the greatest critic of France; of Eugène
Sue, whose mere popularity exceeded that of any other writer discussed
in this half of the volume except Dumas; of men like Sandeau, Charles de
Bernard, and Murger, whose actual work in prose fiction is not much less
than consummate in its own particular key and subdivisions; of one of
the best political satirists in French fiction, Louis Reybaud; and of
others still, like Soulié, Méry, Achard, Féval, Ourliac, Roger de
Beauvoir, Alphonse Karr, Émile Souvestre, who, to no small extent
individually and to a very great extent when taken in battalion, helped
to conquer that supreme reputation for amusingness, for pastime, which
the French novel has so long enjoyed throughout Europe. And these will
supply not a little material for the survey of the general
accomplishment of that novel in the first half of the century, which
will form the subject of a "halt" or Interchapter, when Dumas
himself--the one "major" left, and left purposely--has been discussed.
[Sidenote: Sainte-Beuve.--_Volupté._]
When Sainte-Beuve, thirty years after the book first appeared, subjoined
a most curious Appendix to his only novel, _Volupté_, he included a
letter of his own, in which he confesses that it is "not in the precise
sense a novel at all." It is certainly in some respects an outlier, even
of the outlying group to which it belongs--the group of _René_ and
_Adolphe_ and their followers.
[Sidenote: Its "puff-book."]
I do not remember anything, even in a wide sense, quite like this
Appendix--at least in the work of an author _majorum gentium_. It
consists of a series of extracts, connected by remarks of Sainte-Beuve's
own, from the "puff"-letters which distinguished people had sent him, in
recompense for the copies of the book which he had sent _them_. Most
people who write have had such letters, and "every fellow likes a hand."
The persons who enjoy being biographied expect them, I suppose, to be
published after their deaths; and I have known, I think, some writers of
"Reminiscences" who did it themselves in their lifetimes. But it
certainly is funny to find the acknowledged "first critic" in the Europe
or the world of his day paralleling from private sources the collections
which are (quite excusably) added as advertisements from published
criticisms to later editions of a book. Intrinsically the things, no
doubt, have interest. Chateaubriand, whose _René_ is effusively praised
in the novel, opens with an equally effusive but rather brief letter of
thanks, not destitute of the apparent artificiality which, for all his
genius, distinguished that "noble _Why_count," and perhaps, for all its
"butter," partly responsible for the _aigre-doux_ fashion in which the
prais_ee_ subsequently treated the prais_er_. Michelet, Villemain, and
Nisard are equally favourable, and perhaps a little more sincere, though
Nisard (of course) is in trouble about Sainte-Beuve's divagations from
the style of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Brizeux applauds
in prose _and_ verse. Madame de Castries (Balzac's "Duchesse de
Langeais"), afterwards an intimate personal friend of the critic's,
acknowledges, in an anonymous letter, her "profound emotion." Lesser,
but not least, people like Magnin join. Eugénie de Guérin bribes her
future eulogist. Madame Desbordes-Valmore, _the_ French poetess of the
day, is enthusiastic as to the book: and George Sand herself writes a
good half-dozen small-printed and exuberant pages, in which the only
(but repeated) complaint is that Sainte-Beuve actually makes his hero
find comfort in Christianity. Neither Lamartine (as we might have
expected) nor Lamennais (whose disciple Sainte-Beuve had tried to be)
liked it; but Lacordaire did not disapprove.
[Sidenote: Itself.]
Before saying anything more about it, let us give a brief argument of
it--a thing which it requires more (for reasons to be given later) than
most books, whether "precisely" novels or not. It is the autobiographic
history of a certain "Amaury" (whose surname, I think, we never hear),
addressed as a caution to a younger friend, no name of whom we ever hear
at all. The friend is too much addicted to the pleasures of sense, and
Amaury gives him his own experience of a similar tendency. Despite the
subject and the title, there is nothing in the least "scabrous" in it.
Lacordaire himself, it seems, gave it a "vu et approuvé" as being
something that a seminarist or even a priest (which Amaury finishes, to
the great annoyance of George Sand, as being) might have composed for
edifying purposes. But the whole is written to show the truth of a
quatrain of the Judicious Poet:
The wise have held that joys of sense,
The more their pleasure is intense,
More certainly demand again
Usurious interest of pain;
though the moral is enforced in rather a curious manner. Amaury is the
only, and orphan, representative of a good Norman or Breton family, who
has been brought up by an uncle, and arrives at adolescence just at the
time of the Peace of Amiens or thereabouts. He has escaped the
heathendom which reigned over France a decade previously, and is also a
good Royalist, but very much "left to himself" in other ways.
Inevitably, he falls in love, though at first half-ignorant of what he
is doing or what is being done to him. The first object is a girl,
Amélie de Liniers, in every way desirable in herself, but unluckily not
enough desired by him. He is insensibly divided from her by acquaintance
with the chief royalist family of the district, the Marquis and Marquise
de Couaën, with the latter of whom he falls again in much deeper love,
though never to any guilty extent. She, who is represented as the real
"Elle," is again superseded, at least partially, by a "Madame R.," who
is a much less immaculate person, though the precise extent of the
indulgence of their affections is left veiled. But, meanwhile, Amaury's
tendency towards "Volupté" has, after his first visit to Paris, led him
to indulge in the worship of Venus Pandemos, _parallèlement_ with his
more exalted passions. No individual object or incident is mentioned in
any detail; and the passages relating to this side of the matter are so
obscurely phrased that a very innocent person might--without stupidity
quite equal to the innocence--be rather uncertain what is meant. But the
twin ravages--of more or less pure passion unsatisfied and wholly impure
satisfied appetite--ruin the patient's peace of mind. Alongside of this
conflict there is a certain political interest. The Marquis de Couaën is
a fervent Royalist, and so willing to be a conspirator that he actually
gets arrested. But he is an ineffectual kind of person, though in no
sense a coward or a fool. Amaury meets with a much greater example of
"Thorough" in Georges Cadoudal, and only just escapes being entangled in
the plot which resulted in the execution[262] of Cadoudal himself; the
possible suicide but probable murder[262] of Pichegru, if not of others;
the kidnapping and unquestionable murder[262] of the Duc d'Enghien, and
the collapse of the career of Moreau. Some other real persons are
brought in, though in an indirect fashion. Finally, the conflict of
flesh and spirit and the general tumult of feeling are too much for
Amaury, and he takes refuge, through the seminary, in the priesthood.
The last event of the book is the death and burial of Madame de Couaën,
her husband and Amaury somewhat melodramatically--and perhaps with a
slight suggestion both of awkward allegory and possible
burlesque--hammering literal nails into her coffin, one on each side.
In addition to the element of passion (both "passion_ate_" in the
English and "passion_nel_" in the French sense) and that of politics,
there is a good deal of more abstract theology and philosophy, chiefly
of the mixed kind, as represented in various authors from Pascal--indeed
from the Fathers--to Saint-Martin.[263]
[Sidenote: Its character in various aspects.]
Now the book (which is undoubtedly a very remarkable one, whether it
does or does not deserve that other epithet which I have seen denied to
it, of "interesting") may be regarded in two ways. The first--as a
document in regard to its author--is one which we have seldom taken in
this _History_, and which the present historian avoids taking as often
as he can. Here, however, it may be contended (and discussion under the
next head will strengthen the contention) that it is almost impossible
to do the book justice, and not very easy even to understand it, without
some consideration of the sort. When Sainte-Beuve published it, he had
run up, or down, a rather curious gamut of creeds and crazes. He had
been a fervent Romantic. He had (for whatever mixture of reasons need
not be entered into here) exchanged this first faith, wholly or
partially, for that singular _un_faith of Saint-Simonianism, which, if
we had not seen other things like it since and at the present day, would
seem incredible as even a hallucination of good wits. He had left this
again to endeavour to be a disciple of Lamennais, and had, not
surprisingly, failed. He was now to set himself to the strange Herculean
task of his _Port-Royal_, which had effects upon him, perhaps stranger
at first sight than on reflection. It left him, after these vicissitudes
and pretty certainly some accompanying experiences adumbrated in
_Volupté_ itself, "L'oncle Beuve" of his later associates--a
free-thinker, though not a violent one, in religion; a critic, never
perhaps purely literary, but, as concerns literature and life combined,
of extraordinary range, sanity, and insight; yet sometimes singularly
stunted and limited in respect of the greatest things, and--one has to
say it, though there is no need to stir the mud as it has been stirred[264]
--something of a "porker of Epicurus."
Now, with such additional light as this sketch may furnish, let us
return to the book itself. I have said that it has been pronounced
"uninteresting," and it must be confessed that, in some ways, the author
has done all he could to make it so. In the first place it is much too
long; he has neglected the examples of _René_ and _Adolphe_, and given
nearly four hundred solid and closely packed pages to a story with very
little incident, very little description, only one solidly presented
character, and practically no conversation. There is hardly a novel
known to me from which the disadvantages of some more or less mechanical
fault of presentation--often noticed in this _History_--could be better
illustrated than from _Volupté_. I have called the pages "solid," and
they are so in more than the general, more even than the technical
printer's sense. One might imagine that the author had laid a wager
that he would use the smallest number of paragraph-breaks possible.
There are none at all till page 6 (the fourth of the actual book);
blocks of the same kind occur constantly afterwards, and more than one,
or at most two, "new pars" are very rare indeed on a page. Even such
conversation as there is is not extracted from the matrix of narrative,
and the whole is unbroken _récit_.
It may seem that there is, and has been elsewhere, too much stress laid
upon this point. But if I, who am something of a _helluo librorum_, and
very seldom find anything that resists my devouring faculty, feel this
difficulty, how much more must persons who require to be tempted and
baited on by mechanical and formal allurements?
Still, some strong-minded person may say: "These are 'shallows and
miseries'--base mechanical considerations. Tell me _why_ the book, as
matter, has been found uninteresting." In this instance there will be no
difficulty in complying with the request. Let me at once say that I do
not consider it uninteresting myself; that, in fact (and stronger
testimony is hardly possible), after reading great part of it without
appetite and "against the grain," I began to take a very considerable
interest in it. But this did not prevent my having a pretty clear notion
of what seem to me faults of treatment, and even of conception, quite
independent of those already mentioned.
The main one is somewhat "tickle of the sere" to handle. It has been
said that, despite its alarming title, there is nothing in the book that
even prudery, unless it were of the most irritable and morbid kind,
could object to. There is no dwelling on what Defoe ingeniously calls
"the vicious part" of the matter; there is no description of it closer
than, if as close as, some passages of the Book of Proverbs (which are
actually quoted), and, above all, there is no hint of any satisfaction
whatever being derived from the sins by the sinner. His course in this
respect might have been a succession of fits of vertigo or epilepsy as
far as pleasure goes. There is even a rather fine piece of real
psychology as to his state of mind after his first succumbing to
temptation. But all this abstinence and reticence, however laudable in a
sense it may be, necessarily deprives the passages of anything but
purely psychological interest, and leaves most of them not much of that.
Luxury _in vacuo_ may, no doubt, be perilous to the culprit; but it has,
for others, nearly as much of the unreal and chimerical as Gluttony
confined to "Second intentions."
Yet there is another objection to _Volupté_ which is even more closely
"psychological," and which has been indicated in the word
"parallèlement," suggested by, though largely transposed from,
Verlaine's use thereof in a title. There is no connection
established--there is even, it may seem, a great gulf fixed between
Amaury's actual "loves" for Amélie de Liniers, for Lucy de Couaën, and
even for the more questionable Madame R., and those "sippings of the
lower draught" which are so industriously veiled. If Amaury had
"disdamaged" himself, for his inability to possess any of his real and
superior loves, by lower indulgences, it would have been discreditable
but human. But there is certainly no expression--there is, unless I
mistake, hardly any suggestion--of anything of the kind. The currents of
spiritual and animal passion seem to have run independently of each
other, like canals at different heights on the slope of a hill. I do not
know that this is less discreditable; but it seems to me infinitely less
human. And, while carefully abstaining from any attempt to connect the
peculiarity with the above-mentioned scandals about Sainte-Beuve's life
and conversation in detail, one may suggest that it offers some
explanation of the unquestioned facts about this; also (and this is of
infinitely more importance) of that absence of ability to love
literature in anything like a passionate way, which, with a certain
other inability to love literature for itself, prevents him from
attaining the absolutely highest level in criticism, though his command
of ranges just below the highest is wider and firmer than that of any
other critic on record.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: Jules Sandeau and Charles de Bernard.]
We may next take, to some extent together, two writers of the novel who
made their reputation in the July Monarchy, though one of them long
outlived it; who, though this one inclined to a sort of domestic tragedy
and the other to pure comedy, resembled each other not a little in
clinging to ordinary life, and my estimate of whom is considerably
higher than that recently (or, I think, at present) entertained by
French critics or by those English critics who think it right to be
guided by their French _confrères_. This estimate, however, has been
given at length in another place,[265] and I quite admit that the
subjects, though I have not in the least lowered my opinion of them, can
hardly be said (like Gautier, Mérimée, Balzac, and Dumas, in the present
part of this volume, or others later) to demand, in a general History,
very large space in dealing with them. I shall therefore endeavour to
summarise my corrected impressions more briefly than in those other
cases. This shortening may, I think, be justified doubly: in the first
place, because any one who is enough of a student to want more can go to
the other handling; and, in the second, because the only excellent way,
of reading the books themselves, may be adopted with very unusual
absence of any danger of disappointment. I hardly know any work of
either Jules Sandeau or of Charles de Bernard which is not worth reading
by persons of fairly catholic tastes in novel pastime.
The first-named--the younger by some half-dozen years, but the first to
publish by more than as many--concerns those who take a merely or mainly
anecdotic interest in literature by his well-known _liaison_ with George
Sand--to whom he gave _dimidium nominis_, and perhaps for a time at
least _dimidium cordis_, though he probably did not get it back so much
"in a worse estate"[266] as was the case with Musset and Chopin.
Sandeau's collaboration with her in novel-writing was long afterwards
succeeded by another in dramaturgy with Émile Augier, which resulted in
at least one of the most famous French plays of the nineteenth century,
_Le Gendre de M. Poirier_, based on Sandeau's _Sacs et Parchemins_. But
we need busy ourselves only with the novels themselves.
[Sidenote: Sandeau's work.]
Sandeau was barely twenty when he wrote _Rose et Blanche_, during the
time of, and with his partner in, that most dangerous of all possible
_liaisons_. But he was nearly thirty when he produced his own first work
of note, _Marianna_. In this, in _Fernand_, and in _Valcreuse_, all
books above the average in merit, there is what may be called, from no
mere Grundyite point of view, the drawback that they are all studies of
"the triangle." They are quite decently, and in fact morally, though not
goodily, handled. But it certainly may be objected that
trigonometry[267] of this kind occupies an exorbitant place in French
literature, and one may be a little sorry to see a neophyte of talent
taking to it. However, though Sandeau in these books showed his ability,
his way did not really lie _in_, though it might lie _through_, them. He
had, indeed, as a novelist should have, good changes of strings to his
bow, if not even more than one or two bows to shoot in.
No Frenchman has written a better boy's book than _La Roche aux
Mouettes_, deservedly well known to English readers in translation: and
whether he did or did not enter into designed competition with his
_quondam_ companion on the theme of Pastoral _berquinade_, I do not
myself think that _Catherine_ is much below _La Petite Fadette_ or _La
Mare au Diable_. He was a very considerable master of the short story;
you cannot have much better things of the kind than _Le Jour sans
Lendemain_ and _Un Début dans la Magistrature_. But his special gift lay
in treating two situations which sometimes met, or crossed, or even
substantially coincided. The one was the contrast of new and old,
whether from the side of actual "money-bags and archives" or from
others. The second and higher development of, or alternative to, this
was the working out of the subdued tragical, in which, short of the very
great masters, he had few superiors, while the quietness of his tones
and values even, enhances to some tastes the poignancy of the general
effect. _Mlle. de La Seiglière_ is, I suppose, the best representative
of the first class as a novel, for _Sacs et Parchemins_, as has been
said, waited for dramatisation to bring out its merits. The pearls or
pinks of the other are _Mlle. de Kérouare_ and _La Maison de Penarvan_,
the latter the general favourite, the former mine. Both have admirably
managed _peripeteias_, the shorter story (_Mlle. de Kérouare_) having,
in particular, a memorable setting of that inexorable irony of Fate
against which not only is there no armour, but not even the chance and
consolement of fighting armourless. When Marie de Kérouare accepts, at
her father's wish, a suitor suitable in every way, but somewhat
undemonstrative; when she falls in love (or thinks she does) with a
handsome young cousin; when the other aspirant loses or risks all his
fortune as a Royalist, and she will not accept what she might have, his
retirement, thereby eliciting from her father a _mot_ like the best of
Corneille's;[268] when, having written to a cousin excusing herself, she
gets a mocking letter telling her that _he_ is married already; when
the remorseless turn of Fortune's wheel loses her the real lover whom
she at last really does love--then it is not mere sentimental-Romantic
twaddle; it is a slice of life, soaked in the wine of Romantic
tragedy.[269]
[Sidenote: Bernard's]
In Charles de Bernard (or, if anybody is unable to read novels published
under a pseudonym with sufficient comfort, Charles Bernard du Grail de
la Villette[270]) one need not look for high passions and great actions
of this kind. He does try tragedy sometimes,[271] but, as has been
already admitted, it is not his trade. Occasionally, as in _Gerfaut_, he
takes the "triangle" rather seriously _à la_
George-Sand-and-the-rest-of-them. The satirists have said that, though
not invariably (our present author contains cautions on that point) yet
as a rule, if you take yourself with sufficient seriousness, mankind
will follow suit. It is certainly very risky to appear to take yourself
not seriously. _Gerfaut_, I believe, is generally held to be Bernard's
masterpiece. I remember that even my friend Mr. Andrew Lang, who seldom
differed with me on points of pure literature, almost gravely
remonstrated with me for not thinking enough of it. There are admirable
things in _Gerfaut_; but they are, as it seems to me, _separately_
admirable, and so are more like grouped short stories than like a whole
long novel. He wrote other books of substance, two of them, _Un
Beau-père_ and _Le Gentilhomme Campagnard_, each extending to a brace of
well-filled volumes. But these, as well as the single-volume but still
substantial _Un Homme Sérieux_ and _Les Ailes d'Icare_, like _Gerfaut_
itself, could all, I think, be split up into shorter stories without
difficulty and with advantage. It is of course very likely that the
comparative slighting which the author has received from M. Brunetière
and other French critics of the more theoretic kind is due to this. The
strict rule-system no doubt disapproves of the mere concatenation of
scenes--still more of the mere accumulation of them.
We, on the other hand, _quibus est nihil negatum_, or who at any rate
deny nothing to our favourite authors so long as they amuse or interest
us, ought to be--and some of the best as well as the not-best of us have
been--very fond of Charles de Bernard. How frankly and freely Thackeray
praised, translated, and adapted him ought to be known to everybody; and
indeed there was a great similarity between the two. The Frenchman had
nothing of Thackeray's strength--of his power of creating character; of
his intensity when he cared to be intense; of his satiric sweep and
"stoop"; of his spacious view and masterly grasp of life. But in some
ways he was a kind of Thackeray several degrees underproof--a small-beer
Thackeray that was a very excellent creature. In his grasp of a pure and
simple comic situation; in his faculty of carrying this out decently to
its appropriate end; and, above all, in the admirable quality of his
conversation, he was really a not so very minor edition of his great
English contemporary. Almost the only non-technical fault that can be
found with him--and it has been found by French as well as English
critics, so there is no room for dismissing the charge as due to a
merely insular cult of "good form"--is the extreme unscrupulousness of
some of his heroes, who appear to have no sense of honour at all. Yet,
in other ways, no French novelist of the century has obtained or
deserved more credit for drawing ladies and gentlemen. It has been
hinted that the inability to do this has been brought as a charge
against even the mighty Honoré,[272] and that, here at any rate, it has
been found impossible to deny it absolutely. But if the company of the
Human Comedy falls short in this respect, it is not because some of its
members do "shady" things. It is because the indefinable, but to those
who can perceive it unmistakable, _aura_ of "gentility"--in the true and
not the debased sense--is, at best, questionably present. This is not
the case with Bernard.
It is particularly difficult, in such a book as this, to deal with so
large a collection of what may be most appropriately called "Scenes and
Characters" as that which constitutes his most valuable if not all his
valuable work. In the older handling referred to, I selected, for pretty
full abstract and some translation, _Un Homme Sérieux_ among longer
books, and _Le Gendre_ among the short stories; and I still think them
the best, except _Le Pied d'Argile_, which, from Thackeray's
incomparable adaptation[273] of it in _The Bedford Row Conspiracy_,
remains as a standing possibility of acquaintance with Charles de
Bernard's way for those who do not read French, or do not care to
"research" for the original. Thackeray also gave a good deal of _Les
Ailes d'Icare_ in abstract and translation, and he borrowed something
more from it in _A Shabby Genteel Story_. _La Peau du Lion_ and _La
Chasse aux Amants_ have some slight resemblance to _Le Gendre_, in that
the gist of all three is concerned with the defeat of unscrupulous
lovers, and neither is much inferior to it. I never knew anybody who had
read _La Femme de Quarante Ans_ and its history of sentimental
star-gazing _à deux_ without huge enjoyment; and _L'Arbre de la
Science_, as well as the shorter _Un Acte de Vertu_, deserve special
mention.
But, in fact, take the volumes entitled _L'Écueil_, _Le Noeud
Gordien_, _Le Paravent,_ and _Le Paratonnerre_; open any of them where
you like, and it will go hard but, in the comic stories at any rate, you
will find yourself well off. The finest of the tragic ones is, I think,
_L'Anneau d'Argent_, which in utilising the sad inefficacy of the
Legitimist endeavours to upset the July Monarchy, comes close to the
already-mentioned things of Sandeau and Ourliac.
That a critic like M. Brunetière should dismiss Bernard as "commonplace"
(I forget the exact French word, but the meaning was either this or
"mediocre"), extending something the same condemnation, or damningly
faint praise, to Sandeau, may seem strange at first sight, but explains
itself pretty quickly to those who have the requisite knowledge. Neither
could, by any reasonable person, be accused of that _grossièreté_ which
offended the censor so much, and to no small extent so rightly. Neither
was extravagantly unacademic or in other ways unorthodox. But both might
be called _vulgaire_ from the same point of view which made Madame de
Staël so call her greatest contemporary as a she-novelist--one, too, so
much greater than herself.[274] That is to say, they did deal with
strictly ordinary life, and neither attempted that close psychological
analysis and ambitious _schematism_ which (we have been told) is the
pride of the French novel, and which, certainly, some French critics
have supposed to be of its essence. These points of view I have left
undiscussed for the most part, but have consistently in practice
declined to take, in the first volume, while they are definitely opposed
and combated in more than one passage of this.[275] I admit that
Sandeau, save in the one situation where I think he comes near to the
first class--that of subdued resignation to calamity--is not passionate;
I admit that Bernard has a certain superficiality, and that, as has been
confessed already, his "form" sometimes leaves to desire. But they both
seem to me to have, in whatever measure and degree, what, with me, is
the article of standing or falling in novels--humanity. And they
seem--also to me, and speaking under correction--to _write_, if not
consummately, far more than moderately well, and to _tell_ in a fashion
for which consummate is not too strong a word. While for pure gaiety,
unsmirched by coarseness and unspoilt by ill-nature, you will not find
much better pastime anywhere than in the work of the author of
_L'Écueil_ and _Le Paratonnerre_.
Indeed these two--though the _berquinade_ tendency, considerably
_masculated_, prevails in one, and the _esprit gaulois_, decorously
draped, in the other--seem to me to run together better than any two
other novelists of our company. They do not attempt elaborate analysis;
they do not grapple with thorny or grimy problems; they are not
purveyors of the indecent, or dealers in the supernatural and fantastic,
or poignant satirists of society at large or individuals in particular.
But they can both, in their different ways, tell a plain tale uncommonly
well, and season it with wit or pathos when either is suitable. Their
men and women are real men and women, and the stages on which they move
are not _mere_ stages, but pieces of real earth.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: Sue, Soulié, and the novel of melodrama--_Le Juif Errant_,
etc.]
As regards one formerly almost famous and still well-known novelist,
Eugène Sue, I am afraid I shall be an unprofitable servant to such
masters in the guise of readers as desire to hear about him. For he is
one more of those--I do not think I have had or shall have to confess to
many--whom I have found it almost impossible to read. I acknowledge,
indeed, that though at the first reading (I do not know how many years
ago) of his most famous work, _Le Juif Errant_, I found no merit in it
at all, at a second, though I do not think that even then I quite got
through it, I had to allow a certain grandiosity. _The Mysteries of
Paris_ has always defeated me, and I am now content to enjoy Thackeray's
very admirable _précis_ of part of it. Out of pure goodness and sheer
equity I endeavoured, for the present volume, to make myself acquainted
with one of his later books--the immense _Sept Péchés Capitaux_, which
is said to be a Fourierist novel, and explains how the vices may be
induced, in a sort of Mandeville-made-amiable fashion, to promote the
good of society. I found it what Mrs. Browning has made somebody
pronounce Fourier himself in _Aurora Leigh_, "Naught!"[276] except that
I left them at the end actually committing an Eighth deadly sin by
drinking _iced_ Constantia![277] Sue, who had been an army surgeon and
had served during the Napoleonic war, both on land and at sea, wrote,
before he took to his great melodramas, some rather extravagant naval
novels, which are simply rubbish compared with Marryat, but in
themselves not quite, I think, so difficult to read as his better known
work. I remember one in particular, but I am not certain whether it was
_La Coucaratcha_ or _La Vigie de Koatven_. They are both very nice
titles, and I am so much afraid of disillusionment that I have thought
it better to look neither up for this occasion.[278]
[Sidenote: Melodramatic fiction generally.]
The fact is, as it seems to me, that the proper place for melodrama is
not the study but the stage. I fear I have uttered some heresies about
the theatre in this book, and I should not be sorry if I never passed
through its doors again. If I must, I had rather the entertainment were
melodrama than anything else. The better the play is as literature, the
more I wish that I might be left to read it in comfort and see it acted
with my mind's eye only. But I can rejoice in the valiant curate when
(with the aid of an avalanche, if I remember rightly) he triumphs over
the wicked baronet, who is treading on the fingers of the heroine as
she hangs over the precipice. I can laugh and applaud when the heroic
mother slashes her daughter's surreptitious portrait in full Academy.
The object of melodrama is to make men rejoice and laugh; but it seems
to me to require the stage to do it on, or at any rate to receive an
immense assistance from theatrical presentation. So given, it escapes
the curse of _segnius irritant_, because it attacks both ear and eye;
being entirely independent of style (which _is_ in such cases actually
_gênant_), it does not need the quiet and solitary devotion which
enjoyment of style demands; and it is immensely improved by dresses and
_décor_, scenery and music, and "spectacle" generally--all things which,
again, interfere with pure literary enjoyment. I shall hope to have
demonstrated, or at any rate done something to show, how Dumas, when at
his best, and even not quite at his best, escapes the actual
melodramatic. Perhaps this was because he had purged himself of the
stagy element in his abundant theatric exercise earlier. Sue, of course,
dramatised or got dramatised a considerable part of his many inventions;
but I think one can see that they were not originally stage-stuff.
If, however, any one must have melodrama, but at the same time does not
want it in stage form, I should myself recommend to him Frédéric Soulié
in preference to Eugène Sue. Soulié is, indeed, a sort of blend of Dumas
and Sue, but more melodramatic than the former, and less full of grime
and purpose and other "non-naturals" of the novel than the latter. It is
evident that he has taken what we may call his schedules pretty directly
from Scott himself; but he has filled them up with more melodramatic
material. It is very noteworthy, too, that Soulié, like Dumas, turned
_his_ stagy tastes and powers on to actual stage-work, and so kept the
two currents duly separate. And it seems to be admitted that he had
actual literary power, if he did not achieve much actual literary
performance.
[Sidenote: _Le Château des Pyrénées._]
For myself, I think that _Le Château des Pyrénées_ is a thing, that in
De Quincey's famous phrase, you _can_ recommend to a friend whose
appetite in fiction is melodramatic. Here is, if not exactly "_God's_
plenty," at any rate plenty of a kind--plenty whose horn is
inexhaustible and the reverse of monotonous. You never, though you have
read novels as the waves of the sea or the sands of the shore in number,
know exactly what is going to happen, and when you think you know what
is happening, it turns out to be something else. Persons who wear, as to
the manner born, the jackets of lackeys turn out to be bishops; and
bishops prove to be coiners. An important _jeune premier_ or
_quasi-premier_, having just got off what seems to be imminent danger,
is stabbed in the throat, is left for dead, and then carries out a
series of risky operations and conversations for several hours. A
castle, more than Udolphian in site, size, incidents, and opportunities,
is burnt at a moment's notice, as if it were a wigwam. Everybody's sons
and daughters are somebody else's daughters and sons--a state of things
not a little facilitated by the other fact that everybody's wife is
somebody else's mistress. Everybody knows something mysterious and
exceedingly damaging about everybody else; and the whole company would
be cleared off the stage in the first few chapters if something did not
always happen to make them drop the daggers in a continual stalemate.
Dukes who are governors of provinces and peers of France are also heads
(or think they are) of secret societies--the orthodox members of which
chiefly do the coining, but are quite ignorant that a large number of
other members are Huguenots (it is not long after the "Revocation") and
are, in the same castle, storing arms for an insurrection. Spanish
counts who are supposed to have been murdered fifteen years ago turn up
quite uninjured, and ready for the story to go on sixteen years longer.
When you have got an ivory casket supposed to be full of all sorts of
compromising documents, somebody produces another, exactly like it, but
containing documents more compromising still. There is a counsellor of
the Parliament of Toulouse--supposed to be not merely a severe
magistrate, but a man of spotless virtue, and one who actually submits
fearlessly to great danger in doing his duty, but who turns out to be an
atrocious criminal. And in the centre of all the turmoil there is a
wondrous figure, a sorcerer-shepherd, who is really an Italian prince,
who pulls all the strings, makes all cups slip at all lips, sets up and
upsets all the puppets, and is finally poniarded by the wicked
counsellor, both of them having been caught at last, and the counsellor
going mad after commission of his final crime.
Now, if anybody wants more than this--there is, in fact, a great deal
more in the compass of two volumes,[279] containing between them less
than six hundred pages--all I can say is that he is vexatious and
unreasonable, and that I have no sympathy whatever with him. Of course
the book is of its own kind, and not of another. Some people may like
that kind less than others; some may not like it at all. But in that
case nobody obliges them to have anything to do with it.
Soulié wrote nearly two score novels or works of fiction, ranging from
_Contes pour les Enfants_ to _Mémoires du Diable_. I do not pretend to
have read all or even very many of them, for, as I have confessed, they
are not my special kind. In novels of action there should be a great
deal of fighting and a great deal of love-making, and it does not seem
to me that either[280] was Soulié's forte. But as the _Mémoires_ are
sometimes quoted as his masterpiece, something should, I suppose, be
said about them.
[Sidenote: _Les Mémoires du Diable._]
One thing about the book is certain--that it is much more ambitiously
planned than the _Château_; and I do not think it uncritical to say that
the ambition is, to a certain extent, successful. One credit, at any
rate, can hardly be denied it. Considering the immense variety in
circumstances of the bargains with the Devil which are made in actual
life, it may seem strange that the literary treatment of the subject
should be so comparatively monotonous as it is. Soulié, I think, has
been at least as original as anybody else, though it was of course
almost impossible for him to avoid suggestions, if not of Marlowe, of
Lesage, Goethe, Maturin (whose wide popularity in France at this time
must never be forgotten), and others. At the very beginning there is one
touch which, if not absolutely invented, is newish in the connection.
The Château of Ronquerolles, again in the Pyrenean district (besides the
advantages of a mountainous country, Soulié himself was born at Foix),
has a range of mysterious windows, each of which has for many
generations emerged, with the room appertaining, from wall and corridor
without anybody remembering it before.[281] As a matter of fact these
chambers have been the scenes of successive bargains between the Lords
of Ronquerolles and the Prince of Darkness; and a fresh one is opened
whenever the last inheritor of an ancestral curse (details of which are
explained later) has gone to close his account. The new Count de Luizzi
knows what he has to do, which is to summon Satan by a certain little
silver bell at the not most usual but sufficiently witching hour of
_two_ A.M., saying at the same time, "Come!" After a slightly trivial
farce-overture of apparitions in various banal forms, Luizzi compels the
fallen archangel to show himself in his proper shape; and the bargain is
concluded after some chaffering. It again is not quite the usual form;
there being, as in Melmoth's case, a redemption clause, though a
different one. If the man can say and show, after ten years, that he has
been happy he will escape. The "consideration" is also uncommon. Luizzi
does not want wealth, which, indeed, he possesses; nor, directly,
pleasure, etc., which he thinks he can procure for himself. He wants
(God help him!) to know all about other people, their past lives, their
temptations, etc.--a thing which a person of sense and taste would do
anything, short of selling himself to the Devil, _not_ to know. There
are, however, some apparently liberal, if discreditable,
concessions--that Luizzi may reveal, print, and in any other way avail
himself of the diabolic information. But, almost immediately, the
metaphorical cloven foot and false dice appear. For it seems that in
certain circumstances Luizzi can only rid himself of his ally when
unwelcome, and perform other acts, at the price of forfeiting a month of
his life--a thing likely to abridge and qualify the ten years very
considerably, and the "happiness" more considerably still.[282] And this
foul play, or at any rate sharp practice, continues, as might be
expected, throughout. The evil actions which Luizzi commits are not, as
usual, committed with impunity as to ordinary worldly consequences,
while he is constantly enlarging the debt against his soul. He is also
always getting into trouble by mixing up his supernatural knowledge with
his ordinary life, and he even commits murder without intending or
indeed knowing it. This is all rather cleverly managed; though the
end--the usual sudden "foreclosure" by Diabolus, despite the effort of
no less than three Gretchens who go upwards, and of a sort of inchoate
repentance on Luizzi's own part before he goes downwards--might be
better.
The bulk, however, of the book, which is a very long one--three volumes
and nearly a thousand closely printed pages--consists of the _histoires_
or "memoirs" (whence the title) of other people which the Devil tells
Luizzi, sometimes by actual _récit_, sometimes otherwise. Naturally they
are most of them grimy; though there is nothing of the Laclos or even of
the Paul de Kock kind. I find them, however, a little tedious.
[Sidenote: Later writers and writings of the class.]
The fact, indeed, is that this kind of novel--as has been hinted
sometimes, and sometimes frankly asserted--has its own peculiar
appeals; and that these appeals, as is always the case when they are
peculiar, leave some ears deaf. There is no intention here to intimate
any superfine scorn of it. It has another and a purely literary, or at
least literary-scientific, interest as descending from the Terror Novel
of the end of the eighteenth century. It shows no sign of ceasing to
exist or to appeal to those to whom it is fitted to appeal, and who are
fitted to be appealed to by it. Towards the close of the period at which
I ceased to see French novels generally, I remember meeting with many
examples of it. There was one which, with engaging candour, called
itself _L'Hôtellerie Sanglante_, and in which persons, after drinking
wine which was, as Rogue Riderhood says, "fur from a 'ealthy wine,"
retired to a rest which knew no or only a very brief and painful waking,
under the guardianship of a young person, who, to any one in any other
condition, would have seemed equally "fur" from an attractive young
person. There was another, the title of which I forget, in which the
intended victim of a plunge into a water-logged _souterrain_ connected
with the Seine made his way out and saw dreadful things in the house
above. There is really no great interval or discrepancy (except in
details of manners and morals) between these and the novels of
detective, gentleman-thief, and other impolite life which delight many
persons indubitably respectable and presumably intelligent in England
to-day.[283] To sneer at these would be ridiculous.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: Murger.]
Henry Murger is not the least of the witnesses to the truth of a
remark--which I owe to one of the critics of my earlier volume--that in
England people (he was kind enough to except me) are too apt to accept
the contemporary French estimates of French contemporary literature and
the traditional French estimates of earlier authors. Murger had, I
believe, a hardly earned and too brief popularity in his own country;
and though it was a little before my time, I can believe that this
overflowed into England. But the posthumous and accepted judgments of
him altered _there_ to a sort of slighting patronage; and I remember
that when, nearly twenty years after his death, I wrote on him in the
_Fortnightly Review_,[284] some surprise at my loftier estimate was
expressed _here_. The reasons for this depreciation are not hard to
give, and as they form a base for, and indeed really a part of, my
critical estimate they may be stated shortly. The "Bohemia"[285] of
which Murger was the laureate, both in prose and verse, is a country
whose charms have been admitted by some of the greatest, but which no
wise person has ever regarded, much less recommended, as providing any
city to dwell in; and which has certainly been the scene if not the
occasion, not merely of much mischief, which does not particularly
concern us, but of much foolishness and bad taste, which partly does. It
was almost--not quite--the only theme of Murger's songs and words.
And--last and perhaps most dangerous of all--there was the fact that, if
not in definite Bohemianism, there was in other respects a good deal in
him of a far minor Musset, and both in Bohemianism and other things
still more of an inferior Gérard de Nerval. I believe the case _against_
has been fairly stated here.
[Sidenote: The _Vie de Bohême_.]
The case _for_ I have put in the essay referred to with the full,
though, I think, not more than the fair emphasis allowed to even a
critical advocate when he has to demolish charges. The historian passes
from bar to bench; and neither ought to speak, nor in this instance is
inclined to speak, quite so enthusiastically. I admitted there that I
did not think Murger's comparatively early death lost us much; and I
admit even more frankly here, that in what he has left there is no great
variety of excellence, and that while there are numerous good things in
the work, there is little that can be called actually great. But after
these admissions no small amount remains to his credit as a writer who
can manage both comedy and pathos; who, if he has no wide range or
variety of subject, can vary his treatment quite efficiently, and who
has a certain freshness rarely surviving the first years of journalism
of all work. His faintly but truly charming verse is outside our bounds,
and even prose poetry like "The Loves of a Cricket and a Spark of
Flame"[286] are on the line, though this particular thing is not far
below Gérard himself. The longer novels, _Adeline Protat_ and _Le Sabot
Rouge_, are competent in execution and pleasant enough to read; yet they
are not above good circulating-library strength. But the _Vie de
Bohême_, in its various sections, and a great number of shorter tales
and sketches, are thoroughly agreeable if not even delightful. Murger
has completely shaken off the vulgarity which almost spoilt Pigault, and
damaged Paul de Kock not a little. If any one who has not yet reached
age, or has not let it make him "crabbed," cannot enjoy Schaunard and
the tame lobster; the philosophic humours of Gustave (afterwards His
Excellency Gustave) Colline; the great journal _Le Castor_,[287] which
combined the service of the hat-trade with the promotion of high
thinking and great writing; and the rest of the comedy of _La Vie de
Bohême_ proper, I am sorry for him. He must have been, somehow, born
wrong.
[Sidenote: _Les Buveurs d'Eau_ and the Miscellanies.]
The serious Bohemia of the _Buveurs d'Eau_ (the devotees of High Art who
carry their devotion to the point of contemning all "commission" work
whatsoever) may require more effort, or more special predestination, to
get into full sympathy with it. The thing is noble; but it is nobility
_party per_ a very thin _pale_ with and from silliness; and the Devil's
Advocate has no very hard task in suggesting that it is not even
nobility at all, but a compound of idleness and affectation.[288] With
rare exceptions, the greatest men of art and letters have never
disdained, though they might not love, what one of them called "honest
journey-work in default of better"; and when those exceptions come to be
examined--as in the leading English cases of Milton[289] and
Wordsworth--you generally find that the persons concerned never really
felt the pinch of necessity. However, Murger makes the best of his
Lazare and the rest of them; and his power over pathos, which is
certainly not small, assists him as much here as it does _more_ than
assist him--as it practically carries him through--in other stories such
as _Le Manchon de Francine_ and _La Biographie d'un Inconnu_. And,
moreover, he can use all these means and more in handfuls of little
things--some mere _bleuettes_ (as the French call them)--_Comment on
Devient Coloriste_, _Le Victime du Bonheur_, _La Fleur Bretonne_, _Le
Fauteuil Enchanté_, _Les Premières Amours du Jeune Bleuet_.
With such high praise still allotted to an author, it may seem unfair
not to give him more room; and I should certainly have done so if I had
not had the other treatment to refer to. Since that existed, as in the
similar cases of Sandeau, Bernard, and perhaps one or two more, it
seemed to me that space, becoming more and more valuable, might be
economised, especially as, in his case and theirs, there is nothing
extraordinary to interest, nothing difficult to discuss. _Tolle_, _lege_
is the suitable word for all three, and no fit person who obeys will
regret his obedience.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: Reybaud--_Jérôme Paturot_, and Thackeray on its earlier
part.]
Any one who attempts to rival Thackeray's abstract ("_with_
translations, Sir!") of the first part of Louis Reybaud's _Jérôme
Paturot_ must have a better conceit of himself than that with which the
present writer has been gifted, by the Divinity or any other power. The
essay[290] in which this appears contains some of the rather rash and
random judgments to which its great author was too much addicted; he had
not, for instance, come to his later and saner estimate of Dumas,[291]
and still ranks him with Sue and Soulié. But the Paturot part itself is
simply delightful, and must have sent many who were not fortunate enough
to know (or fortunate enough _not_ to know) it already to the book. This
well deserved and deserves to be known. Jérôme's own earlier career as a
romantic and unread poet is not so brilliantly done as similar things in
Gautier's _Les Jeune-France_ and other books; but the Saint-Simonian
sequel, in which so many _mil-huit-cent-trentiers_ besides Jérôme
himself and (so surprisingly) Sainte-Beuve indulged, is most capitally
hit off. The hero's further experiences in company-meddling (with not
dissimilar results to those experienced by Thackeray's own Samuel
Titmarsh, and probably or certainly by Thackeray himself); and as the
editor of a journal enticing the _abonné_ with a _bonus_, which may be
either a pair of boots, a greatcoat, or a _gigot_ at choice; the
side-hits at law and medicine; the relapse into trade and National
Guardism; the visit to the Tuileries; the sad bankruptcy and the
subsequent retirement to a little place in the prefecture of a remote
department--all these things are treated in the best Gallic fashion, and
with a certain weight of metal not always achievable by "Gigadibs, the
literary man," whether Gallic or Anglo-Saxon. Reybaud himself was a
serious historian, a student of social philosophy, who has the
melancholy honour of having popularised, if he did not invent, the word
"Socialist" and the cheerfuller one of having faithfully dealt with the
thing Socialism. And Jérôme is well set off by his still more
"Jeune-France" friend Oscar, a painter, not exactly a bad fellow, but a
_poseur_, a dauber (he would have been a great Futurist or Cubist
to-day), a very Bragadochio in words and flourish, and, alas! as he
turns out presently, a Bragadochio also in deeds and courage.
[Sidenote: The windfall of Malvina.]
But the gem of the book perhaps, as far as good novel-matter is
concerned (for Jérôme himself is not much more than a stalking-horse for
satire), is Malvina, his first left-handed and then "regularised"
spouse, and very much his better half. Malvina is Paul de Kock's
grisette (like all good daughters, she is very fond of her literary
father) raised to a higher power, dealt with in a satiric fashion
unknown to her parent, but in perfectly kindly temper. She is, though
just a little imperious, a thoroughly "good sort," and, with occasional
blunders, really a guardian angel to her good-hearted, not uncourageous,
but visionary and unpractical lover and husband. She has the sharpest of
tongues; the most housewifely and motherly of attitudes; the flamingest
of bonnets. It is she who suggests Saint-Simonianism (as a resource, not
as a creed), and actually herself becomes a priestess of the first
class--till the funds give out. She, being an untiring and unabashed
canvasser, gets Jérôme his various places; she reconciles his
nightcap-making uncle to him; she, when the pair go to the Palace and he
is basely occupied with supper, carries him off in dudgeon because none
of the princes (and in fact nobody at all) has asked her to dance. And
when at last he subsides upon his shelf at the country prefecture, she
becomes delightfully domesticated--and keeps canaries.
The book (at least its first two parts) appeared in 1843, when the July
Monarchy was still in days of such palminess as it ever possessed, and
Thackeray reviewed it soon after. At the close of his article he
expressed a hope that M. Reybaud "had more of it, in brain or portfolio,
for the benefit of the lazy, novel-reading, unscientific world."
Whether, at that time, the hope was in course of gratification I do not
know; but years later, when February had killed July, Thackeray's wish
was granted. It cannot be said that, as too often happens with wishes,
the result was entirely disappointing; but it certainly justified the
famous description of a still larger number of them, in that only half
was granted and the rest "whistled down the wind."
[Sidenote: The difference of the Second Part.]
_Jérôme Paturot à la recherche de la meilleure des Républiques_ almost
dooms itself, by its title, to be a very much less merry book than
_Jérôme Paturot à la recherche d'une position sociale_. The "sparkle"
which Thackeray had justly seen in the first part is far rarer in the
second; in fact, were it not for Oscar to some extent and Malvina to a
much greater, there would hardly be any sparkle at all. The Republic has
been proclaimed; a new "Commissary" ("Prefect" is an altogether
unrepublican word) is appointed; he is shortly after stirred up to
vigorous action (usually in the way of cashiering officials), and Jérôme
is a victim of this _mot d'ordre_. He goes to Paris to solicit; after a
certain interval (of course of failure) Malvina comes to look after him,
and to exercise the charms of her _chapeau grénat_ once more. But even
she fails to find the birds which (such as they were) she had caught in
the earlier years' nests, until after the bloodshed of the barricades,
where Oscar unfortunately fails to show himself a hero, while Jérôme
does useful work as a fighter on the side of comparative Order, and
Malvina herself shines as a nurse. At last Paturot is appointed
"Inspector-General of Arab Civilisation in North Africa," and the pair
set out for this promised, if not promising, land. He, like Gigadibs,
provides himself with "instruments of labour"; Malvina, agreeable to the
last, provides _herself_ with several new dress-patterns of the latest
fashion, and a complete collection of the _Journal des Modes_.
This not very elaborate scenario, as worked out, fills nearly a thousand
pages; but it is very much to be feared that the "lazy novel-reader"
will get through but a few of them, and will readily return the book to
his own or other library shelves. It is, in fact, a bitterly satiric but
perfectly serious study--almost history--of the actual events of the
earlier part of the interregnum between Louis Philippe and Napoleon the
Third, of the latter of whom Reybaud (writing, it would seem, before he
was even President), gives a very unflattering, though unnamed,
description. Certainly more than half, perhaps more than three-quarters,
of the book can claim no novel character at all.[292]
[Sidenote: Not much of a novel.]
It would be possible to extract (if one had space and it were
proportionately worth while) passages from the remaining portion of very
fair novel interest--the visit of the "Super-Commissary" to the
Commissary; the history of the way in which, under the _régime_ of that
_atelier national_ which some wiseacres want now with us, a large body
of citizens was detailed to carry trees of liberty from a nursery garden
in the suburbs of Paris to the _boulevards_; how these were uprooted
without any regard to their arboreal welfare; how the national
working-men got mainly drunk and wholly skylarky on the way, and how the
unfortunate vegetables were good for nothing but firewood by the time
they reached their destination; the humours of the open-air feast of the
Republic; the storming of the Assembly by the clubs; the oratory of
Malvina (a very delectable morsel) in one of the said clubs devoted to
the Rights of Women;[293] the scene where Oscar, coming by his own
account from the barricades "with his hands and his feet and his raiment
all red," manifests a decided disinclination to return thither--all
these are admirable. But they would have to be dug out of a mass of
history and philosophy which the "lazy novel-reader" would, it is to be
feared, refuse with by no means lazy indignation and disgust.
[Sidenote: But an invaluable document.]
Yet one may venture, at the risk of the charge of stepping out of one's
proper sphere, to recommend the perusal of the book, very strongly, to
all who care either to understand its "moment" or to prepare themselves
for other moments which are at least announced as certain to come. The
French revolutionary period of 1848 and the following years was perhaps
the most perfect example in all history of a thing being allowed to show
itself, in all its natural and therefore ineluctable developments,
without disturbing influences of any kind. It was (if one may use
patristic if not classical Latin in the first word of the phrase)
_Revolutio sibi permissa_. There was, of course, a good deal of somewhat
similar trouble elsewhere in Europe at the time; but there was no
European war of much importance, and no other power threatened or was in
a position to threaten interference with French affairs--for the
excellent reason that all were too much occupied with their own. There
was no internal tyranny or trouble such as had undoubtedly caused--and
as has been held by some to justify--the outburst of sixty years
earlier, nor was there even any serious, though perhaps there was some
minor, maladministration. But there had been, for twenty years, a weak,
amorphous, discreditable, and discredited government; and there was a
great deal of revolutionary spirit, old and new, about. So France
determined--in a word unacademic but tempting--to "revolute," and she
"revoluted" at discretion, or indiscretion, to the top of her bent. This
part of _Jérôme Paturot_ gives a minute and (having had a good deal to
do with the study both of history and of politics in my time), I think I
may say boldly, a faithful account of _how_ she did it. And I think,
further, that, if at least some of the innocent folk who the other day
hailed the dawn of the Russian revolution had been acquainted with the
book, they might have been less jubilant; while acquaintance would have
helped others to anticipate the actual consequences. And I wish that
some one would, in some form or other, bring its contents before those
who, without being actual scoundrels, utter fanatics, or hopeless
fools, want to bring revolution nearer home. Reybaud brings out, too
verbosely and heavily perhaps, but with absolute truth and justice, the
waste, the folly, the absolute illogicality of the popular cries,
movements, everything. "Labour" was, happily, not then organised in
France as it is in England to-day. But if any one would extract, and
translate in a pamphlet form, the dying speech of the misguided tool
Comtois in reference to his misleader, the typical "shop-steward"
Percheron, he would do a mighty good deed.
Still, of course this is a parenthesis; and the parenthesis is a thing
hateful, I am told, perhaps not to gods but to some men.
* * * * *
Students of literature, even in a single language, much more in wider
range, are well acquainted with a class of writers, largely increased
since the introduction of printing, and more largely still since that of
"periodicals," who enjoy a considerable--sometimes almost a
great--reputation in their own time, and then are not so much
discredited or disapproved as simply forgotten. They disappear, and
their habitation is hardly even the dust-bin; it is the _oubliette_; and
their places are taken by others whose fates are _not_ other. In fact,
they are, in the famous phrase, "Priests who slay the slayer," etc.
[Sidenote: Méry.]
Of these, in French, I myself hardly know a more remarkable example than
Joseph Méry, who, born two years before the end of the eighteenth
century, lived for just two-thirds of the nineteenth, wrote, from a very
early age till his death, in prose and in verse and in drama; epics,
satires, criticisms, novels, travels, Heaven knows what; who had the
reputation of being one of the most brilliant talkers of his day; who
collaborated[294] with Gautier and Gérard de Nerval and Sandeau and Mme.
de Girardin, and other people much greater than himself; from whose pen
the beloved old "Collection Michel Lévy" contained at least thirty
volumes at the date of his death--the wreckage of perhaps a possible
three hundred--and of whom, though I have several times in the
half-century since dived into his work, I do not think I can find a
single story of first, second, or even third-rate quality.[295]
[Sidenote: _Les Nuits Anglaises._]
As it happens, one volume of his, _Les Nuits Anglaises_, contains
examples of his various manners, some of which may be noticed. Not all
of them are stories, but it is fair to throw in a non-story because it
is so very much better than the others. This is a "physionomie" of
Manchester, written, it would seem, just at the beginning of the reign
of Queen Victoria; and it shows that Méry, as a writer of those middle
articles or transformed _Spectator_ essays, which have played so large a
part in the literature of the last century and a quarter, was not quite
a negligible person. Moreover, the sort of thing, though not essential
to the novelist's art, is a valuable tool at his disposal.
[Sidenote: The minor stories.]
But here the author, who was a considerable traveller and not a bad
judge of art, was to a large extent under the grip of fact: when he got
into fiction he exhibited a sad want of discipline. One must allow
something, no doubt, for the fact that the _goguenard_ element is
avowedly strong in him. The second English Night, with its Oxfordshire
election (he has actually got the name of "Parker" right, though
Woodstock wobbles from the proper form to "Woostock," "Wostoog," etc.)
and its experiences of an Indian gentleman who is exposed at Ellora
(near Madras) to the influence of the upas tree, by a wicked emissary of
the Royal Society, Sir Wales, as a scientific experiment; and the last,
where two Frenchmen, liberated from the hulks at the close of the
Napoleonic War, make a fortune by threatening to blow up the city of
Dublin; may sue out their writ of ease under the statute of
Goguenarderie. A third half-Eastern, half-English story (Méry was fond
of the East), _Anglais et Chinois_, telling quite delicately the
surprising adventures of a mate of H.M.S. _Jamesina_[296] in a sort of
Chinese harem, has some positive merit, though it is too long. The
longest and most ambitious tale, _Histoire d'une Colline_, if not
"wholly serious" (as a famous phrase has it), seems to aim at a good
deal of seriousness. Yet it is, as a matter of fact, rather more absurd
than the pure extravaganzas.
[Sidenote: _Histoire d'une Colline._]
Sir John Lively--who appears neither to have inherited the title (seeing
that his sainted father, a victim of English tyranny, was named Arthur
O'Tooley, perhaps one of the tailors of that ilk) nor to have paid M.
Méry five or ten thousand pounds for it--is an Irishman of the purest
virtue and the noblest sentiments, who possesses a cottage on a hill not
far from the village and castle of Stafford. From this interesting
height there are two views: one over the beautiful plains of Lancashire,
another towards the brumous mountains of Oxfordshire. Lively always
looks this latter way, because in coming from London he has seen, at the
other village of Bucks, a divine creature who dispenses soda-water and
some stronger liquors to the thirsty. She, like the ninepenny kettle of
the song, "is Irish _tu_," and belongs to the well-known sept of the
O'Killinghams. They are both fervent Roman Catholics (Méry is
astoundingly severe on our "apostate" church, with its "insulted" Saint
Paul's and Saint Martin's). She is also persecuted by an abominable
English landlord, Mr. Igoghlein. The two meet at mass in "_the_ Catholic
Church of the City," to which, "as in the time of Diocletian" (slightly
altered to 1830-40), "a few faithful ones furtively glide, and seem to
be in fear." To get money, Lively gambles, and (this is the sanest part
of the book, for the reason that things went on in much the same way at
Paris and at London) is cheated. But the cottage, and the hill with such
commanding views, are discovered to be in the way of a new line and to
conceal coal. He sells them to a Mr. Copperas; marries the beautiful
O'Killingham; the bells of Dublin ring head over heels, "and Ireland
hopes." Let it also be mentioned that in the course of the story we are
more than once told of the double file of Mauresque, Spanish, Gothic,
and Italian _colonnades_ which line the marvellous High Street of
Oxford; and that Mr. Copperas visited that seat of learning to consult
an expert in railways[297] and see his three largest shareholders. (Oh,
these bloated dons!) That three members of "the society of _ti_total
abstinence" drank, at the beautiful O'Killingham's cottage, twenty pints
of porter (White-bread), two flagons of whisky, and three of claret, may
meet with less incredulity, though the assortment of liquor is barbarous
and the quantity is certainly large. But let us turn from this nonsense
to the remarkable Manchester article.
[Sidenote: The "Manchester" article.]
It was not for some thirty years later than Méry's visit that I myself
knew, and for some time lived in, the new-made "city," as it became, to
the horror of Mr. Bright, just before Méry saw it. But though there must
have been many changes in those thirty years, they were nothing to those
which have taken place in the fifty that have passed subsequently. And I
can recognise the Manchester I knew in Méry's sketch. This may seem to
be at first an exceedingly moderate compliment--in fact something close
to an insult. But it is nothing of the kind. It is true that there is
considerable _naïveté_ in a sentence of his own: "En général les
nationaux sont fort ignorants sur les phénomènes de leur pays; il faut
s'adresser aux étrangers pour en obtenir la solution." And it is also
true that our "nationals," at that time and since, have been
excessively ignorant of phenomena which the French tourists of Louis
Philippe's reign discovered here, and surprised, not to say diverted, at
the solutions thereof preferred by these obliging strangers. That Méry
had something of the Michiels[298] in him, what has been said above
should show. But in some strange way Manchester--foggiest and rainiest
of all our industrial hells,[299] except Sheffield--seems to have made
his brain clear and his sight dry, even in drawing a sort of
half-Rembrandt, half-Callot picture. He takes, it is true, some time in
freeing himself from that obsession by one of our _not_-prettiest
institutions, "street-walking," which has always beset the French.[300]
But he does get clear, and makes a striking picture of the great
thoroughfares of Market Street and Piccadilly; of the view--a wonderful
one certainly, and then not interfered with by railway viaducts--from
and of the Cathedral; and of the extraordinary utilisation of the scanty
"naval" capabilities of Irk and Irwell and Medlock. But, as has been
said, such things are at best but accidents of the novel.
[Sidenote: Karr.]
If not much is found here about Alphonse Karr, it is certainly not
because the present writer undervalues his general literary position. As
a journalist and miscellanist, Karr had few superiors in a century of
miscellaneous journalism; and as a maker of telling and at the same time
solid phrase, he was Voltaire's equal in the first respect and his
superior in the second. The immortal "Que MM. les assassins commencent,"
already referred to, is perhaps the best example in all literature of
the terse _argumentum joculare_ which is not more sparkling as a joke
than it is crushing as an argument; "Plus ça change plus c'est la même
chose"[301] is nearly as good; and if one were writing a history, not of
the novel, but of journalism or essay-writing of the lighter kind, Karr
would have high place and large room. But as a novelist he does not seem
to me to be of much importance, nor even as a tale-teller, except of the
anecdotic kind. He can hardly be dull, and you seldom read him long
without coming to something[302] refreshing in his own line; but his
tales, as tales, are rarely first-rate, and I do not think that even
_Sous les Tilleuls_, his best-known and perhaps best production, needs
much delay over it.
[Sidenote: Roger de Beauvoir--_Le Cabaret des Morts_.]
Roger de Beauvoir (whose _de_ was genuine, but who embellished "Bully,"
his actual surname, into the one by which he was generally known) also
had, like Bernard and Reybaud, the honour of being noticed, translated,
and to some extent commented on by Thackeray.[303] I have, in old times,
read more of his novels than I distinctly remember; and they are not
very easy to procure in England now. Moreover, though he was of the
right third or fourth _cru_ of _mil-huit-cent-trente_, there was
something wanting in his execution. I have before me a volume of short
stories, excellently entitled (from the first of them) _Le Cabaret des
Morts_. One imagines at once what Poe or Gautier, what even Bulwer or
Washington Irving, would have made of this. Roger (one may call him this
without undue familiarity, because it is the true factor in both his
names) has a good idea--the muster of defunct painters in an ancient
Antwerp pot-house at ghost-time, and their story-telling. The contrast
of them with the beautiful _living_ barmaid might have been--but is
not--made extremely effective. In fact the fatal improbability--in the
Aristotelian, not the Barbauldian sense--broods over the whole. And the
Cabaret des Morts itself ceases, not in a suitable way, but because the
Burgomaster shuts it up!!! All the other stories--one of Marie
Antoinette's Trianon dairy; another of an anonymous pamphlet; yet
another of an Italian noble and his use of malaria for vengeance; as
well as the last, told by a Sister of Mercy while watching a
patient--miss fire in one way or another, though all have good subjects
and are all in a way well told. It is curious, and might be made rather
instructive by an intelligent Professor of the Art of Story-telling, who
should analyse the causes of failure. But it is somewhat out of the way
of the mere historian.[304]
[Sidenote: Ourliac--_Contes du Bocage_.]
Édouard Ourliac, one of the minor and also one of the shorter-lived men
of 1830, seems to have been pleasant in his life--at least all the
personal references to him that I remember to have seen, in a long
course of years, were amiable; and he is still pleasant in literature.
He managed, though he only reached the middle of the road, to accumulate
work enough for twelve volumes of collection, while probably more was
uncollected. Of what I have read of his, the _Contes_ and _Nouveaux
Contes du Bocage_--tales of La Vendée, with a brief and almost
brilliant, certainly vivid, sketch of the actual history of that
glorious though ill-fated struggle--deserve most notice. Two of the
_Nouveaux Contes_, _Le Carton D._ (a story of the rescue of her husband
by a courageous woman, with the help of the more amiable weaknesses of
the only amiable Jacobin leader, Danton) and _Le Chemin de Keroulaz_
(one of treachery only half-defeated on the Breton coast), may rank with
all but the very best of their kind. In another, _Belle-Fontaine_,
people who cannot be content with a story unless it instructs their
minds on points of history, morality, cosmogony, organo-therapy, and
everything _quod exit in y_, except jollity and sympathy, may find a
section on the youth of 1830--really interesting to compare with the
much less enthusiastic account by Gérard de Nerval, which is given
above. And those who like to argue about cases of conscience may be glad
to discuss whether Jean Reveillère, in the story which bears his name,
_ought_ to have spared, as he actually did, the accursed
_conventionnel_, who, after receiving shelter and care from women of
Jean's family, had caused them to be massacred by the _bleus_, and then
again fell into the Vendéan's hands.
* * * * *
But, with one or two more notices, we must close this chapter.
Although Dumas, by an odd anticipatory reversal of what was to be his
son's way, spent a great deal of time on more or less trashy[305] plays
before he took to his true line of romance, and so gave opportunity to
others to get a start of him in the following of Scott, it was
inevitable that his own immense success should stir emulation in this
kind afresh. In a way, even, Sue and Soulié may be said to belong to the
class of his unequal competitors, and others may be noticed briefly in
this place or that. But there is one author who, for one book at least,
belonging to the successors rather than the _avant-coureurs_, but
decidedly of the pre-Empire kind, must have a more detailed mention.
[Sidenote: Achard.]
Many years ago somebody was passing the small tavern which, dating for
aught I know to the times of Henry Esmond, and still, or very lately,
surviving, sustained the old fashion of a thoroughfare, fallen, but
still fair, and fondly loved of some--Kensington High Street, just
opposite the entrance to the Palace. The passer-by heard one loiterer in
front of it say to his companion in a tone of emotion, and almost of
awe: "There was beef, and beer, and bread, and greens, and _everything
you can imagine_." This _pheme_ occurred to me when, after more than
half a century, I read again Amédée Achard's _Belle-Rose_. I had taken
it up with some qualms lest crabbed age should not confirm the judgment
of ardent youth; and for a short space the extreme nobility of its
sentiments did provoke the giggle of degeneracy. But forty of the little
pages of its four original volumes had not been turned when it reassured
me as to the presence of "beef, and beer, and bread, and greens, and
everything you can imagine" in its particular style of romance. The
hero, who begins as a falconer's son and ends as a rich enough colonel
in the army and a Viscount by special grace of the Roi Soleil, is a
_sapeur_, but far indeed from being one of those graceless comrades of
his to whom nothing is sacred. At one time he does indeed succumb to the
sorceries of a certain Geneviève de Châteaufort, a duchess _aux narines
frémissantes_. But who could resist this combination? even if there were
a marquise of the most beautiful and virtuous kind, only waiting to be a
widow in order to be lawfully his. Besides, the Lady of the Quivering
Nostrils becomes an abbess, her rather odd abbey somehow accommodating
not merely her own irregularly arrived child (_not_ Belle-Rose's), but
Belle-Rose himself and his marchioness after their marriage; and she is
poisoned at the end in the most admirably retributive fashion. There are
actually two villains--a pomp and prodigality (for your villain is a
more difficult person than your hero) very unusual--one of whom is
despatched at the end of the second volume and the other at the actual
curtain. There is the proper persecuting minister--Louvois in this case.
There are valiant and comic non-commissioned officers. There is a brave,
witty, and generous Count; a lover of the "fatal" and ill-fated kind;
his bluff and soldierly brother; and more of the "affair of the poisons"
than even that mentioned above. You have the Passage of the Rhine,
fire-raisings, duels, battles, skirmishes, ambuscades, treachery,
chivalry--in fact, what you will comes in. And you must be a very
ill-conditioned or feeble-minded person if you _don't_ will. Every now
and then one might, no doubt, "smoke" a little reminiscence; more
frequently slight improbabilities; everywhere, of course, an absence of
any fine character-drawing. But these things are the usual spots, and
very pardonable ones, of the particular sun. I do not remember any
French book of the type, outside the Alexandrian realm, that is as good
as _Belle-Rose_;[306] and I am bound to say that it strikes me as better
than anything of its kind with us, from James and Ainsworth to the
excellent lady[307] who wrote _Whitehall_, and _Whitefriars_, and _Owen
Tudor_.
[Sidenote: Souvestre, Féval, etc.]
It must, however, be evident that of this way in making books, and of
speaking of them, there is no end.[308] Fain would I dwell a little on
Émile Souvestre, in whom the "moral heresy," of which he was supposed to
be a sectary, certainly did not corrupt the pure milk of the
tale-telling gift in such charming things as _Les Derniers Bretons_, _Le
Foyer Breton_, and the rather different _Un Philosophe sous les Toits_;
also on the better work of Paul Féval, who as certainly did not
invariably do suit and service to morality, but Sue'd and Soulié'd it in
many books with promising titles;[309] and who, once at least, was
inspired (again by the witchery of the country between the Baie des
Trépassés and the Rock of Dol) to write _La Fée des Grèves_, a most
agreeable thing of its kind. Auguste Maquet (or Augustus MacKeat) will
come better in the next chapter, for reasons obvious to some readers no
doubt already, but to be made so to others there. And so--for this
division or subdivision--an end, with one word more on Pétrus Borel's
_Champavert_.
[Sidenote: Borel's _Champavert_.]
Borel, whose real Christian name, it is almost unnecessary to say, was
Pierre, and who was a sort of incarnation of a "Jeune-France" (beginning
as a _bousingot_--not ill translated by the contemporary English
"bang-up" for an extreme variety of the kind--and ending as a
_sous-préfet_), wrote other things, including a longer and rather
tedious novel, _Madame Putiphar_. But the tales of _Champavert_,[310]
which had the doubly-"speaking" sub-title of _Contes Immoraux_, are
capital examples of the more literary kind of "rotting." They are
admirably written; they show considerable power. But though one would
not be much surprised at reading any day in the newspaper a case in
which a boatman, plying for hire, had taken a beautiful girl for "fare,"
violated her on the way, and thrown her into the river, the subject is
not one for art.
FOOTNOTES:
[262] It will be observed that I use the words referred to in this note
with more discrimination than is always the case with some excellent
folk. I sympathise with Cadoudal most of the three, but I quite
recognise that Bonaparte had a kind of right to try, and to execute him.
So, if Pichegru had been tried, he might have been executed. The Enghien
business was pure murder. In some more recent instances these
distinctions have not, I think, been correctly observed by public
speakers and writers.
[263] This _philosophe inconnu_ (as his ticket-name goes in French) is,
I fancy, even more unknown in England. I have not read much of him; but
I think, if it had come in my way, I should have read more.
[264] Without doing this, it my be suggested that the contrast elsewhere
quoted "Mérimée était gentilhomme; Sainte-Beuve ne l'était pas," was
likely to make its unfavourable side specially felt in this connection.
He seems to have disgusted even the Princess Mathilde, one of the
staunchest of friends and certainly not the most squeamish or prudish of
women. Nor, in another matter, can I approve his favourite mixture of
rum and curaçao as a liqueur. I gave it a patient trial once, thinking
it might be critically inspiring. But the rum muddles the curaçao, and
the curaçao does not really improve the rum. It is a pity he did not
know the excellent Cape liqueur called Vanderhum, which is not a mixture
but a true hybrid of the two.
[265] In articles written for the _Fortnightly Review_ during a large
part of the year 1878, and reprinted in the volume of _Essays on French
Novelists_ frequently referred to.
[266] _Vide_ the wonderful poem--one of Mr. Anon's pearls, but Donne's
for more than a ducat--"Thou sent'st to me a heart was crowned," etc.
However, the bitter remark quoted elsewhere (_v. inf._) looks like a
lasting wound.
[267] I can conceive a modernist rising up and saying, "And your mawkish
ante-nuptial wooings? Haven't _we_ had enough of _them_?" To which I
should reply, "Impossible." The sages of old have rightly said that 'The
way of a man with a maid' is a mystery always, and the proofs thereof
are well seen in literature as in life. But the way of an extra-man with
another person's wife can, as illustrated, if not demonstrated, by the
myriads of treatises thereon in French and the thousands of imitations
in other languages (reinforced, if not the Stoic scavenger-researcher so
pleases, by the annals of the Divorce Court and its predecessors), be
almost scientifically reduced to two classes. (1) Is the lady
_adulteraturient_? In that case results can be attained anyhow. (2) Is
she not? In that case results can be attained nohow. Which considerably
minishes the interest of this situation. The interest of the other is
the interest of "the world's going round" in quality, and almost
infinitely various in detail. But when something has once happened the
variety ceases, or is immensely reduced.
[268] "_Bien! mon sang._" I suppose "democratic" sentiment is quite
insensible to this, which seems to be a pity.
[269] I think it should be added to Sandeau's credit that (as it appears
to me at least) he had a strong influence on the reaction against
Naturalism at the end of the century.
[270] Most of his contemporaries would have envied him this admirably
_moyen-âge_ and sonorous designation. But it is certainly cumbrous for a
title-page, and its owner--a modest man with a sense of humour--may
perhaps have thought that it _might_ be rather more ridiculous than
sublime there.
[271] As is usual and natural with men of his time, La Vendée mostly
supplies it; but that glorious failure did not inspire him quite so well
as it did Sandeau or even (_v. inf._) Édouard Ourliac. However, he was a
sound Royalist, for which peace be to his soul!
[272] Who, by the way, was a good friend and a good appreciator of
Bernard.
[273] For any one who cares for the minor "arts and crafts" of
literature this is _the_ example of Adaptation itself. The story is not
translated; it is not imitated; it is not parodied. It is simply
_transfused_ from one body of a national literature into another, and I
defy the acutest and most experienced critic to find in the English, if
he did not previously know the facts, any trace of a French original.
[274] Corinne made a great blunder: but admirers of Miss Austen have
sometimes taken it as being greater than it was. "Vulgaire" and "vulgar"
are by no means exact synonyms: in fact the French word is probably used
much oftener in a more or less inoffensive sense than otherwise.
[275] Especially in the next chapter but one.
[276] Or was it Comte that was "naught" and Fourier that was "void"? I
am sure the third person, namely, Cabet, was "puerile"; but I do not
think I could read _Aurora Leigh_ again, even to make sure of the
distribution of the other epithets.
[277] The real _old_ Constantia has, I believe, ceased to exist. It was
a delicious _vin de liqueur_, but you might as well ice Madeira or a
brown sherry.
[278] Thackeray pays Sue the very high compliment of having "tried
almost always [to attain], and in _Mathilde_ very nearly succeeded in
attaining, a tone of _bonne compagnie_," I found the particular book
difficult to get hold of. Apropos of French naval novels, will somebody
tell me who wrote _Le Roi des Gabiers_, an immense _feuilleton_-romance,
which I remember reading a vast number of years ago? I think he had (or
took) a Breton name, and wrote others. But the navy, even with Jean Bart
and Surcouf and the Bailli, has never attracted any of the _great_
French novelists.
[279] I ought perhaps to say that the second volume does not seem to me
to be quite equal to the first. The "sixteen years allowed for
refreshment" do not justify themselves.
[280] In _La Lionne_ (which is not to be confused with _Le Lion
Amoureux_, a "psychological" diploma-piece praised by some) there are
chapters and chapters of love-making "of a sort." But it is not the
right sort.
[281] The famous or legendary chamber at Glamis--and perhaps another not
so generally known story of a mansion farther north still, where you see
from the courtyard a window the room belonging to which cannot be found
from the inside--will occur. But Soulié, though he might have heard of
the former, is very unlikely to have known the latter, which comes
nearer to his arrangement.
[282] The contact _here_ with the _Peau de Chagrin_ need hardly be dwelt
upon.
[283] A little more on this subject may be given later to Gaboriau and
Ponson du Terrail.
[284] Reprinted in _Essays on French Novelists_.
[285] A somewhat fuller discussion of this heretical _bona patria_ of
literature may be found in the original Essay. I had at one time thought
of reprinting it--in text or appendix--here. But perhaps it would be
superfluous. I ought, however, to add that I have seen, in French
writers, later again than those referred to in the text, some touches of
revived interest in Murger.
[286] Translated at length in the Essay.
[287] I have always been a little curious to know whether that
remarkable periodical, Cope's _Tobacco Plant_, which gave us not a
little of James Thomson the Second's work, was really, as it might have
been, conceived as a follower of _Le Castor_.
[288] Murger knows this and allows it.
[289] Who, moreover, _did_ work, and that pretty hard, in his
Secretaryship, and by no means disdained pay for it--purely "patriotic"
as (in his view) it was.
[290] _Jérôme Paturot, with Considerations on Novels in General_,
originally appeared in _Fraser_ for September 1843. Not reprinted in the
author's lifetime, or till the supplementary collection of 1885-86. May
be found, with some remarks by the present writer, in the "Oxford"
Thackeray, vol. vi. pp. 318-342.
[291] It is fair to say that some of the best Alexandriana were still to
come.
[292] The retort courteous, if not even the countercheck quarrelsome,
"Then why do you notice it?" is pretty obvious. Taking it as the former,
it may be answered, "The political novel, if not the most strictly
legitimate species of the kind, is numerous and not unimportant. It may
therefore be allowed a specimen, and an examination of that specimen."
[293] Malvina, as one might expect, is by this time an "Anti-" of the
most stalwart kind; though in the Saint-Simonian salad days, she had (as
naturally) taken the other side.
[294] Probably more people know _La Croix de Berny_, which he wrote with
Sandeau, Gautier, and Madame de Girardin, than anything exclusively his.
[295] Others may have been more fortunate. In any case, what follows,
whatever its intrinsic merit, is typical of a great mass of similar
French fiction, and therefore may claim attention here.
[296] It would be interesting to know where Méry got this hideous,
cacophonous, hopelessly anti-analogical and anti-etymological but alas!
actually existing name. I never heard of a ship called by it, but I once
knew a poor lady on whom it had been inflicted at her baptism. Why any
one with Jemima (not, of course, originally a feminine of "Jem," but
adopted as such), which, though a little comic, is not intolerable,
Jacqueline and Jaquetta (which are exceedingly pretty), and Jacobina
(which, though with unfortunate historical associations, is not itself
ugly) to choose from, should have invented this horrible solecism, I
never could make out. It is, I believe, confined to Scotland, and the
only comfort connected with it is the negative one that, in two
considerable residences there, I never heard of a "_Charles_ina." I
suppose "Caroline" and "Charlotte" sufficed; or perhaps, while Whigs
disliked the name (at least before that curious purifier of it, Fox),
Tories shrank from profanation thereof.
[297] Was it Mr. Augustus Dunshunner? It was just about the time of the
Glenmutchkin Railway, and most of "Maga's" men were Oxonians.
[298] See in vol. v. of the Oxford edition of Thackeray (for the thing,
though never acknowledged, is certainly his) an exemplary
"justification" of this very impudent offender.
[299] I have no quarrel with Manchester--quite the reverse--in
consequence of divers sojourns, longer and shorter, in the place, and of
much kindness shown to me by the not at all barbarous people. But
neither the climate nor the general "conditions" of the city can be
called paradisaical.
[300] They were as much shocked at it as we were at their "Houses of
Tolerance" and at the institution of the _grisette_.
[301] Not the worst perhaps of the myriad attempts to do something of
the same kind in English was made recently: "If a man conscientiously
objects to be shot _for_ his country, he may be conscientiously shot
_by_ it."
[302] Here is one from "Un Diamant" (_Contes et Nouvelles_), which,
though destitute of the charms of poetry, rivals and perhaps indeed
suggested our own
And even an Eastern Counties' train Comes in at last.
"Quelque loin qu'on aille, on finit par arriver; _on arrive bien à
Saint-Maur--trois lieues à faire--en coucou_."
[303] In the same article in which he dealt with Charles de Bernard.
[304] I know that many people do not agree with me here; but Blake did:
"Tell me the facts, O historian, and leave me to reason on them as I
please; away with your reasoning and your rubbish.... Tell me the What:
I do not want you to tell me the Why and the How. I can find that out
for myself."
[305] If my friend Mr. Henley were alive (and I would he were) I should
have to "look out for squalls." It was, as ought to be well known, his
idea that _Henri Trois et Sa Cour_ was much more the rallying trumpet of
1830 that _Hernani_, and I believe a large part of his dislike for
Thackeray was due to the cruel fun which _The Paris Sketch-book_ makes
of _Kean_. But I speak as I think and find, after long re-thinking and
researching.
[306] I have made some further excursions in the work of Achard, but
they did not incline me to continue them, and I do not propose to say
anything of the results here. I learn from the books that there were
some other Achards, one of whom "improved the production of the
beet-root sugar." I would much rather have written _Belle-Rose_.
[307] Emma Robinson. I used, I think, to prefer her to either of her
more famous companions in the list. But I have never read her _Caesar
Borgia_. It sounds appetising.
[308] Some may say, "There might have been an end much sooner with some
of the foregoing." Perhaps so--once more. I do not claim to be _hujus
orbis Papa_ and infallible. But I sample to the best of my knowledge and
judgment.
[309] _Beau Démon_, _Coeur d'Acier_, _La Tache Rouge_, etc. Féval began
a little later than most of the others in this chapter, but he is of
their class.
[310] Thackeray, when very young and wasting his time and money in
editing the _National Standard_, wrote a short and very savage review of
this which may be found in the Oxford Edition of his works (vol. i., as
arranged by the present writer). It is virtuously indignant (and no
wonder, seeing that the writer takes it quite seriously), but, as
Thackeray was almost to the last when in that mood, quite
bull-in-a-china-shoppy. You _might_ take it seriously, and yet
critically in another way, as a "degeneracy" of the Terror-Novel. But
the "rotting" view is better.