flour. Past experience has proved this to be the case, and, furthermore,
the cause is adequate to produce the alleged effect. Nevertheless, a
lowering of the duty on wheat might permit wheat from foreign countries
to be imported in such quantities that there would be no rise in the
price of flour. The lowering of the duty on wheat would be another force
intervening to prevent the observed cause (the drouth in the wheat belt)
from producing the alleged effect (the rise in the price of flour).
Therefore we must always examine the circumstances of each case to
determine whether there are any forces at work which will prevent the
observed cause from producing the alleged effect.
_4. The conclusion established should be verified by positive evidence
wherever possible._
After all the other tests have been satisfied the argument from cause to
effect may be established or overthrown by the production of positive
evidence. A disappears and B is accused of his murder. A perfect case is
made out and B is convicted and sentenced to death. Then A suddenly
appears. The innocence of B is effectively established. Cases of this
kind are not unknown to the criminal law, though unfortunately the
missing man is usually discovered after his supposed murderer has been
put to death. This illustration suggests that too much care cannot be
exercised in substantiating an argument from cause to effect.
The argument from cause to effect is most frequently employed in
criminal trials. In such cases the motive for committing the crime is
regarded as the cause and the crime as the effect. The argument is
usually begun by proving the existence of strong motives such as an
abnormal desire to acquire more money or property, to work revenge on
bitter enemies, or to avert financial or domestic disaster. With these
strong motives shown it is easy to connect them with the crime. This is
the method of argument from cause to effect which is used by Daniel
Webster in the White murder trial. He showed clearly that the Knapps
believed that they could obtain the fortune of White by destroying his
last will and murdering him. He argued that this was the cause which
produced the effect of murder. The following extract from Webster’s
speech before the jury will show the application made of the argument
from cause to effect.
“When we look back, then, to the state of things immediately on the
discovery of the murder, we see that suspicion would naturally turn at
once, not to the heirs at law, but to those principally benefited by the
will. They, and they alone, would be supposed to have a direct object
for wishing Mr. White’s life terminated. And, strange as it may seem, we
find counsel now insisting, that, if no apology, it is yet mitigation of
the atrocity of the Knapps’ conduct in attempting to charge this foul
murder on Mr. White, the nephew and principal devisee, that public
suspicion was already so directed. As if assassination of character were
excusable in proportion as circumstances may render it easy. Their
endeavors, when they knew they were suspected themselves, to fix the
charge on others, by foul means and by falsehood, are fair and strong
proof of their own guilt.
“The counsel say that they might safely admit that Richard
Crowninshield, Jr., was the perpetrator of this murder.
“But how could they safely admit that? If that were admitted everything
else would follow. For why should Richard Crowninshield, Jr., kill Mr.
White? He was not his heir; nor was he his devisee; nor his enemy. What
could be his motive? If Richard Crowninshield, Jr., killed Mr. White he
did it at some one’s procurement who himself had a motive. And who
having any motive, is shown to have had any intercourse with Richard
Crowninshield, Jr., but Joseph Knapp and this principally through the
agency of the prisoner at the bar? It is the infirmity, the distressing
difficulty of the prisoner’s case, that his counsel cannot and dare not
admit what they yet cannot disprove, and what all must believe. He who
believes, on this evidence, that Richard Crowninshield, Jr., was the
immediate murderer cannot doubt that both the Knapps were conspirators
in that murder.”
=III. Argument from effect to effect.=
An argument from effect to effect is one in which an argument from
effect to cause is combined with an argument from cause to effect. To
illustrate this kind of argument we may explain a simple example
frequently used in this connection. A boy announces that there is
skating this morning because the thermometer registers below zero. Now
the thermometer registering below zero is not the cause of the skating.
Both the registering of the thermometer and the skating are the effects
of a common cause, viz.—low temperature. The boy has observed one of the
effects and at once concludes that the other effect must exist. His is
an argument from effect to effect, or to be more exact, an argument from
one effect of a cause to another effect of the same cause. The whole
process of reasoning involved as well as the relation between the two
parts of an argument from effect to effect may be represented by the
following tabulation:
_A. Argument from effect to cause._
1. All times when the thermometer registers below zero are times when
the temperature is far below freezing.
2. This is a time when the thermometer registers below zero.
3. Therefore this is a time when the temperature is far below freezing.
_B. Argument from cause to effect._
1. All times when the temperature is far below freezing are times when
skating ice is formed.
2. This is a time when the temperature is far below freezing.
3. Therefore this is a time when skating ice is formed.
The above analysis of the reasoning involved in an argument from effect
to effect will suggest the method of procedure to be employed in testing
its validity. The first step consists of dividing the argument into the
two essential processes employed, viz.—argument from effect to cause,
and argument from cause to effect. The second step consists of applying
the rules already considered in connection with each of these processes
to the parts revealed by the first step. In this way the validity of any
argument from effect to effect may be determined.
SUMMARY OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR ARGUMENTS FROM CAUSAL RELATION
I. Arguments from Effect to Cause.
1. The alleged cause must be sufficient to produce the effect.
2. No other cause must have intervened between the alleged cause
and the effect.
3. The alleged cause must not have been prevented from operating.
II. Argument from Cause to Effect.
1. The observed cause must be sufficient to produce the alleged
effect.
2. When past experience is invoked it must show that the alleged
effect has always followed the observed cause.
3. No other force must intervene to prevent the observed cause
from operating to produce the alleged effect.
4. The conclusion established should be verified by positive
evidence wherever possible.
III. Argument from Effect to Effect.
1. The argument must be resolved into its two parts, the argument
from effect to cause, and the argument from cause to effect,
and the rules under I and II applied.
EXERCISES IN ARGUMENT FROM CAUSAL RELATION
I. State the kind of argument involved in each of the following
passages.
1. If a Socialist president is elected, financial disaster is sure
to overtake our country.
2. This has been the coldest winter ever known in the United
States. The rapid destruction of our forests is directly
responsible for this undesirable change of climate and we are
to reap still further evils from this same cause.
3. Since we have conclusive proof that the savages of the island
have murdered this missionary, we can no longer be in doubt as
to what became of his companions.
4. “Every word uttered by a speaker costs him some physical loss;
and in the strictest sense, he burns that others may have
light—so much eloquence, so much of his body resolved into
carbonic acid, water and urea.”—Huxley.
5. “The Constitution of the United States is so concise and so
general in its terms, that even had America been as slowly
moving a country as China, many questions must have arisen on
the interpretation of the fundamental law which would have
modified its aspect. But America has been the most swiftly
expanding of all countries. Hence the questions that have
presented themselves have often related to matters which the
framers of the Constitution could not have contemplated. Wiser
than Justinian before them or Napoleon after them, they foresaw
that their work would need to be elucidated by a judicial
commentary. But they were far from conjecturing the enormous
strain to which some of their expressions would be subjected in
the effort to apply them to new facts.”—Bryce.
6. “The last cause of this disobedient spirit in the colonies is
hardly less powerful than the rest, as it is not merely moral
but laid deep in the natural constitution of things. Three
thousand miles of ocean lie between you and them. No
contrivance can prevent the effect of this distance in
weakening government. Seas roll and months pass, between the
order and the execution; and the want of a speedy explanation
of a single point is enough to defeat a whole system.”—Burke.
7. “Permit me, Sir, to add another circumstance in our colonies,
which contributes no mean part towards the growth and effect of
this untractable spirit. I mean their education. In no country
perhaps in the world is the law so general a study. The
profession itself is numerous and powerful; and in most
provinces it takes the lead. The greater number of the deputies
sent to the Congress were lawyers. But all who read (and most
do read), endeavor to obtain some smattering in that science. I
have been told by an eminent bookseller, that in no branch of
his business, after tracts of popular devotion, were so many
books as those on the law exported to the plantations. The
colonists have now fallen into the way of printing them for
their own use. I hear that they have sold nearly as many of
Blackstone’s _Commentaries_ in America as in England. General
Gage marks out this disposition very particularly in a letter
on your table. He states that all the people in his government
are lawyers, or smatterers in the law; and that in Boston they
have been enabled, by successful chicane, wholly to evade many
parts of one of your capital penal constitutions. The smartness
of debate will say that this knowledge ought to teach them more
clearly the rights of legislature, their obligation to
obedience, and the penalties of rebellion. All this is mighty
well. But my honorable and learned friend on the floor, who
condescends to mark what I say for animadversion, will disdain
that ground. He has heard, as well as I, that when great honors
and great emoluments do not win over this knowledge to the
service of the State, it is a formidable adversary to
Government. If the spirit be not tamed and broken by these
happy methods, it is stubborn and litigious. _Abeunt studia in
mores._ This study renders men acute, inquisitive, dexterous,
prompt in attack, ready in defence, full of resources. In other
countries, the people, more simple, and of a less mercurial
cast, judge of an ill principle in government only by an actual
grievance; here they anticipate the evil, and judge of the
pressure of the grievance by the badness of the principle. They
augur misgovernment at a distance; and snuff the approach of
tyranny in every tainted breeze.”—Burke.
II. Attach definite circumstances to each of the foregoing arguments
and then apply the requirements for validity to each one. State the
results.
III. Point out the kind of reasoning which may be employed in reaching
each of the following conclusions.
1. The record of our debating teams as compared with that of our
opponents shows that we shall win this debate.
2. Harold Small has been put on probation.
3. Under these conditions an inheritance tax should be levied.
4. International arbitration will ultimately take the place of war
as a method of settling disputes between nations.
IV. Analyze completely the reasoning processes employed in Exercise
III. Where they may be reduced to syllogistic form, determine the
validity of the resulting syllogisms.
V. Write an argument from causal relation in support of any
proposition which you wish to discuss. Employ each of the three
classes of argument from causal relation.
CHAPTER IV
ARGUMENT FROM ANALOGY
Analogy is such a resemblance between some of the known characteristics
of two different things as will lead to the conclusion that they are
alike in other characteristics. For example, an egg and a seed are two
different things but they have many characteristics in common. From the
characteristics in which we know that an egg is like a seed we reason
that they must be alike in other characteristics which we know one to
possess but which we do not know the other to possess. We know that heat
is required to develop an egg and by analogy we may conclude that heat
is required to develop a seed. In this, as in other forms of reasoning,
we proceed from the known to the unknown. The basis of inference is the
general resemblance which one thing bears to another thing. Experience
has led us to expect that when we find two different things alike in
many points we shall find them alike in many other points regarding
which no actual investigation has been made.
The argument applies the principle above suggested to the subject-matter
of the discussion. The standard illustration of this form of argument
usually quoted in books of logic and argumentation is found in Reid’s
_Intellectual Powers_. It is as follows:—
“We may observe a very great similitude between this earth which we
inhabit, and the other planets, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Venus, and
Mercury. They all revolve around the sun, as the earth does, although at
different distances and at different periods. They borrow all their
light from the sun, as the earth does. Several of them are known to
revolve on their axis like the earth, and by that means have like
succession of day and night. Some of them have moons that serve to give
them light in the absence of the sun, as our moon does to us. They are
all in their motions subject to the same law of gravitation as the earth
is. From all this similitude it is not unreasonable to think that these
planets may, like our earth, be the habitation of various orders of
living creatures. There is some probability in this conclusion from
analogy.”
Another frequently quoted illustration of the argument from analogy is
the reply of Abraham Lincoln to those who urged him to carry on the war
more vigorously.
“Gentlemen, I want you to suppose a case for a moment. Suppose that all
the property you were worth was in gold, and you had put it in the hands
of Blondin, the famous rope-walker, to carry across the Niagara Falls on
a tight rope. Would you shake the rope while he was passing over it, or
keep shouting to him, ‘Blondin, stoop a little more! Go a little
faster!’ No, I am sure you would not. You would hold your breath as well
as your tongue, and keep your hands off until he was safely over. Now
the government is in the same situation. It is carrying an immense
weight across a stormy ocean. Untold treasures are in its hands. It is
doing the best it can. Don’t badger it! Just keep still and it will get
you safely over.”
The argument from analogy is most effective when a comparison is made to
something that is plain, ordinary, and commonplace. In this way abstract
arguments may be made simple and concrete. No debater of modern times
has shown more discrimination in the use of material which would make an
analogy strong and convincing than has Lincoln. The strength of the
argument is greatly increased if it is apparent that the analogy is
perfect so far as the point at issue is concerned. In the following
quotation no exercise of the imagination is necessary to bring the two
factors of the analogy together. The argument is presented by David
Dudley Field in favor of the training of homeless children by the state.
“The question of safety is more vital still. Every one of these boys may
be a voter in ten or twenty years hence. His vote will then be as potent
as yours or mine. In countries where the sovereign is a prince it has
ever been thought prudent to bestow especial care upon the training of
an heir to the throne.—Here the people are sovereign, and the little
boy, now wandering about the streets, neglected or led astray, is in one
sense joint heir to the throne. Every dictate of prudence points to his
being fitted to fulfill the duties of his station.”
The foregoing examples with the accompanying explanations will serve to
make plain the meaning of argument from analogy and to suggest the
innumerable circumstances under which it may be used. Seldom is a
situation encountered in which an apt analogy cannot be employed. The
homelier the comparison, the more vivid and lasting will be the
impression conveyed, provided, of course, that the analogy is apt and
appropriate.
The search for an appropriate analogy is best begun by gaining a clear
conception of the universal principle upon which the proposition is
based. The student must be able to see the broadest application of the
reason which he offers in support of any particular contention. Having
grasped this fundamental principle it is easy to see its application in
other things of a more tangible form and which are more familiar to the
average mind. For example, Lincoln saw that it would not do to pursue
the Civil War too vigorously. He realized that the government was in a
very perilous position, that every step must be taken with care and
deliberation and that the least disturbance from those whose interests
were at stake might mean failure and the loss of everything. This was
the principle underlying the situation which he was facing. Now, he must
make this situation plain and its gravity clear to those who were
demanding that he hasten the progress of the war. Therefore he began
looking for the application of this principle in something which was
more familiar and more real and tangible. The newspapers had been full
of the wonderful feats of Blondin, the rope-walker. In this circumstance
Lincoln saw an opportunity to give a tangible exhibition of the
application of the principle under which he was acting.
The argument from analogy which he constructed is a model of
completeness. He compared abstract things which could not be seen and
appreciated with tangible things which could be seen and appreciated. He
compared the Government to Blondin. Blondin, walking on a rope across
Niagara Falls, was in a very dangerous position where it was necessary
that he move slowly and cautiously because the least misstep would dash
him to destruction. The situation of the government was analogous. It
was engaged in a very dangerous undertaking, a great civil war. It had
to move slowly and cautiously because the least misstep would mean
destruction. In order to make the analogy more complete Lincoln supposed
the case of Blondin performing this feat carrying with him all the
worldly possessions of the men who were urging that the war be pushed
more vigorously. The government was carrying out the dearest desire of
the people, the patriotic desire to save the grandest of all nations. If
the government failed it would mean the blighting of their dearest hopes
and to many it would mean financial ruin. Therefore the analogy was
complete in that particular. Now these men were here in Washington doing
the same thing to the government that they would be doing if, under the
above circumstances, they shook the rope or scolded Blondin while he was
walking across Niagara Falls. The forcibleness of the analogy and the
vividness of the impression which it conveyed was an argument powerful
enough to silence those who were demanding more aggressive action on the
part of the government.
An argument from analogy is never conclusive proof of the truth or
falsity of a proposition. At best it creates only a high degree of
probability. Its greatest use is to give force and vividness to an
argument already established by other means. Nevertheless, its probative
value is great provided it is properly constructed. The chance for
error, however, is a constant source of danger to him who relies upon
analogy, for the very facts upon which it is based may constitute the
reason for its falsity. A large oil refining company was recently
organized. People were induced to buy stock in the new enterprise by
means of argument from analogy. It was argued that this company was
similar to the Standard Oil Company. Now it is well known that the
Standard Oil Company pays large dividends. The argument was advanced by
the promoters of the new organization that since it was similar to the
Standard Oil Company and since the latter corporation pays large
dividends, therefore the new corporation would pay large dividends. The
analogy, of course, proved untrustworthy. The companies, though similar
in many ways, were entirely different in one essential particular
effecting the conclusion: the old company had entirely monopolized the
field of activity, while the new company had no territory in which to
work. Thus a false analogy led to the loss of many thousands of dollars.
Instances of unsound arguments from analogy might be multiplied
indefinitely. It is therefore evident that certain requirements exist
which must be strictly complied with if the argument from analogy is to
prove effective. The requirements necessary for a valid argument from
analogy are as follows:
I. The two factors in the analogy must be alike in all particulars which
affect the conclusion.
The two factors in the analogy are the thing about which the analogy is
made and the thing to which it is compared. For example, in the argument
from analogy which we have quoted from Lincoln, the first factor is the
position of the government during the Civil War and the second factor is
the rope-walker. The former is the thing about which the argument is
made; the latter is the thing to which the first factor is compared.
These two parts exist in every argument from analogy and the first
requirement is that they agree in everything which affects the
conclusion. The conclusion Lincoln wished to establish was that the
government must not be disturbed in its action because it was in a
dangerous position. A rope-walker crossing Niagara Falls must not be
disturbed because he is in a dangerous position. These are the facts
which affect the conclusion in each case. The two factors are alike in
this particular.
From the above example it will be seen that the two factors must agree
in the essential particulars. What is essential depends upon the nature
of the conclusion to be reached. In particulars affecting things other
than the conclusion to be established, it matters not whether they agree
or disagree. In comparing an illegal private monopoly to a highwayman
the particular method of robbing the victim is immaterial. The fact that
the two methods are not exactly alike does not weaken the force of the
analogy.
Burke made use of the argument from analogy in defending the policy of
conciliation which he favored. After urging that the colonies be granted
representation in Parliament, he declared that so far as government was
concerned there were four similar cases,—Ireland, Wales, Chester, and
Durham. He urged that the acts of Parliament with regard to these
territories be applied to America. He then proceeded to show that the
analogy was sound by pointing out that the two factors agreed in all
particulars which affected the conclusion. He said,
“Are not the people of America as much Englishmen as the Welsh? The
preamble of the Act of Henry the Eighth says the Welsh speak a language
no way resembling that of his Majesty’s English subjects. Are the
Americans not as numerous? If we may trust the learned and accurate
Judge Barrington’s account of North Wales, and take that as a standard
to measure the rest there is no comparison. The people cannot amount to
above 200,000, not a tenth part of the number in the colonies. Is
America in rebellion? Wales was hardly ever free from it. Have you
attempted to govern America by penal statutes? You made fifteen for
Wales. But your legislative authority is perfect with regard to America.
Was it less perfect in Wales, Chester, and Durham? But America is
virtually represented. What! does the electric force of virtual
representation more easily pass over the Atlantic than pervade Wales,
which lies in your neighborhood—or than Chester and Durham, surrounded
by an abundance of representation that is actual and palpable? But, Sir,
your ancestors thought this sort of virtual representation, however
complete, to be totally insufficient for the freedom of inhabitants of
territories that are so near and comparatively so inconsiderable. How
then can I think it sufficient for those which are infinitely greater
and infinitely more remote?”
It will be observed that there is a slight difference in the analogy
here employed and the one of which Lincoln made use. In the latter the
factors are entirely unlike, in the former they are similar. In all
analogies similar to that employed by Burke the points of similarity in
the two factors must be clearly shown to bear directly upon the
conclusion, whereas if any points of difference exist they must be shown
to have no vital bearing on the question at issue.
A failure to observe this application of the rule was made by a student
who argued that because an income tax had worked well in other countries
it would work well in the United States. His opponent pointed out the
unsoundness of the analogy by showing that the income tax proposed for
the United States was a progressive tax, whereas the income tax in the
foreign countries cited was not a progressive tax. He further revealed
the falsity of the analogy by showing that the proposed income tax for
the United States was to be levied by the national or Federal
government, whereas the income tax in the foreign countries cited was
levied by the states or smaller governmental units of those countries.
The analogy was shown to be false in that the two factors did not agree
in all particulars affecting the conclusion because (1) in one factor
the tax was progressive while in the other it was not, and (2) in one
factor the tax was levied by the national government and in the other it
was not.
The argument from analogy can be made stronger if it is shown that what
is true of the analogous case is much more likely to be true and to be
true in a greater degree, of the case in dispute. The example of analogy
quoted from Burke shows this phase of the process. Some writers call
this process an intensification of the argument from analogy. In logic
it is _a fortiori_ reasoning. The Scriptures abound in this kind of
argument, such as “Are not two sparrows sold for a farthing? and one of
them shall not fall on the ground without your Father. Fear ye not
therefore; ye are of more value than many sparrows.” Another passage
illustrating the intensification of the argument from analogy is,
“Consider the ravens; for they neither sow nor reap; which neither have
storehouse nor barn; and God feedeth them; how much more are ye better
than the fowls?”
In a debate on the proposition, “Resolved, that courses of instruction
in the care and training of children should form a part of the
curriculum of every college and university,” a speaker for the
affirmative developed an analogy based upon the similarity between such
a course and the practical courses in the College of Agriculture on the
raising of live stock. He then gave force to his analogy by suggesting
that if it were worth while to give college courses dealing with the
raising of colts, calves, and pigs, it certainly would be much more
worth while to give courses dealing with the raising of children.
=II. The alleged facts upon which the analogy is based must be true.=
The facts alleged to be true in regard to each of the factors in the
analogy must be true as a matter of fact. A deviation from the truth in
either factor will invalidate the conclusion. In arguing in favor of the
municipal ownership and operation of the street railway system in an
eastern city a debater declared that the proposed plan would be
successful because it had been tried in Chicago with great success. He
then spent much time in showing that so far as street railway ownership
was concerned conditions in the two cities were exactly alike. This
argument from analogy, however, was promptly overthrown by the next
speaker, who introduced evidence which proved that the city of Chicago
did not own its street railway system. The analogy was unsound because
one of the alleged facts upon which it was based was not true.
The above example illustrates one of the chief sources of error in the
use of this class of argument. The student must be constantly on his
guard when inspecting his own work and that of his opponent. The
argument from analogy demands extensive and accurate knowledge of both
the factors involved and the result is almost always in favor of him
whose knowledge of the subject-matter is the most comprehensive. The
temptation to color the facts in order to fit the analogy is sometimes
great and to refrain from deceiving one’s self as well as one’s hearers
requires a high degree of intellectual honesty. In no other form of
argument is the demand for absolute impartiality more imperative. An
analogy which extends beyond the sound foundation of real facts is a
constant source of danger both for him who proposes it and for him who
receives it. All the alleged facts upon which this kind of argument is
based must be true.
III. The conclusion established by analogy should be verified by
positive evidence whenever possible.
The suggestion has already been made that no matter how perfect an
analogy may be, it can never amount to absolute proof. At its best
analogy creates only a high degree of probability. In order to
strengthen the conclusion a diligent search should be made for other
lines of reasoning which will fortify it. One of the most important uses
to which analogy may be put is to suggest possible conclusions which may
be substantiated by other processes of reasoning, as induction,
deduction, or causal relation. If two or more lines of reasoning can be
made to support the same conclusion the probability of its truth is
greatly strengthened; hence its argumentative value is increased. Where
all available processes of reasoning may be made to establish one
conclusion the probability of its truth is so strengthened that it
amounts to moral certainty, but no cumulation of probabilities can ever
amount to absolute certainty.
The fact that analogy must be substantiated by other processes of
reasoning should not lead the student to underestimate its importance.
The examples and explanations which have been given should lead him to
appreciate fully the fact that analogy has two well defined uses aside
from its value as proof of the truth or falsity of a conclusion. In the
first place it is a most important agency in suggesting conclusions
which may be verified or discredited by other processes of reasoning. In
the second place it affords a most valuable method of stating a case so
plainly that even the most ignorant may understand. A striking analogy
makes a most vivid impression on the mind and is retained long after
more formal processes of reasoning are forgotten.
SUMMARY OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR AN ARGUMENT FROM ANALOGY
I. The two factors in the analogy must be alike in all particulars
which affect the conclusion.
II. The alleged facts upon which the analogy is based must be true.
III. The conclusion established by analogy should whenever possible be
verified by positive evidence.
EXERCISES IN ANALOGY
I. Apply the requirements for validity to each of the arguments from
analogy quoted in this last chapter.
II. Suggest arguments from analogy in support of each of the following
conclusions:
1. College students should be allowed to select their own courses
of study.
2. A course in public speaking is a necessity for those who expect
to teach.
3. The greatest moral strength is fostered among many temptations.
4. An inheritance tax is an exceedingly just method of taxation.
5. All colleges should be coëducational.
6. Military drill should be compulsory for all college freshmen.
7. The use of clear and correct English is a prerequisite to
success in any profession.
III. Write an argument from analogy in support of one of the
propositions given in the appendix.
CHAPTER V
FALLACIES
A fallacy is an error in the argumentative process. It may arise from a
mistake in the process of reasoning or from a mistake regarding the
facts upon which the reasoning is based. The task of detecting and
eliminating fallacies in his own argument and of detecting and exposing
fallacies in the argument of his opponent is one of the most important
phases of a debater’s work.
Self-evident fallacies are few. A fallacy is almost always concealed
under cover of language which makes it appear in the guise of valid
reasoning. It is usually embedded in an otherwise sound argumentative
structure. To detect and to separate it from that which is entirely
trustworthy is one of the severest tests of argumentative skill. Just as
in a mathematical computation one wrong figure will invalidate the
accuracy of the result though all the other figures be correct, so will
one false statement in an argument produce the same disastrous effect. A
fallacy may occupy but a very small part of the argument and yet be
fatal to the solidity of the entire structure. It may consist of only
one sentence in several pages of printed matter. It may be but a single
statement which makes an unwarranted transition or assumption.
Nevertheless it is as fatal to the argument as though it comprised a
greater part of the entire discussion.
While an opponent may cover up a fallacy with the deliberate intention
to deceive, yet the existence of most fallacies is not suspected by
those who use them. Therefore the use of fallacious arguments is seldom
evidence of dishonesty but is almost always the result of careless
reasoning or inability to detect and remedy such errors. To classify
fallacies into groups for the purpose of discussion is a most difficult
undertaking. Any division that can be made will not prove all inclusive
and all exclusive in practical application. Hard and fast divisions are
sure to overlap, and a particular fallacy may be treated under one
division or another according to the standpoint of the student and the
combination of circumstances under which it exists. For the purpose of
this discussion we shall divide fallacies according to the kind of
argument in which they occur and according to the form in which they are
usually found. This method of division will best serve our practical
object, which is the detecting and eliminating of fallacies.
=I. Fallacies of Induction.=
In a perfect induction a fallacy may be detected by scrutinizing the
conclusion to make sure that it includes only the specific instances
upon which it is based, and then examining each of these specific
instances to see that it is true as a matter of fact. If the conclusion
includes more than the facts warrant or if the alleged facts are false
the perfect induction is fallacious.
In searching for fallacies in an imperfect induction the rules which
have already been pointed out as governing the construction of such an
inductive argument should be applied. In order to make a systematic
search for fallacies in arguments involving this kind of reasoning, the
following steps should be taken.
_1. The number of specific instances relied upon to support the
inductive conclusion should be determined._
It is comparatively easy to determine the number of incidents claimed to
support the conclusion, provided they are all stated in the argument. In
such a case the searcher for fallacies merely counts these incidents and
passes on to the next step in his investigation. Seldom, however, is the
task so easy. In most arguments the writer or speaker extends his
conclusion far beyond the actual facts offered in its support. Often the
speaker states that “hundreds of other cases,” or “incidents too
numerous to mention,” or “thousands of similar cases,” etc., can be
produced to show the validity of the induction. The debater should never
be overawed by such sweeping statements or allow them to cause him to
cease his search for fallacies. He must be insistent in his demand that
the number of incidents upon which the conclusion is based be exactly
stated or at least that the number be shown as large enough to offset
the probability of coincidence. _The fallacy of the induction can then
be shown to exist by pointing out that the number of incidents in
support of the induction is not sufficiently great to warrant its
acceptance._
_2. The class of persons, events, or things about which the induction is
made should be scrutinized with a view to determining whether it is
homogeneous._
The discussion of this requirement for a valid imperfect induction which
has been previously given will make plain the nature of the
investigation under it. A fallacy may be exposed in such an argument by
showing that _the class of persons, events, or things about which the
induction is made is not homogeneous in respect to the particular about
which the conclusion is stated._
_3. Whether or not the specific instances cited in support of the
conclusion are fair examples should be determined._
It is usually easier to detect unfair examples in an opponent’s argument
than in one of the debater’s own construction. The person who uses an
induction is almost always prejudiced in favor of the instances which
support it, but to the unprejudiced mind the fairness of a given example
is not hard to determine. It is therefore important that the
investigator assume an unprejudiced attitude towards the examples
offered as representative of the class about which the induction is
made. _The existence of a fallacy in an argument based upon an imperfect
induction may be repealed by showing that the specific instances cited
in support of the conclusion are not fair examples._
_4. A search should be made for exceptions to the rule stated by the
induction._
One of the most effective ways to overthrow a generalization is to
present exceptions. Even the existence of one exception will greatly
weaken the effect of a conclusion, while several exceptions, clearly
established, will entirely destroy it. To prove the existence of more
exceptions to the rule than there are instances supporting it is to
prove it entirely fallacious. The search for exceptions should be made
by the same means employed in finding instances to support the
induction. _The fallacy of an induction may be shown by proving the
existence of exceptions to the rule which it states._
_5. The induction should be examined with a view to determining its
reasonableness._
An induction which appears on its face to be contrary to usual
experience is not an effective instrument of persuasion. By showing that
it is contrary to natural law or that no process of reasoning other than
induction can be made to uphold it, the student may weaken its force. If
clear proof of its validity can be established in this way it is not
necessary that other methods of showing a fallacy be introduced. _The
fallacy of an induction may be established by clear proof of its
unreasonableness._
=II. Fallacies of deduction.=
A thorough study of the chapter on Deductive Argument has revealed the
fact that such an argument in order to be valid must be constructed
according to certain definite principles. The knowledge of these
principles thus acquired should enable the student to detect fallacies
in this form of argument. Nevertheless, some of the fallacies to which
deduction is liable are so important and so easily concealed that a
separate treatment of them is necessary. Fallacies of deduction may be
divided into two classes, 1. Material fallacies, and 2. Logical
fallacies.
_1. Material Fallacies._
We have already learned that the deductive argument is seldom found in
the form of a syllogism but is mostly encountered in the form of an
enthymeme, which must be reduced to the syllogistic form. The method of
reduction has been explained in the chapter on Deductive Argument and
exercises in the use of that method have been given. It is therefore
assumed that the student is so familiar with this process that he can
readily reduce any argument to the syllogistic form. In the search for
fallacies we may begin at this point. After the argument has been
reduced to syllogistic form our first task is to examine the major and
minor premises for the purpose of discovering any material error, or
error of fact. In constructing our own argument we have been cautioned
to see to it that both of these statements in the syllogism are true.
Now we are examining our own arguments or our opponents’ arguments for
the very purpose of finding out whether they contain any error. A
sophomore urges John Pitt to come out for the class football team by
saying that all sophomores ought to be candidates for places on the
team. Reduced to the syllogistic form the argument would stand as
follows:
1. All sophomores ought to be candidates for the class football team.
2. John Pitt is a sophomore.
3. Therefore John Pitt ought to be a candidate for the class football
team.
Upon examining the major premise we find that it is not true as a matter
of fact, because it is obvious that one who is not physically capable of
taking part in such a game ought not to do so even though he is a
sophomore. The deduction is therefore fallacious. But suppose the major
premise to be sound, the next step in the search for fallacies would be
to examine the minor premise and find out whether it is true as a matter
of fact. An examination of this premise may disclose the fact that John
Pitt is a junior. The deduction is therefore fallacious, because the
minor premise is not true as a matter of fact. _A fallacy in a deductive
argument may be exposed by showing that either the major premise or the
minor premise is not true as a matter of fact._
_2. Logical fallacies._
We now come to the class of fallacies which inhere in deductive
reasoning independent of the truth or falsity of the alleged facts
contained in the premises. These are called logical fallacies. They
consist of many forms of error in reasoning, but we shall concern
ourselves only with those most likely to be encountered. These are four
in number, (1) The undistributed middle, (2) The illicit process, (3)
Irrelevancy of premises, or ignoring the question, and (4) Begging the
question.
(1). _The undistributed middle._
One of the most common errors of deductive argument is called the
fallacy of the undistributed middle. It consists of a defect in the
major premise. This defect is the failure of the major term to include
the middle term. The following syllogism is a typical illustration of
this error:
1. Some college men are successful in business.
2. Henry Winslow is a college man.
3. Therefore Henry Winslow is successful in business.
The student will observe that the major term, “men who are successful in
business,” does not include the middle term, “college men,” but only
includes a part of that class of men. This is true because the middle
term reads “Some college men.” Therefore it is evident that there are
some college men who are not successful in business as well as some who
are. To represent this defect graphically the device of circles employed
in discussing the construction of valid deductions may again be used.
The result is as follows:
[Illustration]
It is thus made plain that some college men are within the class of
those who are successful in business, while some college men are not
within that class. Now, all that we know about Henry Winslow is that he
is a college man. Therefore we cannot tell whether he belongs to that
part of the class of college men who are successful in business, or to
that part of the class of college men which is not included in the class
of men who are successful in business. We may represent the complete
fallacy as follows:
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
In order to eliminate the logical fallacy contained in the foregoing
syllogism it would be necessary to include the middle term in the major
term of the major premise. The relation of the terms of the major
premise would then be represented by the diagram above.
The completed syllogism would then read as follows:
1. All college men are successful in business.
2. Henry Winslow is a college man.
3. Therefore Henry Winslow is successful in business.
The student must not delude himself with the false impression that he
has remedied the defect and that the syllogism may therefore be used as
the basis of a sound argument. On the contrary he must now treat the
result of his efforts as a new syllogism and begin the search for
fallacies all over again. The first step in this process, as we have
already seen, is to inquire into the truth of the facts contained in the
premises. Let us first examine the major premise. Is it true that all
college men are successful in business? A little investigation and
reflection will prove that it is not. Therefore the argument is still as
fallacious as it was in the beginning. We have merely changed the
logical fallacy into a material fallacy. The result of our investigation
has been to disclose the fallacy of an enthymeme which reads, “Henry
Winslow is successful in business because he is a college man.”
Another form in which the fallacy of the undistributed middle appears in
a manner less easy to detect is shown by the following syllogism:
1. All orators are men of great ability.
2. Herbert Lang is a man of great ability.
3. Therefore Herbert Lang is an orator.
Each of the premises in the above syllogism may be perfectly true as a
matter of fact, but it is obvious that there is something wrong with the
syllogism as a whole. The nature of the defect is not apparent until we
begin to apply the rules for constructing a valid syllogism. This
reveals the fact that instead of the major term including the middle
term, the middle includes the major. If we diagram the major premise by
the system of circles previously employed the following result is
obtained:
[Illustration]
If the conclusion to be established had been that Herbert Lang is a man
of great ability and the minor premise had stated that Herbert Lang was
an orator then the major premise as outlined above would have been
perfectly valid. But the conclusion that Herbert Lang is an orator does
not follow from the fact that he is a man of great ability and that all
orators are men of great ability. The only fact that we can draw from
these statements is that some men of great ability are orators. Because
we say that all orators are men of great ability we cannot be sure of
the converse, that is, that all men of great ability are orators. Only
some of them are orators, others may be ministers, doctors, lawyers, or
business men. Therefore all that we can conclude is that, “Some men of
great ability are orators.” It is now plain that when we construct the
completed syllogism from this major premise, the same defect will exist
which was revealed in the preceding illustration.
1. Some men of great ability are orators.
2. Herbert Lang is a man of great ability.
3. Therefore Herbert Lang is an orator.
By examining the facts expressed in the invalid syllogism we have found
that the fallacy consists of an undistributed middle term. This fallacy
becomes obvious in some propositions in which the conclusion shows the
absurdity of the reasoning process. If we could maintain that Herbert
Lang is an orator because he is a man of great ability and all orators
are men of great ability, we could argue with equal reason that he is a
ground hog because he is an animal and all ground hogs are animals.
(2). _The illicit process._
The illicit process of either the major or minor term in the syllogism
consists of one of these terms appearing in the conclusion in a form
essentially different from that in which it appeared in the major or
minor premises. In this fallacy the major term which is in the
affirmative form in the major premise becomes negative in the
conclusion. The following fallacious syllogism illustrates this error:
1. All football men are strong.
2. Amos Buck is not a football man.
3. Therefore Amos Buck is not strong.
The fallacy is evident; the class of football men does not include all
the strong men. There are some men who are not football men that are
strong. The fact that Amos Buck is not included in the class of football
men does not prove that he is not included in the larger class of strong
men. To be more concrete let us again make use of the diagrams.
From the diagram on page 245 it is seen that the fact that all football
men are strong and that Amos Buck is not a football man, does not prove
anything regarding his strength. He may be within the class of strong
men or he may be outside. Hence the syllogism is fallacious. Usually the
fallacy is not so apparent as in the above illustration but by reducing
the statements to syllogistic form in the manner indicated above the
error becomes apparent.
The minor term in a syllogism sometimes appears in the minor premise as
undistributed or particular and then appears in the conclusion as
distributed or universal. This is another form of the illicit process.
The same result follows when the minor term becomes either larger or
smaller or in any way different in the conclusion from what it was in
the minor premise. For example, a business man says, “I will not send my
son to college because some college men are ‘sports’ and I detest
‘sports’.” This error in reasoning results from the failure to phrase
each term in the same form throughout the syllogism. A scrutiny of the
terms of the syllogism will therefore reveal the presence of this
fallacy.
[Illustration]
(3). _Irrelevancy of the premises, or ignoring the question._
This fallacy consists in ignoring the conclusion to be established and
arguing toward some other conclusion. In logic it is called _ignoratio
elenchi_. It is a very important fallacy, because no error is more
common than that of wandering from the real point at issue and
discussing some related but irrelevant matter. The error may arise from
a deliberate attempt on the part of the speaker to deceive his hearers
by taking their attention from the real point at issue, from a failure
to analyze the question properly, or from inability to reason correctly.
In discussing this fallacy the first step is to analyze the argument in
its relation to the point to be proved. It should be reduced to the
syllogistic form, and the irrelevancy between the premises and the
conclusion should be made plain. After the premises are found it becomes
an easy task to determine whether they establish the right conclusion or
some other conclusion.
There are certain ways in which the question may be ignored that are so
common that they demand special attention. Of these the most important
are the following:
_A. The appeal to passion, prejudice, or humor._
Very often the speaker, instead of refuting the arguments of his
opponent, will attempt to cast ridicule upon them and thus by humorous
treatment divert attention from the real point at issue. Very often the
appeal is made to the passion or prejudice of the persons addressed
instead of to their reason.
_B. The personal attack upon an opponent._
A favorite method of the old time lawyer was to “bullyrag” his opponent
in a law suit and thus merge the case at issue into a personal conflict
with the opposing counsel. While this practice has long ago disappeared
from the court room it is very often encountered in other places. A
speaker who has a weak case will sometimes attack the personal character
of his opponent and thus seek to change the issue from a debate on the
proposition to a wrangle over the personal virtues of the participants.
_C. The personal attack upon the person or persons concerned in the
controversy._
We argue beside the point when we infer from the moral character,
position, or conduct of an individual, the truth or falsity of a
particular proposition. If the question is whether or not John Jones
killed John Smith, we make no progress by showing that John Jones
cheated John Doe out of his farm. If we are told that a certain person
advocates prohibition it is no refutation of his arguments to call
attention to the fact that he is a drunkard. The _validity_ of a
drunkard’s arguments in favor of prohibition are not affected by his
conduct, although their influence upon other persons would doubtless be
greatly affected by it. We always argue beside the point when we attempt
to defend or condemn a principle by praising or condemning the person
who advocates it. Neither can we establish the guilt or innocence of an
accused person by praising or condemning traits of his character which
have nothing to do with the charges against him.
_D. The appeal to customs and tradition._
The popular appeal to “let well enough alone,” “what has been should
be,” and other conservative arguments of this class entirely ignore the
question at issue. If the world had followed these precepts we should be
no farther advanced to-day than at the beginning of time. To follow them
now would mean that all progress must cease. A hundred years ago no
argument could have convinced the average individual that man would be
able to travel a mile a minute or that one man could hear another talk
at a distance of one thousand miles, or that a machine could be made
which would talk. Twenty years ago few people could have been convinced
that one could see through solid matter or that a man could fly, or that
a wireless telegraph was a possibility. Nevertheless all of these
seemingly impossible things have come to pass. Similar things are
constantly happening in the less material world of education, politics,
and religion. Therefore small weight attaches to the argument which
relies solely upon an appeal to custom and tradition.
_E. Shifting ground._
This fallacy usually arises from using a word in a double capacity. For
instance, “Every American citizen should be democratic in his conduct;
therefore he should vote the Democratic ticket,” is an example of this
fallacy. Here the term democratic is used in more than one sense. It is
first used to indicate an attitude of kindly sympathy towards one’s
fellow men; then it is used to designate a political party. Likewise we
might argue in an equally fallacious manner that because this country is
a republic, every man should vote the Republican ticket. The cause of
this fallacy is usually a failure on the part of the arguer to define
exactly his own position and to state the meaning of vital words used in
the proposition. An unscrupulous debater will take advantage of this
fallacy as soon as he is cornered by shifting to a different meaning of
the words employed. Whenever a debater begins to prove one proposition
and ends by upholding another proposition he has shifted ground. This
fallacy is usually so concealed in a maze of words that its detection is
difficult.
_F. Refuting an argument which has not been advanced._
This form of ignoring the question may arise from a deliberate attempt
to misrepresent the opposition or from an honest mistake as to just what
argument has been advanced. In either case it ignores the question at
issue and is a useless expenditure of time and effort. Sometimes a
debater cannot refute the arguments advanced by his opponents and he
therefore seeks to occupy his time by arguing against contentions which
he thought would be advanced but which in reality have not been
mentioned. It is far better not to argue at all than to ignore the real
points at issue in this manner.
_G. Arguing on a related proposition._
This is a very common way of ignoring the question. For example, in
support of prohibition, a debater often proves that temperance is a
benefit to the community. The real question is whether prohibition is
advisable as a means of dealing with the liquor traffic. The question as
to whether temperance benefits the community is only related. Therefore
to argue in support of the related question is to ignore the real one.
In a debate on the proposition “Resolved, that the compulsory
arbitration of strikes is practicable in the United States” the
affirmative devoted its efforts to proving that the system would be of
great advantage to the country and that it had worked well in New
Zealand. The question, whether compulsory arbitration is practicable in
the United States, was entirely ignored by its advocates arguing in
support of two related propositions which might be stated as follows:
“Resolved, that the compulsory arbitration of strikes would be of great
advantage to the United States,” and “Resolved, that compulsory
arbitration of strikes has worked well in New Zealand.” The real
question at issue was entirely ignored.
(4). _Begging the question._
To beg the question is to assume its truth or falsity without proof.
This does not mean a direct assumption of truth or falsity but an
indirect assumption reached in a circuitous manner by an appearance of
logical reasoning. In logic this error is called _petitio principi_. It
may appear in many different forms but the following are the most
frequently encountered:
_A. Arguing in a circle._
This error involves more than one syllogism. It begins by assuming the
truth of a premise, next upon this premise a conclusion is built and
then finally this very conclusion is used in an attempt to prove the
premise with which the syllogism was begun. For example, a student is
urged to take the course in corporation law in the Harvard Law School
because it is the best in the country. When the student inquires why it
is the best in the country he is told that it is the best because it is
given in the Harvard Law School. In other words no reason is given but
the statement stripped of its semblance of reasoning is merely that the
Harvard Law School is the best because it is the best.
An excellent example showing the refutation of a circular argument is
found in Percival and Jelliffe’s _Specimens of Exposition and Argument_.
It is taken from the argument of Felix Adler against the evils of child
labor in the United States.
“There is one other argument so un-American and so inhuman that I am
almost ashamed to quote it, and yet it has been used, and I fear is
secretly in the minds of some who would not openly stand for it. A
manufacturer standing near the furnace of a glasshouse and pointing to a
procession of young Slav boys who were carrying the glass on trays,
remarked ‘Look at their faces, and you will see that it is idle to take
them from the glasshouse in order to give them an education; they are
what they are, and will always remain what they are.’ He meant that
there are some human beings—and these Slavs of the number—who are
mentally irredeemable, so fast asleep intellectually that they cannot be
awakened; designed by nature, therefore, to be hewers of wood and
drawers of water. This cruel and wicked thing was said of Slavs; it is
the same thing which has been said from time immemorial by the slave
owners of their slaves. First they degrade human beings by denying them
opportunity to develop their better nature; no schools, no teaching, no
freedom, no outlook; and then, as if in mockery, they point to the
degraded condition of their victims as a reason why they should never be
allowed to escape from it.”
_B. Directly assuming the point at issue._
In directly assuming the truth of the point at issue much language is
employed which tends to conceal the lack of real proof. Stripped of
their wealth of expression such so-called arguments appear as bare
unsupported assertions. The following is a good example of this fallacy:
“Up to the time when the crime was committed, the character of the
prisoner was above reproach, for his conduct was always characterized by
honest respect for law and order.”
Often a single word may directly assume the truth or falsity of the
proposition under discussion. In opposing the proposition “Resolved,
that the boycott is a proper policy for organized labor,” the first
speaker began by saying, “It is our purpose to prove that the _wicked
and pernicious_ system of boycotting is not a proper policy for
organized labor.” This statement begged the whole proposition by
assuming at the outset that boycotting is _wicked and pernicious_. A
subsequent speaker committed the same fallacy by saying, “We contend
that there are ways by which organized labor can accomplish its purpose
that are—unlike the boycott—legitimate and proper.” In some cases such
question-begging words as those employed above are used in defining the
terms of the proposition. This manner of defining terms begs the
question as effectively and directly as any of the other fallacious
practices discussed under this heading.
_C. Indirectly assuming the point at issue._
One of the most common ways of begging the question is to assume the
truth of a broad general proposition which includes the one under
discussion. This does not directly assume the truth of the proposition,
but does it indirectly. For instance, a student declared that “Our
football team will win the championship, because the captain of the team
says we cannot lose it.” This begs the point at issue, namely—whether
our team will win the championship, by assuming the truth of a broader
proposition, namely—that whatever the captain of the team says is true.
The same result follows the assumption of particular truths which the
proposition involves. In supporting the proposition, “Resolved, that the
state should prescribe uniform text-books for the public schools” a
student attempted to prove that public instruction should be uniform
throughout the state. He thus assumed that uniform text-books would
secure uniform public instruction throughout the state. This was a
particular proposition involved in the main proposition, and it was the
duty of the debater to show that uniform text-books would bring about
uniform public instruction.
III. Fallacies of causal relation.
We have already considered the importance of causal relation in
argumentation. A relation clearly established between a cause and an
effect affords a substantial basis for valid reasoning. The failure to
establish such relation results in error. Of course the causal relation
may exist although undiscovered. Nevertheless, the failure to show such
relation should always be considered as a warning to look out for
fallacies.
_1. Fallacies of the argument from effect to cause._
The argument from effect to cause may be shown to contain a fallacy by
proving any one of the following contentions:
1. That the alleged cause was not sufficient to produce the effect.
2. That an independent cause intervened between the alleged cause and
the effect.
3. That the alleged cause was prevented from operating.
In arguing from a known effect to an unknown cause certain fallacies
occur with such frequency that we must give them special attention. Of
these common errors the following are the most important:
(1). _Mistaking coincidence for cause._
Most superstitions are due to this fallacy of mistaking coincidence for
cause. A black cat crosses our path as we are starting out on a journey.
If some misfortune overtakes us before our return our minds immediately
revert to the old superstition that if a black cat crosses our path we
must turn back and make a fresh start if we wish to ward off disaster.
The black cat is regarded by the superstitious as the cause of the
disaster. Obviously there is no causal relation between the appearance
of the black cat and the occurrence of the disaster. It is merely a
coincidence. If we regard it in any other light we are mistaking
coincidence for cause.
Political campaign oratory abounds in this kind of fallacy. One
political party comes into power and a period of industrial prosperity
follows. The party leaders point to their administration as the cause of
the prosperity. On the other hand if a period of depression follows the
election, the opponents of the successful party point to it as the cause
of the disaster. Seldom in such cases is any real causal relation
established. It is more often merely coincidence.
No fallacy is more inexcusable than that which asserts a mere prior
occurrence as a cause. Because it rained last Sunday and to-day I lose
my pocketbook is no reason why I should maintain that last Sunday’s rain
was the cause of my loss. Yet many arguments are advanced based upon a
lack of causal relation as evident as that of the above coincidence. In
an inter-class debate one of the speakers maintained that the large
number of Chinese in a certain city was the cause of the greater amount
of crime which existed in that city as compared with other cities of the
same size. No causal relation was established, but the mere fact of the
presence of the Chinese was set forth as proof that the Chinese were
responsible for the crime. One of the critics of the debate pointed out
that it was just as reasonable to suppose that the unusually cold
weather of the winter just passed was caused by the large number of
Congregationalists in the state.
Even when two events are repeatedly associated so far as time is
concerned we should not regard the repetition as proof of the causal
relation but only as an indication that a causal relation probably
exists. We should not arrive at any definite conclusion until the
existence of the causal relation has been finally established.
(2). _Mistaking an effect for a cause._
The fallacy of mistaking an effect for a cause consists in pointing to
one effect as the cause of another effect when in reality both effects
are the result of one cause. For example, a recent writer attributes the
anarchistic tendency of the masses of Russia to the arrogance of the
soldiery in that country. This reasoning is criticised on the ground
that both the anarchistic tendencies of the masses and the arrogance of
the soldiery are effects of the same cause, viz.—the despotic government
of Russia.
(3). _Mistaking a subsequent cause for a real cause._
This fallacy arises when an effect is observed and in the search for the
cause we accept something which in reality happened after the effect was
observed. A striking example of this fallacy occurred in a recent
municipal election. The increased cost of city government was charged to
the present mayor. His opponents pointed to him as the cause of this
increase in the city’s expenses. The mayor’s friends revealed the
fallacy by showing that the expense had really been incurred under the
former mayor. The acts of the present mayor could not have been the
cause of the increased expense because that expense had been incurred
before he went into office. Therefore those who made the unjust charge
had committed the fallacy of mistaking a subsequent cause for the real
cause.
(4). _Mistaking an insufficient cause for a sufficient cause._
This fallacy differs from those previously discussed in that there
exists some causal relation between the effect and the alleged cause.
The error consists of a failure to recognize the insufficiency of the
cause to produce the effect without the help of some other cause.
In a discussion of the proposition, “Resolved, that department stores
have proved a benefit to municipal communities,” one speaker argued that
such stores were the cause of the low price at which small necessities
such as hardware and dry-goods novelties could be purchased by the
consumer. The next speaker exposed the fallacy of this argument by
admitting that department stores had been a factor in lowering the cost
of such commodities, but that this could not have been done except for
the assistance of another and more powerful cause, viz.,—the invention
of machinery by which such articles could be manufactured in enormous
quantities.
_2. Fallacies of the argument from cause to effect._
Fallacies of the argument from cause to effect may be exposed by showing
1. That the observed cause is insufficient to produce the alleged
effect.
2. That past experience shows that the alleged effect does not always
follow the observed cause.
3. That an independent force has intervened to prevent the observed
cause from operating.
4. That the conclusion established by the argument is overthrown by
positive evidence.
It must be kept in mind that the argument from cause to effect is
subject to errors similar to those discussed in connection with
fallacies of the argument from effect to cause. In his desire to predict
the course of future events man is led to ignore the complex nature of
human affairs. A certain individual believes that if he puts all his
money into a business and then gives all his attention to its management
that that is a sufficient cause for success. Nevertheless, so much
depends upon the nature of the man and of the business that it is
extremely difficult to foretell the effect. The principle underlying
this situation is common to practically every argument from cause to
effect. Unless the fallacy is obvious it requires a broad and
penetrating intellect to fathom it.
_3. Fallacies of the argument from effect to effect._
The fallacies of the argument from effect to effect are discovered by
resolving it into the argument from effect to cause and from cause to
effect, of which it is composed, and examining the validity of each of
these processes.
IV. Fallacies of the argument from analogy.
The chapter on Argument from Analogy treated of the requirements for
validity to which such an argument must conform. We may expose the
fallacy of an argument from analogy by showing—
1. That the two factors in the analogy are not alike in all the
particulars affecting the conclusion.
2. That the alleged facts upon which the analogy is based are not true.
3. That the conclusion established by analogy is disproved by positive
evidence.
No test of an analogy is absolute. Its very nature makes it more
susceptible to fallacy than are the other forms of argument. At its best
it creates only a high degree of probability. As already stated, its
chief use is to give clearness and force to persuasive writing and
speaking. In the search for fallacies, here as well as elsewhere, the
best guarantee of success is an unprejudiced mind equipped with a
thorough working knowledge of all the argumentative processes of
reasoning and of the numerous fallacies to which they are subject.
EXERCISES IN FALLACY
I. Point out clearly the kind of fallacies, if any, involved in the
following arguments.
1. The only people excluded from the privilege of voting are
children, idiots, foreigners, convicts, and women. How much
longer will the civilized nations of the earth permit their
women to be classed with the incompetent and the criminal
classes of society?
2. Political parties are a necessity to free institutions. The
United States is the oldest democracy on earth and in it
political parties have always ruled.
3. The election of a Republican president in 1896 was followed by
a period of prosperity unrivalled in our history. Who can doubt
that had a Democratic president been elected it would have
worked the beginning of a sure decline of our industrial
supremacy?
4. The rapid increase in wages for the past twenty years shows the
superior advantage gained by the organization of the working
men.
5. Is not the Spanish-American war proof of the fact that the
government can meet its expenditures in time of great national
emergencies without resorting to the income tax?
6. England, France, and Germany are the great powers of Europe.
Both England and Germany have signified their willingness to
sign this treaty. We are therefore certain that the great
powers of Europe will become parties to this treaty provided we
give them the opportunity.
7. Soon after the great flood the city of Galveston was grappling
with serious municipal problems. By adopting the commission
form of city government all these difficulties were solved.
Therefore all American cities, oppressed by governmental
difficulties, may secure prompt relief by adopting this plan of
municipal administration.
8. (1) Some Italians are good musicians.
(2) This man is an Italian.
(3) Therefore this man is a good musician.
9. (1) All college students are interested in athletics.
(2) Ira Simpson is not a college student.
(3) Therefore Ira Simpson is not interested in athletics.
10. My opponent must remember that the finger of suspicion has
pointed to him as the one who willfully misrepresented that
great mine disaster. Does he dare to assert that he is now
telling the truth?
11. The capitalistic class has always oppressed the working man.
It has ground into the dust the man who toils for his living.
It has enjoyed its ill-gotten wealth by living in luxury while
the laboring man has earned his bread by the sweat of his brow.
Now, my fellow workmen, shall we cast our vote for one of the
most vicious members of this class?
12. Never in its history has the town of Grogan stooped to borrow
money for public improvements. No one will dare maintain that
this time honored custom, founded upon reason and common sense,
should now be broken.
13. Brown County is overwhelmingly Republican in politics; it is
therefore quite probable that your cousin who lives in that
county is a Republican.
14. The very foundation of this great republic is the idea of
democracy. Why, then, should not every right minded citizen
recognize his duty to support the Democratic party in the
coming election?
15. This climate is very healthful, for if it were not healthful
the people who live here would not be free from disease.
16. There must be a substantial reason back of the opinion that
the tariff should be lowered, for the prevalence of this
opinion throughout the country shows that it has a sound
foundation.
17. The inhuman method of killing murderers by electrocution
should be abolished.
18. It is evident that the recommendations of the Simplified
Spelling Board should be adopted because one of the members of
that board is the most eminent authority on the English
Language in this country.
19. The price of wheat is bound to increase rapidly within the
next few months because the recent flood of the Arkansas River
has destroyed many hundred acres of this crop.
20. James was quite sure that something disagreeable would occur
because only last night he saw the new moon over his left
shoulder.
21. Since this tax has worked well in England there can be no
doubt of its practicability if it is adopted in the United
States.
II. Each student should write out and bring to the class at least one
fallacy which he has found in the conversation of his
fellow-students.
III. Whenever possible use diagrams to show the fallacies in the
specimens under I.
CHAPTER VI
REFUTATION
In discussing the Practice of Argumentation and Debate we have
considered the importance of refutation in both the main argument and in
rebuttal. We have seen that refutation must be introduced into the main
arguments whenever the prominence of opposing arguments makes it
necessary. We have seen that rebuttal consists largely of refutation. In
fact, rebuttal and refutation are used by some writers as synonymous
terms. However, in the chapter on rebuttal a distinction was made by
which that term was used to indicate the practical work of defending an
argument and attacking an opponent. In this chapter on Refutation we
shall consider the theory of the various methods employed in attacking
an opponent’s argument.
Refutation is entirely destructive as distinguished from constructive
argument. While the work of rebuttal includes both a defense of one’s
own argument and an attack upon that of an opponent, refutation consists
of weakening or destroying the arguments of the opposition. From the
destructive nature of refutation it is plain that it must be adapted to
the argument against which it is directed. This involves keen powers of
analysis and adaptation, an exact knowledge of the theory and practice
of argumentation, and a thorough insight into both sides of the
proposition under discussion. The first essential in refutation is that
the writer or speaker make perfectly plain the exact argument that he is
refuting. He must then show just how the refutation which he is making
bears upon that argument. Finally he must show plainly that his
refutation has weakened or destroyed the argument against which it was
directed. These three steps in refutation must be indicated plainly.
In refutation it is proper to establish a contrary proposition or to
refer to the fact that such a contrary proposition has been established.
The actual destructive work may be accomplished in any legitimate
manner. Of the methods employed in refutation the following are the most
important.
I. Revealing a fallacy.
The chapter on fallacies has pointed out the argumentative defects of
reasoning most frequently encountered. The student must not assume that
these errors will always occur in the exact form in which they have been
treated in any text-book. They are sure to appear in many and varied
guises. To identify and expose them requires the keenest qualities of
mind. Each student should pride himself on his ability to detect a
fallacy quickly and should look back with humiliation upon any
occurrence when he has allowed a fallacious argument to pass by
unchallenged.
Familiarity with the valid forms of logical reasoning and with the
errors to which they are subject are prerequisites to success. It is not
sufficient that the student have a vague feeling that there is something
wrong with an argument; he must be able to locate the defect exactly and
to point it out to others in such a way that they will see it. Vagueness
and ambiguity are the very substance of fallacies. Sometimes the student
must use his knowledge of constructive logic to build up a parallel
argument in the way it ought to stand and show more plainly by means of
contrast the defects of the unsound argument. In such cases it often
happens that the evidence points in an opposite direction from that
which is needed to support a valid argument. All of these devices should
be utilized in making plain the existence of fallacies.
II. Reductio ad absurdum.
This method of refutation adopts for the time being the argument of an
opponent and then by carrying out that argument to its logical
conclusion shows that it is absurd. For example, Beecher answered those
who favored the South, during the late Civil War, because they were “the
weaker party,” by reducing their argument to an absurdity. He said,
“Nothing could be more generous than your doctrine that you stand for
the ‘weaker’ party in a controversy, when that weak party stands for its
own legitimate rights against imperious pride and power. But who ever
sympathized with a weak thief, because three constables had got hold of
him? And yet the one thief in three policemen’s hands is the weaker
party. I suppose you would sympathize with him.”
The following quotation from Laycock and Scales’ _Argumentation and
Debate_ still further illustrates this method of refutation.
“This method is effective because of its simplicity and directness. It
also has in it an element of ridicule that is persuasive against an
opponent. William Ellery Channing, in a reply to Henry Clay on the
slavery question, used this method as follows:—
“‘But this property, we are told, is not to be questioned on account of
its long duration. “Two hundred years have sanctioned and _sanctified_
negro slaves as property.” Nothing but respect for the speaker could
repress criticism on this unhappy phraseology. We will trust it escaped
him without thought. But to confine ourselves to the argument from
duration; how obvious the reply! Is injustice changed into justice by
the practice of ages? Is my victim made a righteous prey because I have
bowed him to the earth till he cannot rise? For more than two hundred
years heretics were burned, and not by mobs, not by lynch law, but by
the decrees of councils, at the instigation of theologians, and with the
sanction of the laws and religions of nations; and was this a reason for
keeping up the fires, that they had burned two hundred years? In the
eastern world, successive despots, not for two hundred years, but for
twice two thousand, have claimed the right of life and death over
millions, and with no law but their own will, have beheaded, bowstrung,
starved, tortured unhappy men without number who have incurred their
wrath; and does the lapse of so many centuries sanctify murder and
ferocious power?’
“Again:—‘But the great argument remains. It is said that this property
must not be questioned, because it is established by law. “That is
property which the law declares to be property.” Thus human law is made
supreme, decisive, in a question of morals. Thus the idea of an eternal,
immutable justice is set at naught. Thus the great rule of human life is
made to be the ordinance of interested men. But there is a higher
tribunal, a throne of equal justice, immovable by the conspiracy of all
human legislatures. “That is property which the law declares to be
property.” Then the laws have only to declare you, or me, or Mr. Clay,
to be property, and we become chattels and are bound to bear the yoke!
Does not even man’s moral nature repel this doctrine too intuitively to
leave time or need for argument?’”
III. The dilemma.
The dilemma is one of the most conclusive forms of refutation. It
consists in forcing upon an opponent a choice between two possible
solutions to the question under discussion, and then showing that both
conclusions are unsound. These two conclusions are called the “horns of
the dilemma.” It matters not which of the “horns” an opponent selects;
the result is disastrous. For example, Lincoln used the dilemma against
those who charged that the Republicans stirred up insurrection among the
slaves and pointed to John Brown and his men as a specific example
showing the truth of that charge. Lincoln said, “John Brown was no
Republican; and you have failed to implicate a single Republican in his
Harper’s Ferry enterprise. If any member of our party is guilty in that
matter, you know it or you do not know it. If you do know it, you are
inexcusable for not designating the man and proving the fact. If you do
not know it, you are inexcusable for asserting it, and especially for
persisting in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the
proof. You need not be told that persisting in a charge which one does
not know to be true, is simply malicious slander.” In effect Lincoln
said, “You know it or you do not know it. If you know it you are
inexcusable. If you do not know it you are inexcusable. Whichever horn
of the dilemma you accept, your conduct is inexcusable.”
In order to be conclusive a dilemma must meet two requirements. First,
there must be only two possibilities in the case; the alternative must
include these exactly. Second, both members of the alternative, or
“horns” of the dilemma must be untenable. To ignore or fail to comply
with either of these requirements is fatal to this method of refutation.
Lincoln, in the following quotation, shows that Douglas has violated the
first of these requirements. He refuses to accept either of the horns of
the dilemma which Douglas has sought to force upon him, by pointing out
a third possibility. On this third possibility, overlooked by Douglas,
he can stand with safety. He says:—
“Judge Douglas finds the Republicans insisting that the Declaration of
Independence includes all men, black as well as white, and forthwith he
boldly denies that it includes negroes at all, and proceeds to argue
gravely that all who contend it does, do so only because they went to
vote, to eat and sleep, and marry with negroes. He will have it that
they cannot be consistent else. Now I protest against this counterfeit
logic which concludes that because I do not want a black woman for a
slave I must necessarily want her for a wife. I need not have her for
either. I can just leave her alone.”
IV. Residues.
The method of residues consists in stating all the possible conclusions
regarding the controverted subject and then destroying all of these
except one which is then regarded as the true conclusion. For example,
there are three possibilities, A, B, and C. A and B are false. Therefore
the presumption is that C is true. It will be seen that this process is
destructive and hence belongs with refutation. This method of refutation
must be used with great care. It is absolutely essential that every
possibility be included in the process. If one possibility is overlooked
the refutation is worthless. This is true because no one can tell
whether the known possibility is the true one or whether the possibility
which has been omitted is the true one. In such a case no conclusion is
reached. Even when it is apparent that the entire field has been
covered, and that every possibility has been stated the residuary part
should be supported by direct positive proof. This will offset the
suspicion, which is otherwise ever present in the minds of those who are
listening to or reading the argument, that perhaps one possibility has
been overlooked.
Foster in his _Argumentation and Debate_ quotes two excellent examples
of this method of refutation. The first of these is taken from Burke’s
_Speech on Conciliation_. After showing that a fierce spirit of liberty
has developed in the American colonies Burke asks what is to be done
with that spirit. Answering his own question he says:—
“‘As far as I am capable of discerning there are but three ways of
proceeding relative to this stubborn spirit which prevails in your
colonies, and disturbs your government. _These are—to change that
spirit, as inconvenient, by removing the cause; to prosecute it as
criminal; or to cope with it as necessary._ I would not be guilty of an
imperfect enumeration; I can think of but these three. Another has
indeed been started,—that of giving up the colonies; but it met so
slight a reception that I do not think myself obliged to dwell a great
while upon it. It is nothing but a little sally of anger, like the
frowardness of peevish children, who when they cannot get all they would
have, are resolved to take nothing.’
“Burke then proceeds to show that the first and second of these plans
are impracticable, and concludes with the following characteristic,
logical summary:—
“‘If, then, the removal of the causes of this spirit of American liberty
be for the greater part, or rather entirely, impracticable; if the ideas
of criminal process be inapplicable—or if applicable, are in the highest
degree inexpedient—what way yet remains? No way is open but the third
and last—to comply with the American spirit as necessary; or, if you
please, to submit to it as a necessary evil.’
“Huxley, in his first lecture on Evolution, presented three hypotheses
regarding the origin of the universe:—
“‘So far as I know, there are only three hypotheses which ever have been
entertained, or which well can be entertained, respecting the past
history of Nature. I will, in the first place, state the hypotheses, and
then I will consider what evidence bearing upon them is in our
possession, and by what light of criticism that evidence is to be
interpreted.
“‘Upon the first hypothesis, the assumption is that phenomena of Nature
similar to those exhibited by the present world have always existed; in
other words, that the universe has existed from all eternity in what may
be broadly termed its present condition.
“‘The second hypothesis is, that the present state of things has had
only a limited duration; and that at some period in the past, a
condition of the world, essentially similar to that which we now know,
came into existence, without any precedent condition from which it could
have naturally proceeded. The assumption that successive states of
Nature have arisen, each without any relation of natural causation to an
antecedent state, is a mere modification of this second hypothesis.
“‘The third hypothesis also assumes that the present state of things has
had but a limited duration; but it supposes that this state has been
evolved by a natural process from an antecedent state, and that from
another, and so on; and on this hypothesis, the attempt to assign any
limit to the series of past changes is usually given up.’
“Huxley thus destroyed the first two hypotheses and left the third—since
called the Theory of Evolution—standing alone. Following this indirect,
destructive method of proof, Huxley offered direct, constructive proof
of the probable soundness of the Theory of Evolution. Such positive
proof should always be offered in corroboration of negative proof, for
the method of residues is, at best, only an indirect argument. The
chances of overlooking a possibility, or of failing completely to
destroy those dealt with, are so great that the result of the indirect
method should be reinforced by direct argument.”
V. Inconsistencies.
When a witness testifies in a court of law he injures his own
credibility as soon as one part of his story contradicts another part.
His entire account of the events about which he has been called to give
testimony must be consistent. Any inconsistency may prove fatal to the
acceptance of his testimony. In like manner any inconsistency in an
argument may prove fatal to its acceptance. The exposure of such
inconsistencies in an opponent’s argument is one of the most important
methods of refutation. In most cases the difficulty of the task is
greatly increased by the form in which such inconsistencies usually
occur. Seldom are they apparent. In most cases the error is revealed
only after the argument has been carefully analyzed and the inconsistent
parts stripped of their covering of confusing language.
The following quotation taken from the argument of Lincoln in one of the
Lincoln-Douglas debates shows the application of this method. Douglas
had maintained that slavery could be lawfully excluded from a territory
in spite of the Dred Scott decision. In refuting this argument by
exposing the inconsistency which it contained, Lincoln said:—
“The Dred Scott Decision expressly gives every citizen of the United
States a right to carry his slaves into the United States Territories.
Now, there was some inconsistency in saying that the decision was right,
and saying, too, that the people of the Territory could lawfully drive
slavery out again. When all the trash, the words, the collateral matter,
was cleared away from it,—all the chaff was fanned out of it,—it was a
bare absurdity: no less than that a thing may be lawfully driven away
from a place where it has a lawful right to be. Clear it of all the
verbiage, and that is the naked truth for his proposition—that a thing
may be lawfully driven from the place where it has a lawful right to
stay.”
VI. Adopting an opponent’s evidence.
This method of refutation consists in taking evidence which an opponent
has introduced in favor of his own argument and showing that in reality
it supports the opposite contention. This method of refutation is so
effective that it should never be neglected when an opportunity to use
it is presented. The opportunity may arise from the failure of an
opponent to grasp the full bearing of the evidence which he offers, or
it may arise from an unexpected turn in the discussion. Evidence may be
introduced in the beginning of a discussion to support a particular
contention by which it favors the writer or speaker who introduces it.
Later this same evidence may be interpreted as supporting a contention
entirely adverse to the writer or speaker who introduced it. An
excellent example of this method of refutation is found in Bouton’s
_Lincoln and Douglas Debates_ in Lincoln’s Cooper Institute Speech,
where he turns the warning of Washington against those who had been
quoting it against him.
“Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against
sectional parties given by Washington in his Farewell Address. Less than
eight years before Washington gave that warning, he had, as President of
the United States, approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the
prohibition of slavery in the Northwest Territory, which act embodied
the policy of the Government upon that subject up to and at the very
moment he penned that warning; and about one year after he penned it, he
wrote Lafayette that he considered that prohibition a wise measure,
expressing in the same connection his hope that we should at some time
have a confederacy of free states.
“Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since risen upon
this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands against us, or
in our hands against you? Could Washington himself speak, would he cast
the blame of that sectionalism upon us who sustain his policy, or upon
you who repudiate it? We respect the warning of Washington, and we
commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right
application of it.”
We have now considered the important methods of refutation. Their
successful use depends upon the conscientious effort of the student.
Just as a boy cannot hope to learn to swim by sitting on the bank of a
stream and reading a book containing directions on how to swim, so can
no student hope to become successful in refutation by a study of the
methods explained and illustrated in this chapter. He must master the
theory of refutation, but it does not become an effective instrument in
his hands until he has applied it in actual practice. Moreover, just as
the boy can better profit by the instructions regarding swimming after
he has actually tried to swim, so can the debater better profit by the
theory of refutation after he has engaged in some real debates.
EXERCISES IN REFUTATION
I. Point out the different methods of refutation employed in the
arguments in Appendix A; Appendix B; Appendix C.
II. Refute the following statements and name the method of refutation
employed in each case.
1. High school courses should be wholly prescribed. No electives
should be offered.
2. So far as political rights are concerned all citizens should
have equal privileges. Therefore women should have the right to
vote.
3. The term of office of the President of the United States should
be extended to eight years because we should not run the risk
of losing the services of an efficient president at the end of
four years.
4. Our government should annex Cuba because we must gain
possession of all territory adjacent to, or not separated by
foreign possessions from, the United States.
5. There is no ground for anticipating an immediate war with Japan
since she has been compelled to come to our terms in the recent
disputes.
III. What methods of refutation are employed by Burke in his Speech on
Conciliation? By Webster in his Reply to Hayne?
IV. In the next class debate point out and name all the methods of
refutation employed by your opponents and yourself.
APPENDICES
APPENDIX A: THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE AT ALTON 273
APPENDIX B: BRIEF OF THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE AT ALTON 317
APPENDIX C: LINCOLN’S COOPER INSTITUTE SPEECH 324
APPENDIX D: MEMORANDUM OF AGREEMENT FOR HIGH SCHOOL DEBATING LEAGUE
UNDER THE DIRECTION OF A COLLEGE OR UNIVERSITY 342
APPENDIX E: DEBATING AGREEMENT FOR A LEAGUE COMPOSED OF FIVE
INSTITUTIONS 346
APPENDIX F: MEMORANDUM OF AGREEMENT FOR A TRIANGULAR DEBATING
LEAGUE 352
APPENDIX G: PROPOSITIONS 355
APPENDIX A
THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE AT ALTON
[OCTOBER 15, 1858]
SENATOR DOUGLAS’S SPEECH
Ladies and Gentlemen: It is now nearly four months since the canvass
between Mr. Lincoln and myself commenced. On the 16th of June the
Republican Convention assembled at Springfield and nominated Mr. Lincoln
as their candidate for the United States Senate, and he, on that
occasion, delivered a speech in which he laid down what he understood to
be the Republican creed and the platform on which he proposed to stand
during the contest. The principal points in that speech of Mr. Lincoln’s
were: First, that this government could not endure permanently divided
into Free and Slave States, as our fathers made it; that they must all
become free or all become slave; all become one thing, or all become the
other,—otherwise this Union could not continue to exist. I give you his
opinions almost in the identical language he used. His second
proposition was a crusade against the Supreme Court of the United States
because of the Dred Scott decision, urging as an especial reason for his
opposition to that decision that it deprived the negroes of the rights
and benefits of that clause in the Constitution of the United States
which guarantees to the citizens of each State all the rights,
privileges, and immunities of the citizens of the several States. On the
10th of July I returned home, and delivered a speech to the people of
Chicago, in which I announced it to be my purpose to appeal to the
people of Illinois to sustain the course I had pursued in Congress. In
that speech I joined issue with Mr. Lincoln on the points which he had
presented. Thus there was an issue clear and distinct made up between us
on these two propositions laid down in the speech of Mr. Lincoln at
Springfield, and controverted by me in my reply to him at Chicago. On
the next day, the 11th of July, Mr. Lincoln replied to me at Chicago,
explaining at some length and reaffirming the positions which he had
taken in his Springfield speech. In that Chicago speech he even went
further than he had before, and uttered sentiments in regard to the
negro being on an equality with the white man. He adopted in support of
this position the argument which Lovejoy and Codding and other Abolition
lecturers had made familiar in the northern and central portions of the
State; to wit, that the Declaration of Independence having declared all
men free and equal, by divine law, also that negro equality was an
inalienable right, of which they could not be deprived. He insisted, in
that speech, that the Declaration of Independence included the negro in
the clause asserting that all men were created equal, and went so far as
to say that if one man was allowed to take the position that it did not
include the negro, others might take the position that it did not
include other men. He said that all these distinctions between this man
and that man, this race and the other race, must be discarded, and we
must all stand by the Declaration of Independence, declaring that all
men were created equal.
The issue thus being made up between Mr. Lincoln and myself on three
points, we went before the people of the State. During the following
seven weeks, between the Chicago speeches and our first meeting at
Ottawa, he and I addressed large assemblages of the people in many of
the central counties. In my speeches I confined myself closely to those
three positions which he had taken, controverting his proposition that
this Union could not exist as our fathers made it, divided into Free and
Slave States, controverting his proposition of a crusade against the
Supreme Court because of the Dred Scott decision, and controverting his
proposition that the Declaration of Independence included and meant the
negroes as well as the white men, when it declared all men to be created
equal. I supposed at that time that these propositions constituted a
distinct issue between us, and that the opposite positions we had taken
upon them we would be willing to be held to in every part of the State.
I never intended to waver one hair’s breadth from that issue either in
the north or the south or wherever I should address the people of
Illinois. I hold that when the time arrives that I cannot proclaim my
political creed in the same terms, not only in the northern, but in the
southern part of Illinois, not only in the Northern, but the Southern
States, and wherever the American flag waves over American soil, that
then there must be something wrong in that creed; so long as we live
under a common Constitution, so long as we live in a confederacy of
sovereign and equal States, joined together as one for certain purposes,
that any political creed is radically wrong which cannot be proclaimed
in every State and every section of that Union, alike. I took up Mr.
Lincoln’s three propositions in my several speeches, analyzed them, and
pointed out what I believed to be the radical errors contained in them.
First, in regard to his doctrine that this government was in violation
of the law of God, which says that a house divided against itself cannot
stand, I repudiated it as a slander upon the immortal framers of our
Constitution. I then said, I have often repeated, and now again assert,
that in my opinion our government can endure forever, divided into Free
and Slave States as our fathers made it,—each State having the right to
prohibit, abolish, or sustain slavery, just as it pleases. This
government was made upon the great basis of the sovereignty of the
States, the right of each State to regulate its own domestic
institutions to suit itself; and that right was conferred with the
understanding and expectation that inasmuch as each locality had
separate interests, each locality must have different and distinct local
and domestic institutions, corresponding to its wants and interests. Our
fathers knew when they made the government that the laws and
institutions which were well adapted to the Green Mountains of Vermont
were unsuited to the rice plantations of South Carolina. They knew then,
as well as we know now, that the laws and institutions which would be
well adapted to the beautiful prairies of Illinois would not be suited
to the mining regions of California. They knew that in a Republic as
broad as this, having such a variety of soil, climate, and interest,
there must necessarily be a corresponding variety of local laws,—the
policy and institutions of each State adapted to its condition and
wants. For this reason this Union was established on the right of each
State to do as it pleased on the question of slavery, and every other
question; and the various States were not allowed to complain of, much
less interfere with, the policy of their neighbors.
Suppose the doctrine advocated by Mr. Lincoln and the Abolitionists of
this day had prevailed when the Constitution was made, what would have
been the result? Imagine for a moment that Mr. Lincoln had been a member
of the Convention that framed the Constitution of the United States, and
that when its members were about to sign that wonderful document, he had
arisen in that Convention as he did at Springfield this summer, and,
addressing himself to the President, had said, “A house divided against
itself cannot stand; this government, divided into Free and Slave States
cannot endure, they must all be free or all be slave; they must all be
one thing, or all the other,—otherwise, it is a violation of the law of
God, and cannot continue to exist;”—suppose Mr. Lincoln had convinced
that body of sages that that doctrine was sound, what would have been
the result? Remember that the Union was then composed of thirteen
States, twelve of which were slaveholding, and one free. Do you think
that the one Free State would have outvoted the twelve slaveholding
States, and thus have secured the abolition of slavery? On the other
hand, would not the twelve slaveholding States have outvoted the one
free State, and thus have fastened slavery, by a constitutional
provision, on every foot of the American Republic forever? You see that
if this Abolition doctrine of Mr. Lincoln had prevailed when the
government was made, it would have established slavery as a permanent
institution in all the States, whether they wanted it or not; and the
question for us to determine in Illinois now, as one of the Free States,
is whether or not we are willing, having become the majority section, to
enforce a doctrine on the minority which we would have resisted with our
heart’s blood had it been attempted on us when we were in a minority.
How has the South lost her power as the majority section in this Union,
and how have the Free States gained it, except under the operation of
that principle which declares the right of the people of each State and
each Territory to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their
own way? It was under that principle that slavery was abolished in New
Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and
Pennsylvania; it was under that principle that one-half of the
slaveholding States became free; it was under that principle that the
number of Free States increased until, from being one out of twelve
States, we have grown to be the majority of States of the whole Union,
with the power to control the House of Representatives and Senate, and
the power, consequently, to elect a President by Northern votes, without
the aid of a Southern State. Having obtained this power under the
operation of that great principle, are you now prepared to abandon the
principle and declare that merely because we have the power you will
wage a war against the Southern States and their institutions until you
force them to abolish slavery everywhere?
After having pressed these arguments home on Mr. Lincoln for seven
weeks, publishing a number of my speeches, we met at Ottawa in joint
discussion, and he then began to crawfish a little, and let himself
down. I there propounded certain questions to him. Amongst others, I
asked him whether he would vote for the admission of any more Slave
States, in the event the people wanted them. He would not answer. I then
told him that if he did not answer the question there, I would renew it
at Freeport, and would then trot him down into Egypt, and again put it
to him. Well, at Freeport, knowing that the next joint discussion took
place in Egypt, and being in dread of it, he did answer my question in
regard to no more Slave States in a mode which he hoped would be
satisfactory to me, and accomplish the object he had in view. I will
show you what his answer was. After saying that he was not pledged to
the Republican doctrine of “no more Slave States,” he declared:
“I state to you freely, frankly, that I should be exceedingly sorry to
ever be put in the position of having to pass upon that question. I
should be exceedingly glad to know that there never would be another
Slave State admitted into this Union.”
Here permit me to remark, that I do not think the people will ever force
him into a position against his will. He went on to say: