CHAPTER III

ANALYZING THE PROPOSITION

I. The importance of analysis.

The subject for argument has been determined and it has been reduced to

a satisfactory proposition. The next step is to analyze this

proposition. It is well to consider first the importance of this

analysis in order that its true value may be appreciated, and this

preliminary step be not passed over hurriedly. Upon the success of the

analysis depends in large measure the success of the argument. This is

true because the analysis shows just what must be proved in order to

sustain or overthrow the proposition. If the work has been done

carefully the student will have confidence in the solidity of his

argument. He cannot feel secure if he suspects that his analysis is

defective.

The question of analysis is not only of supreme importance in relation

to a particular proposition for discussion, but it is also of the

greatest importance in all the practical affairs of life. No mental

quality is so necessary as the analytical habit of mind. Practically all

the men whom history calls great have possessed in a large degree the

habit of analyzing everything. Lincoln was in the habit of applying this

analytical process not only to great affairs of state but to anything

and everything which came beneath his notice. He analyzed the actions of

his fellow men, the workings of a machine, the nature of moral

principles, and the significance of political movements. He was

continually penetrating to the point of things, visible and invisible,

and laying it bare.

Everything which comes up for personal action should be analyzed and the

vital point at issue determined. Nothing should be done blindly or in a

spirit of trusting to luck or chance. Instead of voting as the majority

seem to be voting in a class meeting, analyze the issue and vote

according to the light revealed by that analysis. Instead of entering

some business or profession blindly and in the hope that something will

turn up, analyze the situation and determine rationally what ought to be

done. For the right determination of these practical affairs no better

preparation can be made than the careful analysis of propositions for

debate.

II. Essential steps in analysis.

_1. A broad view of the subject._

In the first place the student must know something about the

subject-matter of the proposition. If the question is of a local

character and one with which he is familiar, the work of analysis may be

begun at once. The proposition can be scrutinized, its exact meaning

determined, and the proof for its establishment or overthrow decided

upon. If the question be one with which the student is not familiar, his

first duty is to become acquainted in a general way with the

subject-matter. He should carefully examine the proposition to see just

what subject-matter is included and then consult someone familiar with

its substance, or read some material which appears to treat the subject

in a general way. Here confusion is likely to result if an attempt is

made to substitute reading for thinking. The mind of the investigator

should be kept open, free, and independent. He should not allow the

opinions of men, either oral or written, to cause him to depart from the

precise wording of the proposition. His present object is to determine

its limits, meaning and significance.

When a general knowledge of the subject has been acquired, sufficient to

enable the student to reason about the question, he should next consider

the origin and history of the question.

_2. The origin and history of the question._

The meaning of a question must be determined in the light of the

conditions which gave rise to its discussion. For this reason it is well

to find out just how this question came to be a subject of debate. For

example, the people of this country a few years ago were debating the

proposition, “Resolved, that the Federal Government should control all

life insurance companies operating within the United States.” To one

unacquainted with the facts of the case at that time the proposition

appears at first glance to lack point. Why should anyone want Federal

control of insurance companies? What difference does it make as to who

controls them or whether they are controlled at all? These questions are

answered directly when we come to study the origin of the proposition.

Until within a few months of the discussions no one had thought of

debating this proposition. The insurance companies had always been under

the control of the states in which they operated. Then suddenly it came

to light that these companies were grossly mismanaged. Dishonesty had

characterized the administration of their affairs. This served to cast

grave doubt on the efficiency of state control. Therefore the stronger

arm of the Federal government was suggested as a remedy for the evils

which the states had been unable to prevent. The real heart of the

controversy, which a study of the origin of the question revealed was

“Will the control of insurance companies by the Federal government be

more efficient than that exercised by the state governments?” Thus the

real point at issue was made clear through the origin of the question.

In the search for the main issues, the history of the question is often

important. However, the tendency of the inexperienced debater is to

dwell too long upon this part of the argument. Actual practice often

reveals the fact that such a history causes the audience or reader to

lose interest. This is especially true if its bearing on the argument is

not immediately shown.

The history of the question should, however, receive serious

consideration, and any facts which bear directly upon its solution

should be stated in brief and concise form. When the question has

undergone a change because of shifting conditions, its history becomes

especially important. Very often the original significance of a

controversy becomes entirely changed by subsequent happenings. In such a

case the history of the question should be resorted to for the purpose

of finding out the changes through which the original dispute has passed

and determining the exact issues involved at the present time.

_3. Definition of terms._

Before proceeding farther it is well to examine each word in the

proposition. Now that a general idea of the significance of the

proposition has been obtained, and the main point of the controversy

reached through the study of the origin and history of the question, the

task of defining terms may be undertaken in an intelligent manner.

Let it be understood at the outset that a dictionary definition is not

satisfactory. A dictionary gives every meaning which can be attached to

a given word and thus covers a broad, general field. But when a word is

used in a proposition for debate it is used in a special and restricted

sense. The meaning depends largely on the context of the proposition.

The origin and history of the question, the meaning which expert writers

on this particular subject have attached to the words, and the present

conditions must be considered in determining the precise meaning of the

terms.

The words of a proposition which need definition are very often so

grouped that the meaning of a phrase or combination of words taken as a

whole must be determined. Here it is plain that dictionary definitions,

even if satisfactory in other respects, would be entirely inadequate. In

the question in the last chapter, “Resolved, that monopolies in

restraint of trade should be regulated by Federal law,” we find a

necessity for the definition of both a term and a phrase. The term

“regulate” may not in this instance be given the broad meaning which a

dictionary definition attaches to it. We must first look at the context

of the proposition in order to find out to what field of authority we

should go for a proper definition.

The proposition specified regulation by Federal law; therefore we must

go to the law for our definition of the term which indicates the action

the law is to take. But even here we need not be satisfied with the

broad legal definition of the term “regulate.” The field included by the

question is obviously a commercial field. The agencies which would come

under this regulation are for the most part engaged in interstate

commerce. Therefore the power to regulate would be placed under that

clause of the United States constitution which expressly gives Congress

the power to regulate commerce. We may then rely upon the definition

which the courts have placed upon the term “regulate” when used in this

connection. By consulting _Black’s Constitutional Law_,[1] an eminent

authority on this subject, we find that the power to “regulate” has

never been held to include the power to destroy. This eliminates a

possible meaning. By consulting some of the decisions of the United

States courts in which this term has been defined, we are given to

understand that to “regulate” commerce implies that “an intention to

promote and facilitate it, and not to hamper or destroy it, is naturally

to be attributed to Congress.” (_Texas & P. R. Co._ v. _Interstate

Commerce Commission_, 162 U. S., 197; _Interstate Commerce Commission_

v. _Alabama Midland Ry. Co._, 74 Fed., 715). Therefore we are warranted

in concluding that to “regulate” in this proposition means such control

by the Federal law as will promote the best commercial interests of the

country at large.

Footnote 1:

P. 194.

It is thus seen that both the definition of the term and the source from

which it is taken are determined by the context of the proposition. If

the context of the proposition shows that legal definitions are

required, legal authorities must be consulted. If the context of the

proposition shows that an economic definition is required, economic

authorities should be consulted. In whatever field of knowledge the

context of the proposition lies, the authoritative definitions generally

accepted in these branches of learning should be consulted.

In defining the phrase “monopolies in restraint of trade” the student

should consult the same class of authorities utilized in defining the

term “regulate.” The generally accepted definitions used by prominent

writers may be relied upon with safety, since they are usually taken

directly from authoritative reports and decisions.

One of the most important requisites of a definition is that it be

reasonable. It must appear, in the light of all the circumstances of the

case, to be the most obvious and natural definition which can possibly

be produced. In no case must it appear that the speaker or writer has

laboriously searched for a definition which will conform to his view of

the proposition. Equally fatal is a highly technical definition which

ignores its evident meaning. No trickery based upon a technicality

should be tolerated. The definition presented must be so reasonable that

everyone concerned (with the possible exception of one’s opponents) will

willingly admit its validity.

_4. Narrowing the question._

The next step in the analysis of the question is to narrow it down to

the points which must be proved. Now that the meaning of the question is

well understood this task ought not to be difficult. Nevertheless it

demands the most earnest efforts of the student. There are two steps in

this process, (a) Excluding irrelevant matter, (b) Admitting matters not

vital to the argument.

(_a_) _Excluding irrelevant matter._

The first task is to cut away all surplusage. The proposition as it now

stands, should be closely examined in order to determine just what must

be proved. Neither the affirmative nor the negative should undertake the

burden of proving more than is necessary. In the discussion of the

proposition “Resolved, that Prohibition is preferable to High License,”

it is not necessary for the affirmative to prove that temperance is a

virtue. The task before these debaters is to show only that prohibition

is preferable to high license as a method of dealing with the liquor

traffic. It is not necessary for the negative to attempt to prove that

temperance is not a virtue; their task is to show only that high license

is preferable to prohibition. It is true that temperance as an abstract

virtue is very closely related to the subject-matter of the proposition,

but it is not one of the real points at issue. When the question has

been narrowed down to the method of dealing with the liquor traffic,

each side may prove this point in the way which appears most effective.

Each may assert that its method of control is preferable because theory

and practice show it to be better for (a) social, (b) political, and (c)

economic reasons. Any other division of the subject which seems

effective may be adopted.

It is evident from the above illustration that certain matters which are

relevant to the general subject should be eliminated in order that the

audience may understand just what must be proved. Everything that is not

relevant to the proposition as stated should be excluded.

(_b_) _Admitting matters not vital to the argument._

Since the debater should not attempt to prove more than is necessary he

should admit, in the beginning, such matters as may be admitted without

detriment. Great care should be exercised at this point; nothing should

be admitted the full bearing and significance of which the debater does

not understand. Only matters which may be admitted with safety should be

included. Otherwise an opponent may seize upon the admitted matter and

turn it to his own advantage. Furthermore, the language used in making

an admission should be carefully guarded lest an opponent ingeniously

attach to it a meaning which was not intended.

With these cautions in mind it is well to continue the process of

narrowing the question by admitting matters not vital to the argument.

These admissions should be made in the beginning in order that they may

appear in their true light as free admissions. For example, in the last

question discussed both sides may safely admit that neither plan will

wholly eliminate intemperance. The object is to adopt the plan which

will minimize the effect of this evil. In the question, “Resolved, that

physical valuation of the property of a corporation is the best basis

for fixing taxation values,” the affirmative may safely admit that no

basis for fixing taxation values will work absolute justice to all

tax-payers. This places the affirmative speakers in position to make

plain to their hearers that the method advocated will come nearer to the

goal of absolute justice than any other plan. In advocating any reform

it is usually best to admit that it is not a cure-all for existent

evils, but that it will remedy such evils to a greater extent than any

other measure.

In conclusion, it is well to remember that these admissions and

exclusions should be made plain rather than elaborate. They should be

stated in the introduction of the argument with such brevity and

clearness that the audience will realize that it is being led directly

to the vital issues.

_5. Contrasting the affirmative arguments with those of the negative._

Thus far we have been concerned with finding out the vital point at

issue. It is here that the term question is most aptly applied to the

proposition for debate, because when this vital point is revealed it is

always found to appear in the form of a question. To be more specific,

we found that in analyzing the proposition, “Resolved, that the Federal

Government should control all life insurance companies operating within

the United States,” the vital point at issue as revealed by a study of

the origin of the question was “Will the control of insurance companies

by the Federal Government be more efficient than that exercised by the

State Governments?” This treatment reveals the main point at issue in

the form of a question. It shows that the issue is between State control

on one side as compared with Federal control on the other. The

affirmative must advocate Federal control and the negative must defend

State control. The burden of proof is on the affirmative, for it must

show that a change should be made in existing conditions. The risk of

non-persuasion is upon the affirmative, because, if the position

advocated cannot be maintained, existing conditions will continue.

It is well to remember that the burden of proof remains with the

affirmative throughout the debate. It is frequently said that the burden

of proof “shifts,” that is, that when the affirmative has produced

enough evidence to make out a _prima facie_ case, and has shown reason

why the plan ought to be adopted, then the burden of proof shifts to the

negative and it becomes the duty of the negative to show why the plan

should not be adopted. This is not the correct view of the situation,

for the affirmative is bound to prove the proposition in the face of all

opposition. Therefore the burden of proof never “shifts;” it is the duty

of producing evidence which “shifts.” When the affirmative shows reason

why the proposition should be maintained, it puts upon the negative the

duty of producing evidence to show that the affirmative reasoning is

unsound or that there are more weighty arguments in favor of the

negative. Thus it is that the duty of producing evidence shifts from one

side to the other, but the burden of proof remains on the same party

throughout the discussion.

The question upon which the debate hinges must be answered in one way by

one side and in just the opposite way by the opponents of that side. In

the question above referred to, “Will the control of insurance companies

by the Federal Government be more efficient than that exercised by the

State Governments?”, the affirmative must answer “Yes” and the negative

must answer “No.”

At this point the next task of the analyst begins. He must determine the

main reasons why the affirmative should answer “Yes” and the negative

should answer “No.” These main reasons when discovered and contrasted,

those on the affirmative with those on the negative, will reveal the

main issues of the proposition. When these are found the process of

analysis is completed.

In undertaking the task of contrasting the affirmative contentions with

those of the negative, the student must assume an absolutely unbiased

attitude toward the proposition. The importance of this impartial

viewpoint cannot be too strongly emphasized. To be able to view any

subject with a mind free from prejudice is a most valuable asset.

With this proper mental attitude toward the proposition the analyst must

take up both sides of the question and find the main arguments in

support of each. He should not be deluded into thinking that it is only

necessary to study one side of the question. A lawyer in preparing his

case always takes into consideration the position of his opponent. In

fact, so important is this task that many lawyers develop their

antagonist’s case before beginning work on their own, and it frequently

happens that more time is devoted to the arguments of the opposition

than to the case upon which the lawyer is engaged. This careful study of

an opponent’s arguments must always be included in the work of the

debater, not only in the analysis of the question but throughout the

entire argumentative process.

The way in which this part of the analytical process should be carried

out is best made plain by a concrete example. We will take the

proposition “Resolved, that immigration into the United States should be

further restricted by law.” The origin of the question is found in the

alarm shown by some people over the large number of undesirable

foreigners coming to our shores. The question is “Should any of the

immigrants now coming to our shores be prohibited from coming?” The

affirmative say “Yes,” and the negative, “No.” Now to take the impartial

viewpoint, why should there be any further restriction of immigration;

why should the affirmative say “Yes” and the negative “No”? One of the

chief affirmative arguments is that some of these immigrants are having

a bad effect upon our country. Some of them are anarchists; some are

members of criminal societies such as the Black Hand; some group by

themselves in certain portions of large cities and form what are known

as “Little Germanys”, “Little Spains”, “Little Italys”, etc.; some have

contagious diseases; some have a very low standard of living and thus

tend to drag down the standard of living of the American workman; some

are illiterate and do not make good citizens; some are easily made the

dupes of city bosses and ward “heelers” and thus exert a harmful

influence in our political affairs. These and various other reasons may

be brought to support the affirmative argument that immigration is

having a bad effect upon our country.

In considering the matter carefully we come to the conclusion that these

are the chief reasons why immigration should be further restricted. Now,

the unskilled debater would probably be content with framing these

reasons into an argument and would proceed with a feeling that his

position was impregnable. The skilled debater, however, does not feel

content until he has viewed the whole subject impartially. Why do we not

have more stringent immigration laws? It must be that the present laws

are thought to be satisfactory. Why are they satisfactory? It must be

because they now exclude the worst class of immigrants. Upon

investigation we find this to be true. Let us look at the problem from a

slightly different point of view. Why do we allow all of these

immigrants to come in? They must be necessary to our welfare. They are

necessary to develop the natural resources of our country; they add to

the national power of production, they possess a money value as

laborers; they ultimately become American citizens, and their children,

educated in our public schools, become the most ardent of young

Americans.

The above reflections from the standpoint of the negative lead us to ask

a few questions which must be answered before we can answer the main

question upon which the proposition hinges, namely: “Should any of the

immigrants now coming into the United States be prohibited from coming?”

These questions are, so far as we have been able to determine: “Are the

present immigration laws satisfactory?”, “Do we need all the immigrants

now coming to us?”, “Do the immigrants now coming to us have a bad

effect upon our country?” These questions if answered “Yes” will

establish the affirmative, and likewise if answered “No” will establish

the negative. We may therefore conclude that these three questions

contain the main issues of the proposition. The issues may be stated in

different forms, but, if resolved to their essential elements, they will

ultimately be found in these three questions.

The next step in contrasting the arguments is to write them down in such

form that corresponding arguments can be set over against each other.

For convenience we adopt the following form:

Proposition:—Immigration should be further restricted by law.

_Affirmative argument_ _Negative argument_

Immigration should be further Immigration should not be further

restricted, because restricted, because

I. It is a detriment to the I. It is a benefit to the

country, for country, for

1. We now admit extreme 1. The worst elements are now

socialists and excluded.

anarchists.

2. They form undesirable 2. They are soon assimilated.

groups of foreigners in

the congested parts of

cities.

3. They lower the standard of 3. They furnish examples of

living of the American thrift to American

workman. workmen.

4. Many of the immigrants now 4. They ultimately become good

admitted do not make good citizens.

citizens.

II. The present laws are not II. The present laws are

satisfactory, for satisfactory, for

1. Black Hand societies show 1. No law would exclude all

that undesirable persons undesirable immigrants.

are admitted.

2. Diseased persons are 2. All persons having

admitted. contagious diseases are

excluded.

3. Steamship lines help to 3. Custom house officials are

evade the immigrant laws. diligent in enforcing the

laws.

4. Paupers are admitted. 4. Paupers are not admitted.

III. We do not need all the III. We need all the immigrants now

immigrants now coming to us, coming to us, for

for

1. The great necessity for 1. We need them to develop our

laborers to develop our natural resources.

natural resources has

passed.

By contrasting the arguments thus tabulated we derive the following main

issues.

I. Is immigration under existing conditions a detriment or a benefit

to the country?

(The answer depends upon the answers to these subordinate questions.)

1. Is the undesirable element excluded?

2. Have the immigrants assimilated readily?

3. Do they exert a detrimental influence upon the standard of

living of the American workman?

4. Do they make good citizens?

II. Are the present laws satisfactory?

1. Are they the most effective in excluding undesirable immigrants

that it is possible to enact?

2. Do they exclude diseased persons?

3. Do the present laws exclude paupers?

4. Are the present laws enforced?

III. Do we need all the immigrants now coming to us?

1. Do we still need all the immigrants we can get to develop our

natural resources?

This arrangement of the affirmative and negative arguments places the

whole matter, so far as it has been worked out, before the student in

tangible form. It also affords a basis for the formal statement of the

main issues. The plan of analysis thus set forth should now be examined

with a critical eye. Here arise some of the most difficult problems of

argumentation. In the first place, is the analysis presented an

exhaustive one? Does it include the entire field of argument? It

includes the proposed immigration laws and their probable effects. It

includes the present laws and their effects. From these two facts it is

evident that the analysis covers the entire field of the proposed change

in the immigration laws.

Before passing final judgment upon the thoroughness of the analysis,

there are at least two other plans which may be applied to the question

to see whether either of them will afford a better method of treatment

than the foregoing. The first of these plans includes the division of

the question into three parts; viz. (1) political, (2) social, and (3)

economic. An examination of the question just discussed will show that

all the material suggested in the formal analysis could be grouped under

one or the other of these heads. For example, the anarchists, Black Hand

societies, etc. would come under “political;” the question of

assimilation would come under “social;” while the effect upon the

American workman and the question of the development of our natural

resources would come under “economic.”

This division may be applied to many questions, but it is well suited to

only a limited number. In fact, some eminent authorities are of the

opinion that it is almost never to be recommended. It is not as well

adapted to the immigration question as the division already made, for

the reason that it would be necessary to include some of the

subject-matter under two separate heads. For example, the Little Spains,

Little Italys, etc., mentioned above, might require treatment under the

social and political divisions and even under the heading of economics.

This is objectionable, because it requires a duplication of the

statement of facts under each head, and also because it is not conducive

to the clean, clear-cut thinking which is the result of a sharp division

of the subject into parts which do not overlap.

The second plan of analysis, which forms a good working basis for many

propositions, is that of dividing the subject into three parts, namely,

(1) Necessity, (2) Practicability, and (3) Justice. This division of the

subject is often applicable to propositions which advocate the adoption

of some new plan of action, as, “Resolved, that the Federal Government

should levy a progressive inheritance tax,” or “Resolved, that cities of

the United States, having a population of over 5,000, should adopt the

commission form of government.”

These and similar questions may be analyzed by one of the two plans

stated above, but it is well to beware adopting one or the other of

these methods merely because it affords an easy way out of the task of

analyzing the proposition. That analysis of a question should be adopted

which reveals the main issues of the proposition in the clearest and

most direct manner.

SUMMARY OF ESSENTIAL STEPS IN ANALYSIS

1. A broad view of the subject.

2. The origin and history of the question.

3. Definition of terms.

4. Narrowing the question.

(1) Excluding irrelevant matter.

(2) Admitting matters not vital to the argument.

5. Contrasting the affirmative arguments with those of the negative.

III. The main issues.

The process of analysis with which we are dealing has revealed the main

issues of the proposition. It now becomes the duty of the debater to

arrange the issues in logical and climactic order. The most forcible

array of argument should come at the end. For example, in the question

just analyzed the logical as well as the climactic order of arrangement

for the main issues on the affirmative would be as follows:

I. The present laws are not satisfactory.

II. We do not need all the immigrants now coming to us.

III. Immigration (under the present system) is a detriment to the

country.

This analysis should be the result of a thorough study of both sides of

the whole proposition. If the task has been well done no change in the

essential elements of the analysis will become necessary. However, as

the investigation of the subject progresses, and the work of collecting

evidence leads the student into a more intimate acquaintance with the

proposition, it may be found advisable to make some alterations in the

analysis first written out. Such alterations should be made only after

careful deliberation, for it often happens that, in investigating a

subject at close range, one loses the broad general view which is

necessary to an intelligent analysis. It may even become necessary for a

beginner to change his entire plan after he has made a more thorough

investigation of the subject. In such an event the work originally spent

in analysis should not be regarded as lost, because it is absolutely

necessary that the student have some definite plan as a basis for his

investigation. If it does no more than show him that he is wrong, the

time spent on it cannot be said to be wasted. In any event, the student

should keep his mind open for the reception of ideas which will make his

analysis clearer, briefer, and more forcible.

EXERCISES IN ANALYSIS

1. Write out a complete analysis of one of the local questions phrased

for Exercise 1, Chapter II.

2. Show the importance of the origin and history of the question in

the analysis of each of the following propositions:

(1) Three-fourths of a jury should be competent to render a

verdict in all criminal cases.

(2) Public libraries should be open on Sundays.

(3) The growth of large fortunes should be checked by a graduated

income tax.

(4) United States senators should be elected by direct vote of the

people.

(5) National party lines should be discarded in municipal

elections.

(6) The membership of the national House of Representatives should

be considerably reduced.

3. Define the terms which need defining in the above propositions.

From what source or sources should these definitions be taken?

4. Write out a complete analysis of one of the questions given under

Exercise 2.

The theory and practice of argumentation and debate · 第 3 / 11 章