nature and he had determined upon that policy, but partly also because
he was suspicious of the Pannonian and Germanic legions and feared
Germanicus, the ruler of the Germany of that day and a favorite of
theirs. He had previously made sure of the soldiers in Italy by means of
the oaths established by Augustus; but as he was suspicious of the others
he waited for either possible outcome, intending to save himself by
retiring to private life in case the legions should revolt and prevail.
For this reason he often feigned sickness and remained at home, so as not
to be compelled to say or do anything definite. I have even heard that
when it began to be said that Livia against the will of Augustus had kept
the empire for him, he took such action[1] that he might appear to have
received it not from her (with whom he was on very bad terms), but under
compulsion from the senators through surpassing them in excellence. Again
I have heard that when he saw that people were cool toward him he waited
and delayed in order that they in the hope of his voluntarily resigning
the empire might no adopt rebellious measures until he had secured an
unshakable control of the government. Still, I do not record these
stories as the true causes of his delay, but rather his usual disposition
and the disturbance among the soldiers. He sent some one from Nola and
had Agrippa killed at once. Yet he declared this had not been done by
his orders and he threatened the perpetrator of the deed. Instead of
punishing him, however, he allowed men to invent versions of the affair
some to the effect that Augustus had put him out of the way just before
his death, others that the centurion who was guarding him slew him on his
own responsibility for some revolutionary dealings, others that Livia and
not Tiberius had ordered his death.
[-4-] This rival, then, he had removed from the scene immediately, but
there remained Germanicus, whom he feared mightily. The soldiers in
Pannonia had risen as soon as they learned of the demise of Augustus.
They gathered in one fort and having strengthened it they took many steps
toward rebellion. Among other things they attempted to kill their leader,
Junius Blæsus, and arrested and tortured his slaves. In general, what
they wanted was to have the period of service extend over not more than
sixteen years, and they demanded that they should receive a denarius per
day and be given at once his prizes that were in the camp. In case they
did not obtain their demands they threatened to make the province revolt
and to march upon Rome. Indeed, they were at this time with difficulty
won over by the persuasions of Blæsus to send envoys to Tiberius at Rome
in regard to these matters. For they hoped during this change in
the government to accomplish the utmost of their desires either by
frightening the emperor into it or by giving the power to some one else.
Subsequently, when Drusus came upon them with the Pretorians, they were
thrown into tumult once more because no definite answer was returned
them. Some of his followers they wounded and they put a guard around him
in the night to prevent his escape. Noticing, however, an eclipse of the
moon occurring they felt their boldness begin to waver so that they
did no further harm to this detachment and despatched envoys again to
Tiberius. Meantime a great storm came up, and when on this account every
one had retired to his own quarters, the most audacious soldiers were
destroyed, some in one manner, some in another, by Drusus and his
associates in his own tent, whither he had summoned them on some
unsignifying pretext. The rest were restored to good standing on
condition of surrendering for punishment those responsible for the
uprising. In this way this division became quiet.
[-5-] The warriors in Germany, however, where many had been assembled
on account of the war, would not hear of moderation, since they saw that
Germanicus was both a Cæsar and far superior to Tiberius, but proclaiming
publicly the above facts they heaped abuse upon Tiberius and saluted
Germanicus as emperor. When after much pleading he found himself unable
to reduce them to order, finally he drew his sword as if to despatch
himself. They cried out upon him in horror, and one of them proffering
his own sword said: "Take this; this is sharper." Germanicus, seeing
to what lengths the matter had gone, did not venture to kill himself,
particularly as he had reason to believe that they would persist in their
uprising none the less. Therefore he composed a letter purporting to have
been sent from Tiberius, gave them twice the gift bequeathed them by
Augustus,--pretending it was the emperor who did this,--and released
those who were beyond the age of service. Most of them belonged to the
city troops which Augustus had gathered as an extra force after the
disaster to Varus. As a result, they ceased for the time being their
seditious behavior. Later on came senators as envoys from Tiberius, to
whom the latter had secretly communicated only so much as he wished
Germanicus to know. He felt quite sure that they would tell him the
emperor's plans in their entirety, and accordingly did not care that
either they or Germanicus should trouble themselves about anything
further; the instructions delivered were supposed to comprise everything.
Now when these men had arrived and the soldiers learned about the trick
Germanicus had played, a suspicion sprang up that the presence of the
senators meant the overthrow of their leader's measures, and this led to
new turmoil. The men-at-arms almost killed some of the envoys and to the
point of seizing Germanicus's wife Agrippina (daughter of Agrippa and
Julia, the daughter of Augustus) and his son, both of whom had been
sent by him to some place for refuge. The boy was called Gaius Caligula
because, being brought up for the most part in the camp he wore the
military shoes instead of those usual at the capital. At the request of
Germanicus they released to him Agrippina, who was pregnant but they
retained possession of Gaius. Yet on this occasion too, as they
accomplished nothing, they after a time grew quiet. In fact, they
experienced such a revulsion of sentiment that of their own accord they
arrested the boldest of their number: and some they killed privately, the
rest they brought before a gathering; and then, according to the wish of
the majority, [-6-] they executed some and released others. Germanicus
being still afraid that they would make another uprising invaded the
enemy's country and there spent some time, giving them plenty of work and
abundant food,--the fruit of others' labor.
Thus, though he might have obtained the imperial power,--for he found
favor in the sight of absolutely all the Romans as well as their
subjects,--he declined the honor. For this Tiberius praised him and sent
many pleasing messages both to him and to Agrippina: he was not, however,
pleased with his rival's progress but feared him all the more because he
had won the attachment of the legions. Tiberius assumed that he did not
feel as he appeared to do, from his own consciousness of saying one thing
and doing another. Hence he was suspicious of Germanicus and further
suspicious of his wife, who was possessed of an ambition appropriate to
her lofty lineage. Yet he displayed no sign of irritation toward them,
but delivered many eulogies of Germanicus in the senate and proposed
sacrifices to be offered in honor of his achievements as he did in the
case of Drusus. Also he bestowed upon the soldiers in Pannonia the same
privileges as Germanicus had given. For the future, however, he refused
to release members of the service outside of Italy until they had served
the twenty years.
[-7-] Now when no further news of a revolutionary nature came, but all
parts of the Roman world began to yield a steady acquiescence to his
leadership, he no longer practiced dissimulation regarding the acceptance
of sovereign power, and managed the empire, so long as Germanicus lived,
in the way I am about to describe. He did little or nothing, that is, on
his own responsibility, but brought even the smallest matters before the
senate and communicated them to that body. In the Forum a platform had
been erected on which he sat in public to transact business, and he
always gathered about him advisers, after the manner of Augustus.
Moreover, he did not take any step of consequence without making it known
to the rest. He stated his own opinion openly and not only granted every
one the right to oppose it freely in speech, but sometimes even endured
to have some vote directly against it. Often he would cast a vote
himself. Drusus did this, like the rest, now voting first and again after
some others. The emperor would sometimes remain silent and sometimes give
his opinion first, or after a few others, or even last; in some cases he
would speak out directly, but generally (to avoid appearing to have cut
short their freedom of speech), he would say: "If I were to give my views
I should propose this or that." This had equal influence with the other
method, only those who came after were not prevented by him from stating
what appeared good to them. But frequently he would outline one plan and
those who came after him would prefer something different; occasionally
they even prevailed. Yet for all that he harbored anger against no
one. He held court himself, as I have stated, but he also attended
the magistrates' courts, both when summoned by them and without an
invitation. These officials he allowed to sit in their own places: he
himself took his seat on the bench located opposite them and as presiding
officer made any remarks that seemed to him pertinent.
[-8-] In all other matters, too, he behaved in this same way. He would
not allow himself to be called "master" by the freedmen, nor "imperator"
except by the soldiers; the title of _Pater Patriæ_ he put away from him
entirely: that of _Augustus_ he did not assume (for he never permitted
the question to be put to vote), but endured to hear it spoken and to
read it when written. Moreover, when he sent messages to any kings he
would regularly include this title in his letter. In general he spoke
of himself as Cæsar, sometimes as Germanicus (from the exploits of
Germanicus), and _Princeps Senatus_, according to ancient usage. Often he
used to say: "My position is that of master of the slaves, imperator of
the soldiers, and first citizen among the rest." He would pray, whenever
it happened that he was so engaged, that he might live and rule so long
a time as should be to the advantage of the public. And he was so
democratic in all circumstances alike that on his birthday he did not
permit any unusual demonstrations, and he did not give people the right
to swear by his Fortune nor did he prosecute any one who after swearing
by it incurred the charge of perjury. In short, he would not (at first,
at least) sanction in his own case the carrying out of the custom which
has obtained as a matter of course on the first day of the year, down to
the present, in honor of Augustus, of all rulers that came after him of
whom we make any account, and of such as nowadays succeed to imperial
privileges,--namely, the ratification under oath of what they have done
and of what they shall do by citizens alive during the particular year
in question. Yet in the case of the measures of Augustus he both
administered the oath to others and took it himself. In order to render
his attitude more striking, he would let the first day of the month go
by, not entering the senate nor showing himself at all in the City on
that day, but spending the time in some suburb; then later he would come
in and take pledges separately. This was part of the reason that he
remained somewhere outside on the first days of the month, but he was
also anxious to avoid disturbing any of the inhabitants, who were
concerned with the new offices and the festival, and to avoid taking
money from them. He did not even commend Augustus for his behavior in
this respect because it brought about great dissatisfaction and a great
expenditure in order to return favors. [-9-] Not only in this way were his
actions democratic, but no precinct was set apart for him either by his
own choice or in any other way,--that is to say at this time. Nor was any
one allowed to set up an image of him. Without delay he expressly forbade
any city or individual to do this. To this refusal he attached the phrase
"unless I grant permission "; but he added: "I will not grant it." Least
of all did he assume to have been insulted or to have been impiously
treated by any one. (Men were already calling such a procedure impiety,
and were bringing many suits based on that ground.) He would not hear of
any such indictment being brought for his own benefit, though he paid
tribute to the majesty of Augustus in this matter also. At first he would
not punish even such as had incurred charges for their actions in regard
to his predecessor, and some against whom complaint was made of their
having perjured themselves by the Fortune of Augustus he released. As
time went on, however, he put a very great number to death.
[-10-] Not only did he magnify Augustus as above stated, but in giving
the finishing touches to the buildings of which Augustus had laid the
foundations (though not bringing them to completion) he inscribed the
first emperor's name; the latter's statues and heroä, likewise, whether
those that the provinces or those that individuals were erecting he
partly consecrated himself and partly assigned to some member of the
pontifices. This plan of inscribing the builder's name he carried out not
only in the case of the actual monuments of Augustus himself, but equally
in the case of all such as needed any repair. He put in good condition
all buildings that had fallen to decay (not constructing anything new at
all himself, except the temple of Augustus), and appropriated none of
them, but restored to all of them the same names, names of the original
builders. While expending extremely little for himself he laid out
very great sums for the common good, either building over or adorning
practically all the public works. He assisted many cities and individuals
and enriched numerous senators who were poor and on that account were no
longer willing to be members of the senate. However, he did not do this
promiscuously and even expunged the names of some for licentiousness and
of others for poverty when they could give no adequate reason for it.
Every gift that was bestowed upon any persons was counted out directly in
his presence. For since in the days of Augustus the officials who made
the presentation were wont to deduct large sums for their own use, he
took the greatest care that this should not happen during his reign. All
the expenditures, moreover, he made from the regular sources of income.
He killed no one for his money, did not confiscate (at this time) any
one's property, nor collect any funds by abuses. Indeed, when Aemilius
Rectus once sent him from Egypt, of which he was governor, more money
than was required, he sent him a message, saying: "To shear my sheep and
not to shave them to the skin is what I desire."
[-11-] Furthermore he was extremely easy of access and ready to grant
an audience. The senators he bade greet him all at once and so avoid
jostling one another. In fine, he showed himself so considerate that
once, when the leaders of the Rhodians sent him some communication and
failed to write at the foot of the letter this customary formula about
offering their prayers for his welfare, he summoned them in haste as
if he intended to do them some harm, but on their arrival instead of
administering any serious rebuke had them subscribe what was lacking and
then sent them away. The temporary officials he honored as he would have
done in a democracy, even rising from his seat at the approach of the
consuls. Whenever he entertained them at dinner he would in the first
place receive them at the door when they entered, and secondly escort
them on their way when they departed. In case he was at any time being
carried anywhere in his litter, he would not allow even one of the
knights who was prominent to accompany him, still less a senator. On the
occasion of festivals or so often as anything similar was going to
afford the people leisure, he would go the evening before to one of the
Cæsarians who lived near the places where there was sure to be a large
crowd and there pass the night. His object was to make it possible for
the people to meet him with a minimum of formality and fatigue. The
equestrian contests he would often watch in person from the house of some
freedman. He attended the spectacles very frequently in order to do
honor to those who gave them as well as to ensure the orderliness of the
multitude and to seem to take an interest in their celebration. Really he
did not care in the least about anything of the kind, nor did he have the
reputation of being enthusiastic in these matters. In every way he was so
fair and equal that when the populace once desired that a certain dancer
be set free he would not approve the proposal until the man's master had
been persuaded and received the value of his chattel. His intercourse
with his companions was like that between private individuals: he helped
them when they were sued and joined them in the ceremony of sacrifice; he
visited them when they were sick, taking no guard into the room with him;
over one of them who died he himself delivered the funeral oration.
[-12-] Moreover, he bade his mother behave in a similar manner, so far
as it was proper for her to do so, partly that she might imitate him and
partly to prevent her becoming overproud. She occupied a position of
great prominence, far above all women of former time, so that she could
at any time receive the senate and such of the people as so wished to
greet her in her house. This was also inscribed in the public records.
The letters of Tiberius bore for a time her name also and were written by
both with equal authority. Except that she never ventured to enter the
senate or the camps or the public assemblies she undertook to man age
everything like a sole ruler. In the time of Augustus she had had great
influence and she declared that it was she who made Tiberius emperor.
Consequently she was not satisfied to rule on equal terms with him, but
wished to assert a superiority over him. In this way many measures out of
the ordinary were introduced and many persons voted that she should be
called Mother of her Country, many others that she should he termed
Parent. Others proposed that Tiberius should receive his name from her,
that just as the Greeks were called by their father's name so he should
be called by his mother's. This vexed him and he neither ratified the
honors voted her (save a very few) nor allowed her any further unusual
freedom of action. For instance, she had once dedicated in her house
an image to Augustus and in honor of the event wished to entertain the
senate and the knights together with their wives, but he would not grant
her permission to carry out any part of this program until the senate had
voted it, and not even then to receive the men at dinner. Instead, he
entertained the latter and she attended to the women. Finally, he removed
her entirely from the public sphere, allowing her to direct affairs
within doors; then, as she was troublesome even in this capacity, he
proceeded to absent himself from the City and avoided her in every way
possible. It was chiefly on her account that he removed to Capreae.--This
is the tradition that obtains about Livia.
[-13-] Now Tiberius began to treat more harshly those accused of any
crime and became at enmity with his son Drusus, who was most licentious
and cruel (as is evidenced by the fact that the sharpest kind of swords
was called Drusian after him); him he often censured both privately and
publicly. Once he said to him outright in the Presence of many witnesses:
"While I live you shall perform no act of violence or insolence, and
if you venture to do any such thing, you shall be cut off from the
possibility after I am dead." For during some time the emperor continued
to live a very temperate life and allowed no one else to indulge in
licentiousness but punished numbers for it. Yet once when the senators
evinced a desire to have a penalty imposed by law upon those guilty of
lewd living he would make no such ruling, explaining that it is better to
correct them privately in some way or other instead of laying them open
to a public punishment. Under existing conditions, he said, there was a
chance of bringing some of them to moderation through fear of disgrace,
and they might endeavor to escape discovery; but if the law should once
be overcome by nature, no one would pay any further heed to it. Not a
few men also were wearing quantities of purple clothing (though this had
formerly been forbidden); of these no one was either rebuked or fined:
but when a rain came up on a certain festival the emperor put on a dark
woolen cloak. After this none of them dared any longer to assume any
different kind of garb.
This is the way he behaved under all conditions so long as Germanicus
lived. Subsequent to that event he changed many of his ways. Perhaps he
had been minded from the first as he later appeared to feel, and had been
merely shamming as long as Germanicus existed because he saw that he
was lying in wait for the leadership; or perhaps he was excellent by
nature but drifted into vice when he was deprived of his rival. [-14-] I
shall notice also separate events,--all those, at least that deserve
mention,--each in its proper place.
[A.D. 15 (_a. u._ 768)]
In the consulship of Drusus his son and of Gaius Norbanus he presented
to the people the bequests made by Augustus: this was after some one had
approached a corpse that was being carried out through the Forum for
burial and bending down had whispered something in its ear; when the
spectators asked what he had said, he stated that he had commissioned
the dead to tell Augustus that they had got nothing as yet. This man the
emperor immediately despatched, in order (as he jokingly said) that he
might carry his own message to Augustus; with the rest he settled after a
little, distributing sixty-five denarii apiece. Some say this payment was
made the previous year.
At this time certain knights desired to enter a championship contest in
the games which Drusus had arranged for his own celebration and that of
Germanicus; Tiberius did not view their combat, and when one of them was
killed he forbade the other to fight as a gladiator again. Still other
conflicts took place in connection with the horse-race that was in honor
of Augustus's birthday; indeed, a few beasts were slain. So things went
on for a number of years.
At this time, too, Crete, its governor being dead, was attached to the
quaestorship and to the quaestor's assistant for the future. Since, also,
many of those to whom the provinces had been allotted lingered in Rome
and in the remainder of Italy for a long time, so that those who had held
the office before them delayed, contrary to precedent, Tiberius commanded
that they should take their departure by the first day of June. Meanwhile
his grandson by Drusus died, but he neglected none of his customary
duties; it was his settled conviction that a governor of men ought not to
give up care of the common weal by reason of private misfortunes, and he
confirmed the rest in their purpose not to jeopardize the interests of
the living because of the dead.
The river Tiber now proceeded to occupy a large portion of the City,
so that there was an inundation. Most people regarded this also as a
prodigy, like the great earthquakes which shook down a portion of the
wall, and like the frequent fall of thunderbolts, which made wine leak
even from pails that were sound. The emperor, however, thinking that it
was due to the great number of springs, appointed five senators, chosen
by lot, to constitute a permanent board to look after the river, to the
end that it should not give out in summer nor become over full in winter,
but flow evenly so far as possible all the time. These were the measures
of Tiberius.