fashion. Have done with your madness, then, and reflect now if not before
that with many dying all the time by disease and many in the wars it is
impossible for the city to maintain itself unless the multitude in it is
constantly reinforced by those who are ever and anon being born. Let no
one of you think that I am ignorant of the many disagreeable and painful
features that belong to marriage and child-rearing. But bear in mind that
we possess nothing at all good with which some bane is not mingled, and
that in our most abundant and greatest blessings there reside the most
abundant and greatest woes. If you decline to accept the latter, do
not strive to obtain the former. Practically all who possess any real
excellence and pleasure are obliged to work before its enjoyment, to work
at the time, and to work afterward. Why should I lengthen my speech by
going into each one of them in detail? Therefore even if there are
some unpleasant features connected with marriage and the begetting of
children, set over against them the better elements: you will find them
more numerous and more vital. For, in addition to all the other blessings
that naturally inhere in this state of life, the prizes offered by
law--an infinitesimal portion of which determines many to undergo
death--might induce anybody to obey me. And is it not a disgrace that for
rewards which influence others to give up their own lives you should be
unwilling either to marry wives or to rear children?
[-9-] "Therefore, fellow-citizens (for I believe that I have now
persuaded you both to hold fast to the name of citizens and to secure the
additional title of men and fathers), I have administered this rebuke
reluctantly but of necessity, not as your foe nor as one hating you, but
rather loving you and wishing to obtain many others like you,--as one
wishing you to guard lawful hearths, with houses full of descendants,
that we may approach the gods together with wives and children, and
associate with one another standing on an equality in whatever we possess
and harvesting equally the hopes to which it gives rise. How could I
call myself a good ruler over you if I should endure seeing you becoming
constantly fewer? How could I any longer be rightfully named your father,
if you rear no children? Therefore, if you really have a regard for me
and have given me this title not out of flattery but as an honor, desire
yourselves to become men and fathers. Thus you may yourselves share this
title and also render me well named."
[-10-] Such were his words to both groups at that time. After this he
increased the rewards for those having children and by penalties made a
still wider difference between the married and those without wives. He
further allowed each of them a year in which persons who obeyed him might
render themselves non-liable by yielding obedience. Contrary to the
Voconian Law, according to which no woman could inherit any property
over two and a half myriads in value, he gave women permission to become
inheritors of any amount. He also granted the vestal virgins all the
benefits enjoyed by women who had children. Later the Pappian and Poppæan
Law was framed by Marcus Pappius Mutilus and by Quintus Poppæus Secundus,
who were then consuls for a portion of the year. It turned out that both
of them had not only no children but not even wives. From this very fact
the need of the law was discernible.--These were the events in Rome.
[-11-] Germanicus meanwhile had captured among other posts in Dalmatia
also Splonum, in spite of the fact that it occupied a naturally strong
position, was well protected by walls, and had a huge number of
defenders. Consequently he was unable to accomplish aught with engines
or by assaults, yet he took it as a result of the following coincidence.
Pusio, a Celtic horseman, discharged a stone against the wall which so
shook the superstructure that it immediately fell and dragged down the
man who was leaning upon it. At this the rest were terrified, and in fear
left the wall to ascend the acropolis. Subsequently they surrendered both
it and themselves.
The Romans under Germanicus having reached Rætinium, a city of Dalmatia,
fared rather badly. Their opponents, forced back by the numbers, could
not resist them and therefore placed fire in a circle about themselves
and threw it into the buildings near by, devising a way to keep it surely
from blazing up at once and to make it go unnoticed for a long time. The
enemy after doing this retired to the heights. The Romans, unaware of
their action, followed hard after them expecting to find no work at all
in pillaging extensively. Thus they got inside of the circle of fire and
with their minds directed upon the enemy saw nothing of it until they
were encompassed by it on all sides. Then they found themselves in
imminent danger, being pelted by men from above and injured by fire from
without. They could neither safely stay where they were nor break their
way out without danger. If they stood out of range of the missiles they
were consumed by the fire, or if they jumped away from the flame they
were destroyed by the hurlers of missiles. Some were caught in narrow
places and perished by both at once, wounded on one side and burned on
the other. The majority of those who entered the circle met their fate in
this way. Some few by casting corpses into the very flame and making a
passage over them as over bridges managed to escape. The fire gained
such headway that not even those on the acropolis could stay there, but
abandoned it in the night and hid themselves in subterranean chambers.
[-12-] These were the operations at that point.--Seretium, which Tiberius
had once besieged but not captured, was subdued, and after this some
other towns were more easily won. But since the remainder even under
these conditions offered resistance and the war kept lengthening out and
famine came in its train, especially in Italy, Augustus sent Tiberius
again into Dalmatia. He saw that the soldiers were not for enduring
further delay and were anxious to end the war in some way eyen if it
involved danger; therefore, fearing that if they remained in one place
together they might revolt, he divided them into three parts. One he
assigned to Silvanus and one to Marcus Lepidus; with the remainder he
marched with Germanicus against Bato. Without difficulty the two former
overcame those arrayed in battle opposite them. Tiberius himself went
wandering off through practically the entire country, as Bato appeared
first at one point and then at another: finally, Bato took refuge in Fort
Andetrium, located close to Salonæ, and Tiberius, who besieged him,
found himself in sore straits. The garrison had the protection of
fortifications built upon a well guarded rock, difficult of access,
encircled by deep ravines through which torrents roared, and the men had
all necessary provisions, part of which they had previously stored there,
while a part they were still bringing from the mountains, which were
in their hands. Moreover, by ambuscades they interfered with the Roman
provision trains. Hence Tiberius, though supposed to be besieging them,
was himself placed in the position of a besieged force.
[-13-] He was in a dilemma and could not find any plan to pursue:
the siege was proving fruitless and dangerous and a retreat appeared
disgraceful. This led to an uproar on the part of the soldiers, who
raised so great an outcry that the enemy, who were encamped in the
shelter of the wall, were terrified and retreated. As a consequence,
being partly angry and partly pleased, he called them together and
administered some rebukes and some admonition. He displayed no rashness
nor yet did he withdraw, but remained quietly on the spot until Bato,
despairing of victory, sent a herald to ask terms. This act was due to
the subjugation of all but a few of the other tribes and the fact that
the force which Bato had was inferior to the one then opposing it. He
could not persuade the rest to ask a truce and so abandoned them, nor did
he again assist one of them, though he received many requests for aid.
Tiberius consequently conceived a contempt for those still left in the
fortress and thinking that he could conquer them without loss paid no
further heed to the nature of the country but proceeded straight up the
cliff. Since there was no level ground and the enemy would not come down
against them, he himself took his seat on a platform in full view in
order to watch the engagement (for this would cause his soldiers to
contend more vigorously), and to render opportune assistance, should
there be any need of it. He kept a part of the army, inasmuch as he had a
great plenty of men, for this very purpose. The rest, drawn up in a dense
square, at first proceeded at a walk; later they were separated by the
steepness and unevenness of the mountain (which was full of gullies and
at many points cut up into ravines), and some ascended more quickly,
others more slowly. [-14-] Seeing this, the Dalmatians marshaled outside
the wall, at the top of the steep, and hurled down quantities of stones
upon them, throwing some from slings, and rolling down others. Others
set in motion wheels, others whole wagons full of rocks, others circular
chests manufactured in some way peculiar to the country and packed with
stones. All these things coming down with great noise kept striking in
different quarters, as if discharged from a sling, and separated the
Romans from one another even more than before and crushed them. Others by
discharging either missiles or spears knocked many of them down. At this
juncture much rivalry developed on the part of the warriors, one side
endeavoring to ascend and conquer the heights, the other to repulse them
and hurl them back. There was great excitement also on the part of the
rest, who watched the action from the walls, and on the part of those
about Tiberius. Each side as a body and also individually encouraged its
own men, trying to lend strength to such as showed zeal and chiding those
that anywhere gave way. Those whose voices could be heard above the rest
were invoking the gods, both parties praying for the protection of
their warriors for the time being, and one side calling for freedom
for themselves in the future, and the other for peace. Under these
circumstances the Romans would certainly have risked their lives in vain,
having to contend against two things at once,--the nature of the
country and the lines of their antagonists,--had not Tiberius by sudden
reinforcements prevented them from taking to flight and disturbed the
enemy from another quarter by means of other soldiers who went about and
ascended the incline a considerable distance off. As a result, the enemy
were routed and could not even enter the fortifications, but scattered
up the mountain sides, first casting off their armor so as to be lightly
equipped. Their pursuers followed them at every point, for they were
exceedingly anxious to end the war and did not want them to unite again
and cause trouble. So they discovered the most of them hiding in the
forests and killed them like beasts, after which they took possession
of the men in the fort, who capitulated. To these Tiberius assured the
rights which had been agreed upon and some others.
[-15-] Germanicus now turned to meet his adversaries, for many deserters
who were in their ranks prevented a peaceful settlement. He succeeded in
enslaving a place called Arduba, but could not do it with his own force,
though the latter was far greater than his opponents' army. The town had
been powerfully strengthened and a river with a strong current surrounded
its foundations except for a small space. But the deserters had a dispute
with the inhabitants, because the latter were anxious for peace, and came
to blows with them. The assailants had the coöperation of the women in
the town, for these contrary to the judgment of the men desired liberty,
and were ready to suffer any fate whatever sooner than slavery: there was
consequently a great battle, the deserters were beaten and surrendered,
and some of them made their escape. The women caught up their children,
and some threw themselves into the fire, others hurled themselves down
into the river. In this way that post was taken and others near it
voluntarily came to an understanding with Germanicus. He, after effecting
this, went back to Tiberius, and Postumius[1] completed the subjugation
of the remaining sections. [-16-] Upon this, Bato sent his son Sceuas
to Tiberius, promising to surrender himself and all his followers if he
could obtain protection. When he had received a pledge he came by night
into his conqueror's camp and was on the following day led before the
latter who was seated on a platform. Bato asked nothing for himself, even
holding his head forward to await the stroke, but in behalf of the rest
he made a long defence. Being again asked by Tiberius: "Why has it
pleased you to revolt and to war against us so long a time?" he made the
same answer as before: "You are responsible for this; for you send as
guardians over your flocks not dogs or shepherds, but wolves."
In this way, then, the war was ended once more, after many men and much
money had been consumed. The legions supported for it were very numerous,
whereas the spoils taken were exceedingly meagre. [-17-] On this occasion
also Germanicus announced the victory, in honor of which Augustus and
Tiberius were allowed to bear the name imperator and to celebrate a
triumph; and they received still other honors, as well as two arches
bearing trophies, in Pannonia. These, at least, were all of many
distinctions voted that Augustus would accept. Germanicus received
triumphal honors (which belonged likewise to the other commanders) and
prætorial honors, the right of casting his vote immediately after the
ex-consuls and of obtaining the consulship earlier than custom allowed.
Drusus, the son of Tiberius, although he had not participated in the
war, was voted permission to attend the sittings of the senate before he
became a member of that body, and when he should become quæstor to cast
his vote before the exprætors.
[-18-] Scarcely had these resolutions been passed when terrible news that
arrived from Germany prevented them from holding any festivals. At that
same period the following events had taken place in Celtica. The Romans
had a hold on parts of it,--not the whole region, but just places
that happened to have been subdued, so that the fact has not received
historical notice,--and soldiers of theirs were used to wintering there
and cities were being founded. The barbarians were adapting themselves
to Roman ways, were taking up the custom of markets, and were holding
peaceful meetings. They had not, however, forgotten their ancestral
habits, their native manners, the life of independence, or the authority
given by arms. Hence, while they were unlearning them gradually and
imperceptibly, with careful watching, they were not disturbed by the
changed conditions of existence, and they were becoming different without
knowing it. Finally, Quintilius Varus received the command of Germany and
in the discharge of his office strove, in administering the affairs of
the people, to introduce more widespread changes among them. He treated
them in general as if they were already slaves, levying money upon them
as he had upon subject nations. This they were not inclined to endure,
for the prominent men longed for their former ascendency and the masses
preferred their accustomed constitution to foreign domination. They did
not openly revolt, since they saw there were many Roman soldiers near
the Rhine and many in their own territory; but they received Varus,
pretending they would execute all his commands, and took him far away
from the Rhine into Cheruscis near the Visurgis. There by behaving in a
most peaceful and friendly manner they led him to believe that they could
be trusted to live submissively without soldiers. [-19-] Consequently he
did not keep his legions together as was proper in an enemy's country,
and many of the men he distributed to helpless communities who asked it,
for the supposed purpose of guarding certain localities, or arresting
robbers, or escorting provision trains. Those deepest in the conspiracy
and the leaders of the plot and of the war, among others Armenius and
Segimerus, were his constant companions and often entertained him. He,
accordingly, became confident and expecting no harm not only refused to
believe all such as suspected the truth and advised him to be on his
guard, but even rebuked them on the ground that they were needlessly
disturbed and slandered his friends. Then there came an uprising, first
of those dwelling at a distance from him, purposely contrived, that Varus
should march against them and be easier overcome while on his journey
through what he deemed a friendly country, and that he might not at once
know that all were his enemies and guard himself against all of them. It
turned out precisely so. They escorted him on his setting out, and begged
to be excused from attendance[2] in order to gather auxiliaries (as they
said), after which they would quickly come to his assistance. So then
they took charge of forces already in waiting, and after killing the
different bodies of soldiers for whom they had previously asked they
encountered him in the midst of forests by this time hard to traverse.
There they showed themselves as enemies instead of subjects and wrought
many deeds of fearful injury. [-20-] The mountains had an uneven surface
broken by ravines, and the trees, standing close together, were extremely
tall. Hence the Romans even before the enemy assaulted them were having
hard work in felling, road making, and bridging places that required it.
They had with them many wagons and many beasts of burden as in a time of
peace. Not a few children and women and a large body of servants were
following them,--another reason for their advancing in scattered groups.
Meanwhile a great rain and wind came up that separated them still
farther, while the ground, being slippery where there were roots and
logs, made walking very difficult for them, and the top branches of
trees, which kept breaking off and falling down, caused confusion. While
the Romans were in such perplexity as this the barbarians suddenly
encompassed them from all sides at once, coming through the thickest part
of the underbrush, since they were acquainted with the paths. At first
they hurled from a distance; then as no one defended himself but many
were wounded, they approached closer to them. The Romans were in no order
but going along helter-skelter among the wagons and the unarmed, and so,
not being able to form readily in a body, and being fewer at every point
than their assailants, they suffered greatly and offered no resistance
at all. [-21-] Accordingly, they encamped on the spot, after securing
a suitable place so far as that was possible on a wooded mountain, and
afterward they either burned or abandoned the majority of their wagons
and everything else that was not absolutely necessary for them. The next
day they advanced in better order, with the aim of reaching open country;
but they did not gain it without loss. From there they went forward and
plunged into the woods again, defending themselves against the attacks,
but endured no inconsiderable reverses in this very operation. For
whereas they were marshaled in a narrow place in order that cavalry
and heavy-armed men in a mass might run down their foes, they had many
collisions with one another and with the trees. Dawn of the fourth day
broke as they were advancing and again a violent downpour and mighty wind
attacked them, which would not allow them to go forward or even to stand
securely, and actually deprived them of the use of their weapons. They
could not manage successfully their arrows or their javelins or, indeed,
their shields (which were soaked through). The enemy, however, being for
the most part lightly equipped and with power to approach and retire
freely, suffered less from the effects of the storm. _Their_ numbers,
moreover, increased, as numbers of those who had at first wavered joined
them particularly for the sake of plunder, and so they could more easily
encircle and strike down the Romans, who were already few, many having
perished in the previous battles. Varus, therefore, and the most eminent
of the other leaders, fearing that they might either be taken alive or be
killed by their bitterest foes,--for they had been wounded,--dared do a
deed which was frightful but not to be avoided: they killed themselves.
[-22-] When this news was spread, none of the rest, even if he had
strength still left, defended himself longer. Some imitated their leader;
others, throwing aside their arms, allowed who pleased to slay them. To
flee was impossible, however one might wish it. Every man and horse,
therefore, was cut down without resistance, and the[3] ...
And the barbarians occupied all the strongholds save one, delay over
which prevented them from either crossing the Rhine or invading Gaul.
Yet they found themselves unable to reduce this particular fort because
they did not understand the conduct of sieges and because the Romans
employed numerous archers, who repeatedly repulsed them and from
first to last destroyed a large proportion of the attacking party.
Later they learned that the Romans had posted a guard at the Rhine
and that Tiberius was approaching with an imposing force of fighters.
Therefore most of the barbarians retired from the fortress, and the
detachment still left there withdrew some distance away, so as not to
be damaged by sudden sallies of the men inside; and they kept watch
of the roads, hoping to capture the garrison through scarcity of food
supplies. The Romans within, so long as they had abundance of sustenance,
remained where they were awaiting relief. But when no one
came to their assistance and they were likewise a prey to hunger, they
watched for a stormy night and issued forth--the soldiers were but
fed, the unarmed many,--and
they passed the first and second guard of their adversaries, but when
they reached the third they were detected; for on account of fatigue and
fear, and the darkness and cold, the women and children kept calling to
the men of fighting age to come back. They would all have perished or
been captured, had not the barbarians been so busily occupied with
seizing the plunder. This gave an opportunity for many of the most hardy
to get some distance off, and the trumpeters with them by sounding the
signal for a double quick march caused the enemy to think (for night
was coming on and they could not be seen) that they had been sent from
Asprenas. Therefore the foe ceased their pursuit, and Asprenas on
learning what was taking place rendered them assistance in reality. Some
of the captives were later ransomed by their relatives and returned,
for this was permitted on condition that the ransoming party should be
outside of Italy at the time.--But this was only afterward. [-23-] At the
time, when Augustus heard of the disaster to Varus, he rent his clothing
(as some assert) and mourned greatly over the lost soldiers as also over
the fear inspired by the Germans and the Gauls. His grief was especially
keen because he expected that they would march upon Italy and upon Rome
itself. There were no citizens of military age worth mentioning that
were left and the allied forces that were of any value had been ruined.
Nevertheless he made preparations as well as he could in view of the
circumstances: and when no one of the proper age for warfare showed a
willingness to be enrolled, he instituted a drawing of lots and deprived
of his property every fifth man to draw of those not yet thirty-five
years old and every tenth man among those who were older, besides
disenfranchising them. Finally, as very many paid no heed to him even
then, he put some to death. He chose by lot as many as he could of those
who had already finished their service and of the freedmen, and having
enrolled them sent them at once in haste with Tiberius into Germany. And
as there were in Rome a number of Gauls and Celtæ, sojourning there for
various purposes, and some of them serving in the pretorian guard, he
feared that they might commit some act of insurrection: therefore he sent
such as were in his guard off to the islands and ordered the unarmed
class to leave the city.