grain, something previously left vague, to twenty myriads, and, as some
say, he gave each one sixty denarii.. .. to Mars, and that he himself and
his grandsons, as often as they pleased, and those who were passing
from the classification of children and were being registered among
the iuvenes, should invariably resort thither; that magistrates being
despatched to offices abroad should make that their starting-point; that
the senate should there declare their votes in regard to the granting
of triumphs and the victors celebrating them should devote to this Mars
their sceptre and their crown; that such victors and all others who might
obtain triumphal honors should have their likenesses in bronze erected
in the Forum; that in case military standards captured by the enemy were
ever recovered, they should be placed in the temple; that a festival of
the god should be celebrated near the Scalæ by the persons successively
occupying the office of præfectus alae; that a nail should be driven for
his glory by those acting as censors; that senators have the right to
undertake the work of furnishing the horses that were to compete in the
equestrian contest, as well as the general care of the temple, precisely
as had been provided by law in the case of Apollo and in the case of
Jupiter Capitolinus.
These matters settled, Augustus dedicated that spacious hall: yet to
Gaius and to Lucius he gave once and for all powers to officiate at all
similar consecrations, on the strength of a kind of consular authority
(founded on precedent) that they were to use. They, too, directed the
horse-race on this occasion, and their brother Agrippa took part with
the children of the leading families in the so-called "Troy" equestrian
games. Two hundred and sixty lions were slaughtered in the hippodrome.
There was a gladiatorial combat in the Sæpta, and a naval battle of
"Persians" and "Athenians" was given on the spot, where even at the
present day some relics of it are still exhibited. The above were the
names applied to the parties engaged, and the Athenians, as of old, came
out victorious.
In the course of the spectacle he let water into the Flaminian Hippodrome
and thirty-six crocodiles were there cut in pieces. However, Augustus did
not serve as consul every day continuously, but after holding office a
little while he gave the title of the consulship to another.
These were the exercises in honor of Mars. To Augustus himself a sacred
contest was offered in Neapolis, the Campanian city, nominally because he
had helped it rise when it was prostrated by earthquake and by fire,
but in reality because the inhabitants, alone of their neighbors, were
enthusiastic over Greek customs; and he also received the title of
Father, with, binding force (for previously he was merely spoken of by
that name and no decree had been passed). Moreover, it was now that for
the first time he appointed two pretorian prefects, Quintus Ostorius
Scapula and Publius Salvius Aper. This term "prefect" is the word which
I, too, shall use solely to designate the commanders of any body, since
it has won its way into general currency. Likewise Pylades the dancer
conducted certain games, not performing any manual labor in connection
with them (since he was now a man of advanced age) but employing the
insignia of office and authorizing the necessary expenditures. Similarly
the prætor Quintus Crispinus conducted games (though I need lay no
emphasis on that point) and under his management knights and women of
families not unknown to fame were brought into the orchestra. But of all
this Augustus made no account; his daughter Julia, however, proved so
dissolute that she held revels and drinking bouts by night in the
Forum and on the very rostra. When at last he found this out, he was
exceedingly enraged. He had guessed before that she did not lead a right
life, but refused to believe it. For those who hold supreme power are
acquainted with anything better than with their own affairs. Their own
deeds do not go undetected by their associates, but they are not fully
aware of the latter's. In this instance [when he learned what was going
on], he gave way to such violent rage that he could not keep the matter
to himself, but communicated it to the senate. As a result she was
banished to the island of Pandateria, near Campania, and her mother
Scribonia voluntarily was the companion of her voyage. Of the men who
enjoyed her favors Iullus Antonius, on the ground that his conduct was
prompted by designs upon the monarchy, was put to death, along with
others, [prominent persons]. The remainder were banished to islands.
[And since there was a tribune among them he was not tried till he had
completed his term of office.] Many other women, too, were accused of
similar behavior, but the emperor would not permit all the suits: he set
a definite time and forbade investigation of what had occurred previous
to that. In the case of his daughter he would show no mercy, urging that
he would rather have been Phoebe's father than hers, but the rest he
spared. Now Phoebe been a freedwoman of Julia's and the companion of her
undertakings, and had already caused her own death. For this Augustus
praised her.
[B.C. 1 (_a. u._ 753)]
Gaius' captaincy of the legions on the Ister was a peaceful period.
He fought no war, not because there was none but because he cultivated
ruling in quiet and safety, and the dangers were assigned to others.
The revolt of the Armenians and the Parthians' coöperation with them kept
Augustus sorrowful, and he was at a loss to know what to do. His age
rendered him incapable of campaigning, Tiberius (as stated) had already
withdrawn, he could not venture to send any other influential man,
and Gaius and Lucius were, as it happened, young and inexperienced in
affairs. Still, under the prod of necessity, he chose Gaius, gave him
the proconsular authority and a wife (an act intended to increase his
dignity) and assigned advisers to him. Gaius set out and was everywhere
received with marks of distinction, occupying as he did the position of
the emperor's grandson,--one might almost say son,--and Tiberius went
to Chios and paid him court to rid himself of suspicion. He humiliated
himself and groveled at the feet not only of Gaius but of all the
latter's associates. On his return to Syria, after no great successes
won, he was wounded.
[When the barbarians heard of the campaign of Gaius, Phrataces sent to
Augustus men to explain what had occurred and asked to get back his
brothers on condition of accepting peace.
[A.D. 1 (_a. u._ 754)]
The emperor's reply, addressed simply to "Phrataces," without the title
of king, directed him to lay aside the royal name and withdraw from
Armenia. The Parthian, however, instead of being cowed at this, wrote
back in a generally supercilious tone, calling himself "king of kings,"
but the other only "Cæsar."--Tigranes did not at once send any envoys,
but when Artabazus somewhat later fell sick and died he despatched a
letter, not writing the name "king" in it, and asked Augustus for the
kingdom. Influenced by these considerations and in fear, likewise, of war
with the Parthians, the emperor accepted the gifts and bade him go with
good hopes to meet Gaius in Syria.]
[-10a-(_Boissevain_)] ... other party from Egypt that campaigned against
them they repulsed, and did not yield till a tribune from the pretorian
guard was sent against them. He in progress of time checked their
incursions, and for a long period no senator governed the cities in this
region.
Coincident with these troubles there was a new movement on the part of
the Celtæ. Some time earlier Domitius, while still governing the regions
adjacent to the Ister, had intercepted the Hermunduri (a tribe that for
some unknown reason had left their native land and were wandering about
in search of a different country), and he had settled them in a portion
of Marcomania; next, encountering no opposition, he had crossed the
Albis, cemented friendship with the barbarians on the other side, and
set up an altar to Augustus to commemorate the event. Just now he
had transferred his position to the Rhine, where, in pursuance of an
intention to have his subordinates restore certain Cheruscian exiles, he
had met with misfortune and had caused the other barbarians likewise to
concieve a contempt for the Romans. This was, however, the extent of his
operations during the year in question, for because of the Parthian war
impending no chastisement was visited upon the rebels immediately.
Nevertheless the war with the Parthians did not materialize. Phrataces
heard that Gaius was in Syria, equipped with consular powers, and was
furthermore uneasy about home interests in which even previously he had
failed to discern a friendly feeling; hence he hastened to effect a
reconciliation, secured on the proviso that he himself should depart from
Armenia and his brothers remain over seas.
[A.D. 2(_a. u._ 755)]
Now the Armenians fell into conflict with the Romans the following year,
in which Publius Vinicius and Publius Varus were consuls. The restraining
influence of the fact that Tigranes had perished in some barbarian war
and that Erato had resigned the sovereignty was nullified as soon as they
were delivered to a Mede, Ariobarzanes, who had once come to the Romans
in company with Tiridates. They accomplished nothing worthy of note save
that a leader named Addon,[7] who was occupying Artagira, induced Gaius
to come close up to the wall, pretending that he would reveal to him some
secrets of the Parthian king, and then wounded him. In the consequent
siege he maintained a prolonged resistance. When he was at last
overthrown, not only Augustus but Gaius, too, assumed the title of
imperator, and Armenia passed into the control of Ariobarzanes. Soon
after the latter died, and his son Artabazus received it as the gift of
Augustus and the senate. Gaius fell ill from the wound, and though he
was not in any way robust and the condition of his health had, in fact,
injured his mind, he now grew still more feeble. At length he begged
leave to retire to private life, and it was his wish to take up his abode
somewhere in Syria. Augustus, in the depth of grief, communicated his
desire to the senate, and urged him to come at any rate to Italy and
then do what he pleased. So Gaius resigned at once all the duties of his
office and took a coastwise trading vessel to Lycia, where, at Limyra,
he breathed his last. Prior to his demise the spark of Lucius's life had
also paled. (He, too, was being given practice in many places, sent now
here, now there; and he was wont to read personally the letters of Gaius
before the senate, so often as he was present.) His death was due to a
sudden illness. In connection with both these cases, therefore, suspicion
rested upon Livia, and particularly because the return of Tiberius
from Rhodes to Rome occurred at this time. [-11-] As for him he was so
extremely well versed in the art of divination by the stars, having with
him Thrasyllus, who was a past master of all astrology, that he had
understood accurately what was fated both for himself and for them. And
the story goes that once in Rhodes he was about to push Thrasyllus from
the walls, because the latter was the only one aware of all he had in
mind; observing, however, that his intended victim looked gloomy, he
asked him why his face was overcast. When the other replied that he
suspected some danger, he was surprised [8] and gave up his murderous
designs. Thrasyllus had such a clear knowledge of all things that when
he descried approaching afar off the boat which brought to Tiberius the
message from his mother and Augustus to return to Rome, he told him in
advance what news it would bring.
[-12-] The bodies of Lucius and of Gaius were brought to Rome by the
military tribunes and by the chief men of each city. The targes and the
golden spears which they had received from the knights on entering the
class of iuvenes were set up in the senate-house.
Augustus was once called "master" by the people, but he not only forbade
that any one should use this form of address to him but took very good
care in every way to enforce his command.
[A.D. 3 (_a. u._ 756)]
When his third ten-year period had been accomplished, he then accepted
the rulership for the fourth time,--of course under compulsion! He had
become milder through age and more hesitating in regard to offending any
of the senators and now wished to have no differences with any of them.
For lending for three years to such as needed it fifteen hundred
myriads of denarii, without interest, he was praised and reverenced
by all.
Once, when a fire destroyed the palace, and many persons offered him
large amounts, he would take nothing except an aureus from the various
peoples and a denarius from single individuals. The name _aureus_, which
I give here, is a local term for a piece of money worth twenty-five
denarii.[9] Some of the Greeks also, whose books we read for acquiring
a pure Attic style, give it this name. When Augustus had restored his
dwelling he made all of it public property, either because of the
contributions made by the people or because he was high priest and wished
to live in a building both private and public.
[-13-] The people urged Augustus very strongly to rescind the sentence of
exile passed upon his daughter, but he answered that fire would mix with
water before she should be brought back. And the populace did throw a
good deal of fire into the Tiber. For the time being they accomplished
nothing, but later they brought such pressure to bear that she was at
last moved from the island to the mainland.
And later the outbreak of war with the Celtæ found Augustus worn
out in body (by reason of old age and sickness) and incapable of taking
the field. Yielding, then, partly to the requirements of the situation
and partly to the persuasions of Julia[10] (who had already been restored
from banishment)
he both adopted Tiberius and sent him out[11] against the Celtæ, granting
him the tribunician authority for ten years.
[A.D. 4 (_a. u._ 757)]
Yet suspecting that he might lose his head and fearing a possible
insurrection he adopted for him also his nephew Germanicus, though
Tiberius himself had a son. After this he took courage, and feeling that
he had successors and supporters, he became desirous to organize the
senate once more. So he nominated the ten senators whom he most honored
and appointed three of them, selected by lot, to be scrutinizers. There
were not many, however, who either imposed sentence on themselves
beforehand,--permission being given them to do so, just as
previously,--or were retired against their will.
This business, then, was managed by others. The emperor himself took a
census of the inhabitants of Italy possessing property valued at not less
than five myriad denarii. The weaker citizens and those dwelling outside
of Italy he did not compel to undergo the taking of a census, for he
feared that they might be disturbed and show insubordination of some
sort. And in order that he might not seem to be acting in the capacity
of censor (for the reason I mentioned before) [12] he assumed proconsular
powers for the purpose of completing the census and accomplishing the
purification. And inasmuch as many of the young men of the senatorial
class and of the equestrian, as well, had grown poor though not at fault
for it themselves, he made up to most of them the required amount of
property, and in the case of some eighty increased it to thirty myriads.
[A.D. 4 ( _a. u._ 757) ]
Since, also, many were giving unrestricted emancipation to their slaves,
he directed what age the manumitter and likewise the person to be
liberated by him must have reached: moreover, what regulations people
in general, and the former masters, should observe toward those made
freedmen.
[-14-] While he was thus occupied plots were formed against him, and
notably one by Gnæus Cornelius, a son of the daughter of Pompey the
Great. For some time the emperor was a prey to great perplexity not
wishing to kill the men,--for he saw that no greater safety would be
his by their destruction,--nor yet to let them go, for fear this might
attract others to conspire against him. While he was in a dilemma as to
what he should do and could not be free from anxiety by day nor from
terror by night, Livia one day said to him:--
"What is this, husband? Why is it you do not sleep!"
"Wife," answered Augustus, "who could be even to the slightest degree
free from care, that has so many enemies and is so constantly the object
of plots of one set of men or another? Do you not see how many are
attacking both me and our sovereignty? The vengeance meted out to those
found guilty does not retard them: quite the contrary, as if they were
pressing forward to do some noble action the rest also hasten to perish
similarly."
Livia, hearing this, said: "That you should be the object of plots is not
remarkable, nor is it contrary to human nature. Having so large an empire
you must do many things and naturally you cause grief to not a few
people. A ruler can not please all: on the contrary, even an exceedingly
upright sovereign must inevitably make foes of many persons. For those
who wish to be unjust are many more than those who act justly, and their
desires it is impossible to satisfy. Even among such as possess a certain
excellence some yearn for many great rewards which they can not obtain
and some chafe because they are inferior to others: so both of them find
fault with the ruler. From this you can see that it is impossible to
avoid evil, and furthermore that of all the attacks made none is upon you
but all upon your position of supremacy. If you were a private citizen,
no one would willingly do you any harm unless he had previously received
some injury. But for the supremacy and for the good things that it
contains all yearn, and those who occupy any post of influence far more
than their inferiors. It is the nature of wicked men, who have very
little sense, to do so. It is implanted in their dispositions, just like
anything else, and it is impossible by either persuasion or compulsion to
remove such a bent from some of them. There is no law or fear stronger
than natural tendencies. Reflect on this and do not take the offences of
others so hard, but keep yourself and your supremacy carefully guarded,
that we may hold it safely not by virtue of inflicting severe punishments
but by means of strict watchfulness."
[-15-] To this Augustus replied: "Wife, I too know that nothing great is
ever free from envy and plots,--least of all sole power. We should be
peers of the gods if we did not have troubles and cares and fears beyond
all private individuals. But to me it is also a source of grief that this
is inevitably so and that no cure for it can be found."
"Yet," said Livia, "since some men are so constituted as to want to do
wrong in any event, let us guard against them. We have many soldiers who
protect us,--some marshaled against foreign foes and others about your
person,--and a large retinue, so that by their help we may live safely
both at home and abroad."
"I do not need," said Augustus, interrupting, "to state that many men on
many occasions have perished at the hands of their immediate associates.
For in addition to other disadvantages this, too, is a most distressing
thing in monarchies, that we fear not only enemies (like other people)
but also our friends. Many more rulers have been plotted against by such
persons than by those who had nothing to do with them. This is to be
expected, since the inner circle is with the potentate day and night,
exercising and eating, and he has to take food and drink that they have
prepared. Moreover, against acknowledged enemies you can array these very
men, but against the latter themselves there is no one else to employ as
an ally. To us, therefore, the whole time through, solitude is dreadful,
company dreadful: to be unguarded is terrifying, but most terrifying are
the guards themselves: enemies are difficult to deal with, but still
greater difficulties are presented by our friends. They must all be
called friends, whether they are such or not, but even if one should find
them most reliable, even so one may not trust one's self in their company
with a clear, carefree, unsuspecting heart. This, then, and the fact
that it is requisite to take measures of defence against ordinary
conspirators, make the situation overwhelmingly dreadful. For to be
always compelled to be inflicting punishment and chastisement upon
somebody is highly repugnant to men of character."
[-16-] "You are right," answered Livia, "and I have some advice to give
you,--at least, if you prove willing to receive it and willing not to
censure me that, woman as I am, I dare to make suggestions to you which
no one else, even of your most intimate friends, would venture. And this
is not through any lack of knowledge on their part, but because they are
not bold enough to speak."
"Say on," rejoined Augustus, "and let us have it."
"I will tell you," continued Livia, "without hesitation, because I share
your comforts and adversities, and while you are safe I myself hold
dominion day by day, whereas if you come to any harm (which Heaven
forbid!) I shall perish with you. Well, then, human nature persuades some
to sin under any conditions, and there is no device for controlling
it when it has once started toward any goal. What seems good to
persons,--not to rehearse the vices of the masses,--at once induces very
many of them to do wrong. [-17-] The boast of birth and pride of wealth,
greatness of honor, audacity founded on bravery, and conceit due to
authority, bring shipwreck to not a few. There is no making nobility
ignoble, bravery cowardly, or prudence foolish: it is impossible. Nor,
again, is it to curtail men's abundance or to strike down ambitions where
conduct has been correct: that is iniquitous. That he who is on the
defensive and anticipates others' movements should incur injury and ill
repute is inevitable. Come, let us change our policy and spare some of
them. To me it seems far more feasible to set things right by kindness
than by harshness. Not only are those who grant pardon loved by the
objects of their clemency, who strive to repay the favor, but all others
both respect and reverence them and will not readily endure to see harm
done to them. Sovereigns, however, who maintain an inexorable anger not
only are hated by those who have aught to fear, but cause uneasiness to
all the rest. As a result, men plot against them to avoid meeting an
untimely fate. Do you not notice that physicians very rarely have
recourse to cutting and burning, wishing to avoid aggravating a person's
disease, but in the majority of cases soothe and cure by means of
fomentations and mild drugs? Do not think that because those ailments
have to do with the body and these with the mind that they are
essentially different. Very many experiences of the body are similar in
a way to what goes on in the souls of men, no matter how bodiless the
latter may be. The soul contracts under the influence of fear and expands
under that of wrath. Pain humiliates men and audacity puffs them up. The
correspondences then are very close and therefore both kinds of trouble
need treatments which are much alike. A gentle speech uttered to a man
causes all his unruliness to subside, just as a harsh one provokes to
anger even an easy-going person. The granting of pardon melts the most
audacious, just as punishment irritates the most mild. Acts of violence
inflame all men in every instance, even though such measures may be
thoroughly just, but considerate treatment mollifies them. Hence
one would more readily brave great dangers through persuasion and
voluntarily, than under compulsion. Such is the inherent, unalterable
quality of both methods of behavior that even among brute beasts that
have no mind many of the strongest and fiercest are domesticated by
petting and are subdued by coaxing, whereas many of the most cowardly and
weak are made unmanageable and maddened by cruelties and terrors.