CHAPTER IX.

Montcalm At Quebec

The rejoicing in Canada was brief. Before the end of the year the

British were victorious at both the eastern and western ends of the long

battle-line. Louisbourg had fallen in July; Fort Duquesne, in November.

Fort Frontenac--giving command of Lake Ontario and, with it, the

West--had surrendered to Bradstreet in August just after Montcalm's

victory at Ticonderoga. The Ohio was gone. The great fortress guarding

the gateway to the Gulf was gone. The next English attack would fall on

Quebec. Montcalm had told Vaudreuil in the autumn, with vigorous

precision, that the period of petty warfare, for taking scalps and

burning houses, was past. It was time now to defend the main trunk of

the tree and not the outer branches. The best Canadians should be

incorporated into and trained in the battalions of regulars. The militia

regiments themselves should be clothed and drilled like regular

soldiers. Interior posts, such as Detroit, should be held by the

smallest possible number of men. This counsel enraged Vaudreuil.

Montcalm, he wrote, was trying to upset everything. Vaudreuil was

certain that the English would not attack Quebec.

There is a melancholy greatness in the last days of Montcalm. He was

fighting against fearful odds. With only about three thousand trained

regulars and perhaps four times as many untrained Canadians and savages,

he was confronting Britain's might on sea and land which was now thrown

against New France. From France itself Montcalm knew that he had nothing

to hope. In the autumn of 1758 he sent Bougainville to Versailles. That

brilliant and loyal helper managed to elude the vigilance of the British

fleet, reached Versailles, and there spent some months in varied and

resourceful attempts to secure aid for Canada. He saw ministers. He

procured the aid of powerful connections of his own and of his

fellow-officers in Canada. He went to what was at this time the

fountainhead of authority at the French court, and it was not the King.

"The King is nothing," wrote Bougainville, "the Marchioness is

all-powerful--prime minister." Bougainville saw the Marchioness, Madame

de Pompadour, and read to her some of Montcalm's letters. She showed no

surprise and said nothing--her habit, as Bougainville said. By this time

the name of Montcalm was one to charm with in France. Bougainville wrote

to him "I should have to include all France if I should attempt to give

a list of those who love you and wish to see you Marshal of France. Even

the little children know your name." There had been a time when the

court thought the recall of Montcalm would be wise in the interests of

New France. Now it was Montcalm's day and the desire to help him was

real. France, however, could do little. Ministers were courteous and

sympathetic; but as Berryer, Minister of Marine, said to Bougainville,

with the house on fire in France, they could not take much thought of

the stable in Canada.

This Berryer was an inept person. He was blindly ignorant of naval

affairs, coarse, obstinate, a placeman who owed his position to intrigue

and favoritism. His only merit was that he tried to cut down

expenditure, but in regard to the navy this policy was likely to be

fatal. It is useless, said this guardian of France's marine, to try to

rival Britain on the sea, and the wise thing to do is to save money by

not spending it on ships. Berryer even sold to private persons stores

which he had on hand for the use of the fleet. If the house was on fire

he did not intend, it would seem, that much should be left to burn. The

old Due de Belle-Isle, Minister of War, was of another type, a fine and

efficient soldier. He explained the situation frankly in a letter to

Montcalm. Austria was an exigent ally, and Frederick of Prussia a

dangerous foe. France had to concentrate her strength in Europe. The

British fleet, he admitted, paralyzed efforts overseas. There was no

certainty, or even probability, that troops and supplies sent from

France would ever reach Canada. France, the Duke said guardedly, was not

without resources. She had a plan to strike a deadly blow against

England and, in doing so, would save Canada without sending overseas a

great army. The plan was nothing less than the invasion of England and

Scotland with a great force, the enterprise which, nearly half a century

later, Napoleon conceived as his master stroke against the proud

maritime state. During that winter and spring France was building a

great number of small boats with which to make a sudden descent and to

land an army in England.

If this plan succeeded, all else would succeed. Montcalm must just hold

on, conduct a defensive campaign and, above all, retain some part of

Canada since, as the Duke said with prophetic foresight, if the British

once held the whole of the country they would never give it up. Montcalm

himself had laid before the court a plan of his own. He estimated that

the British would have six men to his one. Rather than surrender to

them, he would withdraw to the far interior and take his army by way of

the Ohio to Louisiana. The design was a wild counsel of despair for he

would be cut off from any base of supplies, but it shows the risks he

was ready to take. In him now the court had complete confidence.

Vaudreuil was instructed to take no military action without seeking the

counsel of Montcalm. "The King," wrote Belle-Isle to Montcalm, "relies

upon your zeal, your courage and your resolution." Some little help was

sent. The British control of the sea was not complete; since more than

twenty French ships eluded British vigilance, bringing military stores,

food (for Canada was confronted by famine), four hundred soldiers, and

Bougainville himself, with a list of honors for the leaders in Canada.

Montcalm was given the rank of Lieutenant-General and, but for a

technical difficulty, would have been made a Marshal of France.

All this reliance upon Montcalm was galling to Vaudreuil. This weak man

was entirely in the hands of a corrupt circle who recognized in the

strength and uprightness of Montcalm their deadly enemy. An incredible

plundering was going on. Its strength was in the blindness of Vaudreuil.

The secretary of Vaudreuil, Grasset de Saint-Sauveur, an ignorant and

greedy man, was a member of the ring and yet had the entire confidence

of the Governor. The scale of the robberies was enormous. Bigot, the

Intendant, was stealing millions of francs; Cadet, the head of the

supplies department, was stealing even more. They were able men who knew

how to show diligence in their official work. More than once Montcalm

praises the resourcefulness with which Bigot met his requirements. But

it was all done at a fearful cost to the State. Under assumed names the

ring sold to the King, of whose interests they were the guardians,

supplies at a profit of a hundred or a hundred and fifty per cent. They

made vast sums out of transport. They drew pay for feeding hundreds of

men who were not in the King's service. They received money for great

bills of merchandise never delivered and repeated the process over and

over again. To keep the Indians friendly the King sent presents of guns,

ammunition, and blankets. These were stolen and sold. Even the bodies of

Acadians were sold. They were hired out for their keep to a contractor

who allowed them to die of cold and hunger. Hundreds of the poor exiles

perished. The nemesis of a despotic system is that, however

well-intentioned it may be, its officials are not controlled by an alert

public opinion and yet must be trusted by their master. France meant

well by her colony but the colony, unlike the English colonies, was not

taught to look after itself. While nearly every one in Canada understood

what was going on, it was another thing to inform those in control in

France. La Porte, the secretary of the colonial minister, was in the

service of the ring. He intercepted letters which should have made

exposures. Until found out, he had the ear of the minister and echoed

the tone of lofty patriotism which Bigot assumed in his letters to his

superiors.

History has made Montcalm one of its heroes--and with justice. He was a

remarkable man, who would have won fame as a scholar had he not followed

the long family tradition of a soldier's career. Bougainville once said

that the highest literary distinction of a Frenchman, a chair in the

Academy, might be within reach of Montcalm as well as the baton of a

Marshal of France. He had a prodigious memory and had read widely. His

letters, written amid the trying conditions of war, are nervous, direct,

pregnant with meaning, the notes of a penetrating intelligence. He had

deep family affection. "Adieu, my heart, I believe that I love you more

than ever I did before"; these were the last words of what he did not

know was to be his last letter to his wife. In the midst of a gay scene

at Montreal, in the spring of 1759, he writes to Bourlamaque, then at

Lake Champlain, with acute longing for the south of France in the

spring. For six or seven months in the year he could receive no letters

and always the British command of the sea made their expected arrival

uncertain. "When shall I be again at the Château of Candiac, with my

plantations, my oaks, my oil mill, my mulberry trees? O good God." He

lays bare his spirit especially to Bourlamaque, a quiet, efficient,

thoughtful man, like himself, and enjoins him to burn the letters--which

he does not, happily for posterity. Scandal does not touch him but, like

most Frenchmen, he is dependent on the society of women. He lived in a

house on the ramparts of Quebec and visited constantly the salons of his

neighbor in the Rue du Parloir, the beautiful and witty Madame de la

Naudière. In two or three other households he was also intimate and the

Bishop was a sympathetic friend. His own tastes were those of the

scholar, and more and more, during the long Canadian winters, he enjoyed

evenings of quiet reading. The elder Mirabeau, father of the

revolutionary leader of 1789, had just published his Ami des Hommes and

this we find Montcalm studying. But above all he reads the great

encyclopædia of Diderot. By 1759 seven of the huge volumes had been

issued. They startled the intellectual world of the time and Montcalm

set out to read them, omitting the articles which had no interest for

him or which he could not understand. C is a copious letter in an

encyclopædia, and Montcalm found excellent the articles on Christianity,

College, Comedy, Comet, Commerce, Council, and so on. Wolfe--soon to be

his opponent--had the same taste for letters. The two men, unlike in

body, for Wolfe was tall and Montcalm the opposite, were alike in

spirit, painstaking students as well as men of action.

At first Montcalm had not realized what was the deepest shadow in the

life of Canada. Perhaps chiefly because Vaudreuil was always at

Montreal, Montcalm preferred Quebec and was surprised and charmed by the

life of that city. It had, he said, the air of a real capital. There

were fair women and brave men, sumptuous dinners with forty or fifty

covers, brilliantly lighted salons, a vivid social life in which he was

much courted. The Intendant Bigot was agreeable and efficient. Soon,

however, Montcalm had misgivings. It was a gambling age, but he was

staggered by the extent of the gambling at the house of the Intendant.

He did not wish to break with Bigot, and there was perhaps some weakness

in his failure to denounce the orgies from which his conscience

revolted. He warned his own officers but he could not control the

colonial officers, and Vaudreuil was too weak to check a man like Bigot.

Whence came the money? In time, Montcalm understood well enough. He

himself was poor. To discharge the duties of his position he was going

into debt, and he had even to consider the possible selling of his

establishment in France. He had to beg the court for some financial

relief. At the same time he saw about him a wild extravagance. There was

famine in Canada. During the winter of 1758-59 the troops were put on

short rations and, in spite of their bitter protests, had to eat horse

flesh. Suffering and starvation bore heavily on the poor. Through lack

of food people fell fainting in the streets. But the circle of Bigot

paid little heed and feasted, danced, and gambled. Montcalm pours out

his soul to Bourlamaque. He spends, he says, sleepless nights, and his

mind is almost disordered by what he sees. In his journal he notes his

own fight with poverty and its contrast with the careless luxury of a

crowd of worthless hangers-on making four or five hundred thousand

francs a year and insulting decency by their lavish expenditure. One of

the ring, a clerk with a petty salary, a base creature, spends more on

carriages, horses, and harness than a foppish and reckless young member

of the nouveaux-riches would spend in France. Corruption in Canada is

protected by corruption in France. Montcalm cries out with a devotion

which his sovereign hardly deserved, though it was due to France

herself, "O King, worthy of better service, dear France, crushed by

taxes to enrich greedy knaves!"

The weary winter of 1758-59 at length came to an end. In May the ships

already mentioned arrived from France, bringing Bougainville and, among

other things, the news that Pitt was sending great forces for a decisive

attack on Canada. At that very moment, indeed, the British ships were

entering the mouth of the St. Lawrence. Canada had already been cut off

from France. Montcalm held many councils with his officers. The strategy

decided upon was to stand at bay at Quebec, to strike the enemy if he

should try to land, and to hold out until the approach of winter should

force the retirement of the British fleet.

The Conquest of New France; A Chronicle of the Colonial Wars · 第 9 / 11 章