In Multan I only visited the graves of the Sheiks Baha Bahaeddin,
Zekeria, Rukneddin, and Sadreddin. I received a blessing from Sheik
Mohammed Radjva, and, after receiving permission to continue my
journey from Sultan Mirmiram Mirza Hasan, we proceeded toward Lahore.
In Sadkere I visited Sheik Hamid, received his blessing, and in the
first days of the Month Shawwal we came to Lahore. The political state
of the country was as follows: After the death of Selim Shah a son of
Shir Khan, the former Sovereign of Hindustan, Iskender Khan, had come
to the throne. When the Padishah Humayun heard this he immediately
left Kabul and marched his army to India, took Lahore, and fought
Iskender Khan near Sahrand. He won the battle and took 400 elephants,
besides several cannon and 400 chariots. Iskender Khan escaped to the
fortress of Mankut, and Humayun sent Shah Abul-Maali with a detachment
of soldiers after him. Humayun himself proceeded to his residence at
Delhi and dispatched his officers to different places. The Ozbeg,
Iskender Khan, he sent to Agra, and others to Firuzshah Senbel,[127]
Bayana, and Karwitch. War raged on all sides, and when I arrived at
Lahore the Governor, Mirza Shah, would not let me continue my journey
until I had seen the Padishah (Humayun). After sending the latter
word of my arrival, he received orders to send me forthwith to Delhi.
Meanwhile a whole month had been wasted, but finally we were sent off
with an escort. The river Sultanpoor was crossed in boats and after
a journey of 20 days we arrived, toward the end of Dulkaada, by the
route of Firuzshah[128] in the capital of India, called Delhi. As soon
as Humayun heard of our arrival he sent the Khanikhanan[129] and other
superior officers with 400 elephants and some thousand men to meet
us, and, out of respect and regard for our glorious Padishah, we were
accorded a brilliant reception. That same day the Khanikhanan prepared
a great banquet in our honor; and as it is the custom in India to
give audience in the evening, I was that night introduced with much
pomp and ceremony into the Imperial hall. After my presentation I
offered the Emperor a small gift, and a chronogram upon the conquest
of India, also two gazels, all of which pleased the Padishah greatly.
Forthwith I begged for permission to continue my journey, but this
was not granted. Instead of that I was offered a _Kulur_[130] and the
governorship over the district of Kharcha. I refused, and again begged
to be allowed to go, but for only answer I was told that I must at
least remain for one year, to which I replied: "By special command of
my glorious Padishah I went by sea to fight the miserable unbelievers.
Caught in a terrible hurricane, I was wrecked off the coast of India;
but it is now my plain duty to return to render an account to my
Padishah, and it is to be hoped that Gujarat will soon be delivered
out of the hands of the Unbelievers." Upon this Humayun suggested the
sending of an envoy to Constantinople, to save my going, but this
I could not agree to, for it would give the impression that I had
purposely arranged it so. I persisted in my entreaties, and he finally
consented, adding, however: "We are now close upon the three months
of continuous _Birshegal_,[131] (_i.e._, the rainy season). The roads
are flooded[132] and impassable, remain therefore till the weather
improves. Meanwhile calculate solar and lunar eclipses, their degree of
latitude, and their exact date in the calendar. Assist our astrologers
in studying the course of the sun, and instruct us concerning the
points of the equator. When all this is done, and the weather should
improve before the three months are over, then thou shalt go hence."
All this was said solemnly and decisively. I had no alternative, but
must submit to my fate. I took no rest, however, but labored on night
and day. At last I had accomplished the astronomical observations,
and about the same time Agra fell into the hands of the Padishah. I
immediately wrote a chronogram for the occasion, which found much
favor. One day, during an audience, the conversation turned upon
Sultan Mahmud of Bukkur, and I suggested that some official contract
(_Ahdnameh_, _i.e._, "agreement") should be made with him, to which
Humayun agreed. The document was drawn up, and the Emperor dipping
his fist in saffron pressed it upon the paper, this being the
_Tughra_,[133] or Imperial signature. Thereupon the document was sent
to Sultan Mahmud.
The Sultan was much pleased, and both he and his Vizier Molla Yari
expressed their thanks for my intervention in a private letter, which I
showed to his Majesty, who had entrusted me with the transaction.
This incident furnished the material for a gazel, with which the
Sovereign was so delighted that he called me a second Mir Ali
Shir.[134] I modestly declined the epithet, saying that it would be
presumption on my part to accept such praise, that, on the contrary, I
should consider myself fully rewarded to be allowed to gather up the
gleanings after him. Whereupon the Sovereign remarked: "If for one
more year thou perfectest thyself in this kind of poetry thou wilt
altogether supplant Mir Ali Shir in the affections of the people of the
Djagatais." In a word, Humayun loaded me with marks of his favor. One
day I was talking to Khoshhal, the Imperial archer, and the Sovereign's
special confidant; a superb youth. He used to take part in the poetical
discussions, and provided me with material for two gazels, which soon
became popular all over India and were in everybody's mouth. The
same good fortune attended my acquaintance with the Afetabedji,[135]
Abdurrahman Bey, a courtier who also rejoiced in the confidence and
affection of the monarch, and was his constant companion in private
life. He also entered the poetical contest, and I composed two gazels
upon him.
In a word, poetical discussions were the order of the day, and I was
constantly in the presence of the Emperor. One day he asked me whether
Turkey was larger than India, and I said: "If by Turkey your Majesty
means Rum proper, _i.e._, the province of Siwas,[136] then India is
decidedly the larger, but if by Turkey you mean all the lands subject
to the ruler of Rum, India is not by a tenth part as large." "I mean
the entire Empire," replied Humayun. "Then," I said, "it appears to
me, your Majesty, that the seven regions over which Iskender (_i.e._,
Alexander the Great) had dominion, were identical with the present
Empire of the Padishah of Turkey. History records the life and the
reign of Iskender, but it is not reasonable to suppose that he actually
visited and personally ruled these seven regions, for the inhabited
world (the fourth part of the present inhabited world) is 180 degrees
longitude and from the equator about 60 degrees latitude. Its area,
according to astronomical calculations, covers 1,668,670 _fersahhes_.
It is therefore an utter impossibility for any man to visit and
govern all these lands in person. Perhaps he only owned a portion of
each of these regions (_Iklim_), in the same way as the Padishah of
Turkey does." "But has the ruler of Turkey possessions in all these
regions?" asked Humayun. "Yes, certainly," I replied, "the first is
Yemen, the second Mecca, the third Egypt, the fourth Aleppo, the fifth
Constantinople, the sixth Kaffa, and the seventh Ofen and Vienna.[137]
In each of these regions the Padishah of Turkey appoints his Beglerbeg
and Kadi, who rule and govern in his name. Moreover, I was told in
Gujarat, by the merchants Khodja Bashi and Kara Hasan (God alone knows
whether their story is true), that when the Turkish merchants in China
desired to insert the name of their Sovereign in the Bairam prayers on
Bairamday, they brought the request before the Khakan of China, stating
that their Sovereign was Padishah of Mecca, Medina, and the Kibla
(Direction of the prayer), and therefore entitled to have his name
inserted in the Bairam prayers. The Khakan, although an unbeliever, had
insight enough to see the justice of their request, which he granted
forthwith; he even went so far as to clothe the Khatib[138] in a robe
of honor and to make him ride on an elephant through the city. Ever
since that time the name of the Padishah of Turkey has been included
in the Bairam prayers, and to whom, I ask, has such honor ever before
been vouchsafed?" The Sovereign (Humayun), turning to his nobles, said:
"Surely the only man worthy to bear the title of Padishah is the ruler
of Turkey, he alone and no one else in all the world."
Another time we were talking about the Khan of the Crimea, and I
remarked that he also held his office under the Padishah of Turkey.
"But," said Humayun, "if that be so, how, then, has he the right of
the _Khutbe_?" "It is a well-known fact," I replied, "that my Padishah
alone has the power to grant the right of _Khutbe_ and of coinage."
This statement seemed to satisfy everybody and we prayed together for
the welfare of my Sovereign.
One day the Emperor planned a little excursion on horseback to visit
the graves of the holy Sheiks of Lahore, and I accompanied him. We
visited the graves of Shah Kutbeddin, the Pir of Delhi, of Sheik Nizam
Weli, Sheik Ferid Shekr-Ghendj, Mir Khosru Dehlevi, and Mir Husein
Dehlevi. When the conversation turned upon the poetical works of Mir
Khosru I quoted some of his best poems, and under their influence I
conceived a most telling distich. I turned to the Emperor, saying, "It
would be presumption on my part to measure my powers against those of
Mir Khosru,[139] but he has inspired me, and I would fain recite my
couplet before your Majesty." "Let us hear it," said Humayun, and I
recited the following:
"Truly great is only he who can be content with his daily bread.
For happier is he than all the kings of the earth."
"By God," cried the monarch, "this is truly sublime!"
It is not so much my object here to make mention of my poetic
effusions, but rather to show up Humayun's appreciation of poetry.
On another occasion I called upon Shahin Bey, the keeper of the
Imperial Seal, and asked him to use his influence to obtain permission
for me to depart. In order not to come empty-handed I brought him
two gazels, and begged him urgently to intercede for me. Shahin Bey
promised to do his best, and one day he actually brought me the glad
news that my petition had been granted, but that I was expected to
offer my request formally in verse. The rainy season was now at an end;
I wrote to the monarch, enclosing two gazels, which had the desired
effect, for I received not only permission to leave, but also presents
and letters of safe conduct.
All was ready for the start. Humayun had given audience on Friday
evening, when, upon leaving his castle of pleasure, the Muezzin
announced the Ezan just as he was descending the staircase. It was his
wont, wherever he heard the summons, to bow the knee in holy reverence.
He did so now, but unfortunately fell down several steps, and received
great injuries to his head and arm. Truly the proverb rightly says,
"There is no guarding against fate."
Everything was confusion in the palace, but for two days they kept the
matter secret. It was announced to the outer world that the Sovereign
was in good health, and alms were distributed amongst the poor. On
the third day, however, that was on the Monday, he died of his
wounds.[140] Well may the Koran say, "We come from God and to him do we
return."
His son Djelaleddin Ekber was at the time away on a journey to
visit Shah Ebul Maali, accompanied by the Khanikhanan.[141] He was
immediately informed of the sad event. Meanwhile the Khans and Sultans
were in the greatest consternation; they did not know how to act. I
tried to encourage them and told them how at the death of Sultan Selim
the situation was saved by the wisdom of Piri Pasha, who managed to
prevent the news of his death from being noised abroad. I suggested
that, by taking similar measures, they might keep the Sovereign's death
a secret until the Prince should return. This advice was followed. The
divan (council of State) met as usual, the nobles were summoned, and
a public announcement was made that the Emperor intended to visit his
country-seat, and would go there on horseback. Soon after, however,
it was announced that on account of the unfavorable weather the trip
had to be abandoned. On the next day a public audience was announced,
but as the astrologers did not prophesy favorably for it, this also
had to be given up. All this, however, somewhat alarmed the army, and
on the Tuesday it was thought advisable to give them a sight of their
monarch. A man called Molla Bi, who bore a striking resemblance to
the late Emperor, only somewhat slighter of stature, was arrayed in
the imperial robes and placed on a throne specially erected for the
purpose in the large entrance hall. His face and eyes were veiled. The
Chamberlain Khoshhal Bey stood behind, and the first Secretary in front
of him, while many officers and dignitaries, as well as the people from
the riverside, on seeing their Sovereign, made joyful obeisance to the
sound of festive music. The physicians were handsomely rewarded, and
the recovery of the monarch was universally credited.
I took leave of all the grandees, and with the news of the Emperor's
recovery I reached Lahore about the middle of the month Rebiul Evvel.
This was on a Thursday. Traveling by the way of Sani-Pata, Pani-Pata,
Kirnat, and Tani Sera, I came to Samani,[142] where I communicated the
news to the Governor that the Padishah (Humayun) was giving audiences,
and that he was in good health.[143] From there I went by the road
of Sahrandi to Matchuvara[144] and Bachuvara,[145] and crossing the
Sultanpoor by boat I returned to Lahore by a forced march. Meanwhile
Prince Djelaleddin Ekber had ascended the throne, and in Lahore and
many other places his name was inserted in the Friday prayers. Mirza
Shah, the Governor of Lahore, however, would not permit me to leave,
for he professed to have received orders from the new Emperor that
no one was to be allowed to go to Kabul and Kandahar. The only way
therefore was to go back to the Emperor (Ekber), and accordingly I went
as far as Kelnor, where I met Djelaleddin Ekber and the Khanikhanan
just opposite the fortress of Mankit.[146]
I was informed through Molla Pir Mehemmed,[147] the Khodja of Bairam
Khan, that during the interregnum I should remain where I was, and
that in a short time he would appoint me to some post either in Hind
or Sind, whichever I preferred. I hastened to produce my _ferman_,
given to me by the late Padishah, presenting him at the same time with
a chronogram on the death of his father. My verses pleased the Mirza
and, after examining the _ferman_ of his father, he gave me leave to
continue my journey, stipulating, however, that I should travel in
company with the four Begs, which he was about to send with troops to
Kabul.
Ebul Maali,[148] who meanwhile had been taken prisoner, was confined in
the castle of Lahore. In return for my chronogram I received a lakh for
traveling expenses, and began to prepare for my journey with the four
Begs.
Amongst the many strange and wonderful things I saw in India I must
make mention of a few. The unbelievers are called in Gujarat "Banian,"
and in India "Hindu." They do not belong to the Ehli-Kitab,[149] and
believe in fate (_kademi-alem_). When a man dies his body is burned
by the riverside. If the deceased leaves a wife past child-bearing
she is not burned; if, however, she is not past that age she is
unconditionally burned. If a wife of her own free will offers herself
to be burned, the relations celebrate the occasion with great
rejoicings. Should the Mohammedans interfere and forcibly prevent the
self-sacrifice, fate decrees that their king must die, and no other be
raised. For this reason, officers of the Padishah are always present on
such occasions, to prevent any act of violence.[150]
Another curious custom is the use of tame gazelles in hunting. A noose
is lightly thrown over their antlers, and then they are driven to mix
with the wild gazelles. Like seeks like, and the latter soon make up
to their tame companions, bringing their heads in close proximity to
those of the others. The noose which is round the antlers of the tame
animal falls over the head of the other and pulls it down. The more it
struggles the more it gets entangled, and can not possibly escape. This
method is in use all over India.
Buffaloes are very plentiful in the steppes. They are hunted with
elephants. Turrets are placed on the elephant's back, in which several
men are hidden. Thus they traverse the plain, and as soon as the
elephant comes up with the buffalo he attacks him with his teeth and
holds him till the hunters get off his back and capture him. Wild oxen
(_Gaukutas_)[151] are hunted in a similar manner, but they are much
stronger than other animals of their kind, and their tongue is supposed
to have such force that they can kill a man with it. The Emperor
Humayun once told me a story to the effect that one of these wild oxen,
having overtaken a man, flayed him with his tongue from head to foot.
The Emperor vouched for the truth of this story with an oath. The best
_kutas_ are found in the land of Bahr-itch, perhaps that accounts for
their being called _Bahri-Kutas_ (which means sea-_kutas_), although
they belong unquestionably to the terrestrial animals. I might go on
enumerating many more interesting and curious things to be seen in
India, but it would keep me too long.
About the middle of Rebiul Evvel we left for Kabul. We crossed the
River Lahore in ships, and came presently to another large stream,
which had to be crossed. Finding no ships at hand, we built a raft of
barrels and chairs and so managed to reach the other side. Next we
came to Bahara, where another river had to be crossed, this time in
ships. When I told the Governor (Khodja) of this place what Ekber had
commanded, he exclaimed, "God be merciful! As the Padishah was dead we
have not collected the taxes, the people still owe them. I will send
round, collect the moneys and hand them over to you."[152] Mir Babu's
and the other Begs who were of the company consulted together and
decided that as Shah Abul Maali had escaped from his prison in Lahore,
and might possibly have taken refuge with his brother Kihmerd Bey in
Kabul, it would not be safe for them to delay, but they suggested that
I should wait till the tribute-money was collected, and follow them as
soon as I could.
But I argued that the roads were unsafe and dangerous and that it
would be much better to keep all together. I acted on the principle
that "The contented mind shall be satisfied and the covetous man
shall be humbled." So I relinquished my claim upon the tribute-money
and continued my journey with the others. After crossing the rivers
Khoshab[153] and Nilab[154] in ships, I set foot upon the shore of
Bakhtar.[155]