THE CONVENTION OF 1857

Throughout Iowa there was a very general feeling of satisfaction with

the new political status which came with the establishment of State

government and admission into the Union. Having outlived the

conditions of Territorial government the pioneers of Iowa now entered

into the new political life without regret. They rejoiced over the

fact that they were recognized as a part of a great Nation. They

appreciated the significance of the change. Nor were the pioneers of

Iowa strangers to National political life. As settlers on the Public

Domain they were in a very special sense children of the Nation.

They had always cherished the inheritances of the "Fathers." But now

the days of dependence were over. Henceforth this people of the

frontier would strengthen the whole country with their own political

ideas and ideals. They would, indeed, help to vitalize the Politics of

the Nation with the provincial spirit of Western Democracy.

On the other hand, the people of Iowa did not accept their new State

Constitution without reservations. Wm. Penn Clarke's address had been

widely read and his arguments were accepted not alone by the Whigs. In

fact the Constitution of 1846 had not been adopted altogether on its

merits. The people were anxious to get into the Union, and they voted

for the Constitution as the shortest road to admission. They

meant to correct its errors afterwards.

In 1848 the editor of the _Iowa City Standard_ asserted that the

Constitution of 1846 had been "accepted purely from motives of

expediency, and with a tacit understanding that it was to receive some

slight amendments as soon as they could constitutionally and legally

be made. And but for this it would have been rejected by a very

handsome majority. No well informed citizen can deny this."

And so the Constitution of 1846 had scarcely been ratified at the

polls before an agitation looking toward its amendment or revision was

begun. As early as August 19, 1846, the _Iowa City Standard_ declared

that "three fourths of the people of Iowa have determined that, cost

what it may, the Ninth Article shall not remain unaltered in the

Constitution."

During the first session of the General Assembly of the State a bill

providing for an expression of the opinion of the people of Iowa upon

the subject of amendment passed the House of Representatives, but was

indefinitely postponed in the Senate by a vote of ten to eight. This

was in February, 1847. In 1848 the question of Constitutional

amendment was made an issue in the political campaign. The Whigs

advocated amendment or revision; while the Democrats as a rule stood

for the Constitution as ratified in 1846.

A bill providing for an expression of opinion by the people was again

introduced in the House of Representatives during the second session

of the General Assembly, but was indefinitely postponed after

the second reading. A similar bill was rejected by the House during

the third session. During the fourth regular session petitions

favorable to amendment were received from the people.

In the meantime Stephen Hempstead was elected to the office of

Governor. He had been opposed to the agitation for Constitutional

revision, and in his first Message of December 7, 1852, he said: "I

cannot avoid a feeling of deep concern at the opinion expressed by

some portion of our fellow citizens in favor of amending the

Constitution of our State in such a manner as to authorize the

establishment of Banks--of special acts of incorporation for pecuniary

profit, and of contracting State debts without limitations of the

General Assembly." In the same document he urged "upon the

General Assembly the propriety of passing a law to prohibit the

circulation of all bank notes of a less denomination than ten

dollars." When he retired from office in December, 1854, he still

declared that he saw no "imperative reason why our Constitution should

be amended." But his successor, Governor Grimes, favored submitting

the question of revision and amendment to the people.

The necessity for a Convention to revise the Constitution of 1846 had

become imperative. Iowa was flooded with a depreciated paper currency

from other States. Gold and silver money was scarce. The few pieces

which found their way into the State were hoarded either to pay taxes

or to pay for government land.

Finally, "An Act providing for the revision or amendment of the

Constitution of this State" was passed by the fifth General Assembly

and approved by Governor Grimes, January 24, 1855. In accordance with

its provisions a poll was opened at the general election in August,

1856, "for the purpose of taking a vote of the people for or against a

convention to revise or amend the Constitution." On the tenth day of

September the Governor declared in his official proclamation that a

majority of eighteen thousand six hundred and twenty-eight votes had

been cast in favor of a Convention.

In November, 1856, thirty-six delegates were elected to the Convention

which met in the Supreme Court room of the Old Stone Capitol at Iowa

City on January 19, 1857. Mr. Gray, of Linn County, called the

Convention to order and moved that John A. Parvin, of Muscatine, be

chosen President _pro tem_. On the following day Francis Springer was

elected President of the Convention. The other permanent officers were

as follows: Thomas J. Saunders, Secretary; Ellsworth N. Bates,

Assistant Secretary; S. C. Trowbridge, Sergeant-at-Arms; Francis

Thompson, Door Keeper; James O. Hawkins, Messenger; and W. Blair Lord,

Reporter.

Of the thirty-six delegates, six were from the New England States,

eleven from the Middle States, ten from the South, and nine from the

Middle West. As to occupation there were fourteen lawyers, twelve

farmers, two merchants, two dealers in real estate, two bankers, one

book-seller, one mail contractor, one druggist, and one

pork-packer. The youngest member was twenty-six, the oldest fifty-six;

while the average age of all the members was forty years. Twenty-one

of the thirty-six members were Republicans; the other fifteen were

Democrats.

Early in the session of the Convention of 1857 there appeared to be

considerable dissatisfaction with the accommodations afforded at Iowa

City. The General Assembly had not yet adjourned, and so the

Convention was compelled to meet for a few days in the Supreme Court

room. Some of the members complained of the hotel service, and

declared that they had not been welcomed with proper courtesy and

hospitality by the people of Iowa City. At the same time the

Convention received alluring invitations from Davenport and

Dubuque. A committee of five was appointed to whom these invitations

were referred. The report of this committee provoked a lively debate

which Wm. Penn Clarke desired to have suppressed in the published

reports. The result of the discussion was that the Convention

concluded to remain in Iowa City.

On the second day the members took an oath to support the Constitution

of the United States. Some desired to include in this oath the

Constitution of the State of Iowa; but the majority did not think it

proper to swear allegiance to a Constitution which the Convention was

called upon to amend, revise, or perhaps reject altogether.

The act of January 24, 1855, calling for the Convention,

provided for "the revision or amendment of the Constitution." Many

would have been satisfied with a few amendments. The Convention,

however, proceeded to draft a completely revised code of fundamental

law. The two large volumes of printed reports show that the principles

of Constitutional Law were discussed from Preamble to Schedule.

The most important question before the Convention of 1857 was that of

Corporations in general and of banking Corporations in particular. The

Republican majority was pledged to make provisions for a banking

system of some sort. But the popular mind had not decided whether

there should be a State bank with branches, or a free banking system

under legislative restrictions, or both. Difficult and intricate

as the problem was, the Iowa Convention handled it, nevertheless, with

energy and rare ability. The debates show that the laws and experience

of the other States were carefully studied. Nor were local conditions

and local experience forgotten. The discussions were long, earnest,

and often heated; but at no time did the Iowa Convention lose its

political sanity. That political poise which, in the long run, has

always characterized Iowa Politics was maintained throughout the

session.

As finally agreed upon in the Convention, the provisions of the new

Constitution relative to banking Corporations were in substance as

follows: (1) The power to make laws relative to Corporations was

conceded to the General Assembly. (2) But acts of the General Assembly

authorizing or creating Corporations with banking powers must be

referred to the people for their approval at a general or special

election. (3) The General Assembly was empowered to establish "a State

Bank with branches." But such a bank, if established, "shall be

founded on an actual specie basis, and the branches shall be mutually

responsible for each others' liabilities upon all notes, bills, and

other issues intended for circulation as money." (4) The General

Assembly may provide by a general law for a free banking system under

certain restrictions. (_a_) Provision shall be made "for the registry

and countersigning, by an officer of State, of all bills, or paper

credit designed to circulate as money," and the law shall "require

security to the full amount thereof, to be deposited with the

State Treasurer, in United States stocks, or in interest-paying stocks

of States in good credit and standing." (_b_) Records shall be kept of

the names of stockholders and of the stock held by each. (_c_) Every

stockholder shall be individually liable for an amount equal to twice

the amount of his stock. (_d_) In cases of insolvency bill-holders

shall have a preference over other creditors. (_e_) The suspension of

specie payments shall never be permitted or sanctioned. (5) By a vote

of two thirds of each branch of the General Assembly all laws for the

organization or creation of Corporations could be amended or repealed.

(6) The State shall not become a stockholder in any Corporation.

Next in importance to the question of Corporations was the Negro

problem. Shall the public schools of the State be open to

persons of color? Shall the Constitution guarantee to all persons,

irrespective of color, the right to acquire, hold, and transmit

property? Shall the testimony of Negroes be accepted in the courts?

Was the militia to be composed exclusively of "able-bodied white male

citizens?" Shall the right of suffrage be extended to Negroes? It was

in respect to these vital questions of the hour that the Republican

majority in the Convention was compelled to declare and defend its

attitude.

The fact that the Republican party of Iowa was thus being put on trial

for the first time makes the debates of the Convention of 1857

memorable in the political annals of the State. But these Iowa

Republicans were at the same time defining and defending the

attitude of their party on National issues; and so the debates of the

Iowa Convention are a source-book also in the broader history of

America.

No one can read the pages of these debates without feeling that Iowa

was making a decided contribution to National Politics. Nearly four

years before the "Divided House Speech" was delivered at Springfield,

Illinois, Governor Grimes had said in his inaugural address: "It

becomes the State of Iowa--the only free child of the Missouri

Compromise--to let the world know that she values the blessings that

Compromise has secured her, and that she will never consent to become

a party to the nationalization of slavery." And full two years before

Lincoln defined the attitude of his party in the Lincoln-Douglas

debates, it had gone forth from the Iowa Convention, (1) that the

Republican party was not a sectional party; (2) that Abolition was not

a part of the Republican creed; and (3) that, while they would arrest

the further extension of slavery, Republicans had no desire to

interfere with the institution in places where it already existed.

The question as to whether the Negro should be allowed to vote in Iowa

was referred to the people to be decided by them when the Constitution

itself was submitted for ratification.

Another question of interest which provoked considerable discussion in

the Convention was the location of the State University and the

re-location of the Capital. This problem had already been solved by

the General Assembly. But to prevent further agitation by making

the compromise permanent the following section was added to the new

Constitution: "The Seat of Government is hereby permanently

established, as now fixed by law, at the city of Des Moines, in the

county of Polk, and the State University at Iowa City, in the county

of Johnson."

After a session of thirty-nine days the third Constitutional

Convention in the history of Iowa adjourned _sine die_ on Thursday,

March 5, 1857.

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