CHAPTER II.

HENRY AND ROME.

1164–1172.

With the archbishop’s flight into France the struggle between him

and the king entered upon a new phase. Its intrinsic importance was

almost entirely lost, and it became simply an element in the wider

questions of general European politics. In England Thomas’s departure

left Henry sole master of the field; the Constitutions of Clarendon

were put in force without delay and without difficulty; a year later

they were followed up by an Assize, significantly issued from the same

place, which laid the foundations of the whole later English system of

procedure in criminal causes; and thenceforth the work of legal and

judicial reform went on almost without a break, totally unaffected

by the strife which continued to rage between king and primate for

the next five years. The social condition of the country was only

indirectly affected by it. The causes which had ostensibly given rise

to it--the principle involved in the acceptance or rejection of the

Constitutions--did not appeal strongly to the national mind, and had

already become obscured and subordinated to the personal aspect which

the quarrel had assumed at Northampton. As in the case of Anselm,

it was on this personal aspect alone that popular feeling really

fastened; and in this point of view the advantage was strongly on the

archbishop’s side. Thomas, whose natural gifts had already made him a

sort of popular idol, was set by the high-handed proceedings of the

council in the light of a victim of regal tyranny; and the sweeping and

cruel proscriptions inflicted upon all who were in the remotest way

connected with him tended still further to excite popular sympathy for

his wrongs and turn it away from his persecutor. But the sympathy was

for the individual, not for the cause. The principle of the clerical

immunities had no hold upon the minds of the people or even of the

clergy at large. Even among the archbishop’s own personal friends,

almost the only men who clave to it with anything like the same ardour

as himself were his two old comrades of the _Curia Theobaldi_, Bishop

John of Poitiers and John of Salisbury; and even the devotion of

John of Salisbury, which is one of the brightest jewels in Becket’s

crown, was really the devotion of friend to friend, of Churchman to

primate, of a generous, chivalrous soul to what seemed the oppressed

and down-trodden side, rather than the devotion of a partizan to party

principle. Herbert of Bosham, the primate’s shadow and second self,

who clave to his side through good report and evil report and looked

upon him as a hero and a martyr from first to last, was nevertheless

the author of the famous verdict which all the searching criticism of

later times has never yet been able to amend: “Both parties had a zeal

for God; which zeal was according to knowledge, His judgement alone can

determine.”[210]

[210] Herb. Bosh. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. iii.) p. 273. The

whole passage from “O rex et o pontifex” to “judicium” (pp.

272, 273) should be compared with the admirable commentary of

Will. Newb., l. ii. c. 16 (Howlett, vol. i. pp. 140–141).

Cool, dispassionate thinkers like Gilbert Foliot, on the other hand,

while inclining towards the cause which Thomas had at heart, recoiled

from his mode of upholding it as little less than suicidal. In

Gilbert’s view it was Thomas who had betrayed those “rights of his

order” which he proclaimed so loudly, by forsaking the attitude of

passive resistance which the bishops had adopted at Westminster and

in which they were practically unassailable, and staking everything

upon the king’s good faith, without security, in the meeting at Oxford

and the council at Clarendon:--it was Thomas who by his subsequent

conduct--his rash attempts at flight, his rapid changes of front at

Northampton in first admitting and then denying the royal jurisdiction,

his final insult to the king in coming to the council cross in hand,

and his undignified departure from the realm--had frustrated the

efforts whereby wiser and cooler heads might have brought the king to

a better mind and induced him to withdraw the Constitutions:--and it

was not Thomas, but his suffragans, left to bear the brunt of a storm

which they had neither deserved nor provoked, who were really in a

fair way to become confessors and martyrs for a Church brought into

jeopardy by its own primate.[211] Gilbert in fact saw clearly that

the importance of the point at issue between king and archbishop was

as nothing compared to the disastrous consequences which must result

from their protracted strife. It threatened nothing less than ruin to

the intellectual and religious revival which Theobald had fostered so

carefully and so successfully. The best hopes of the movement were

bound up with the alliance between Church and state which had been

cemented at Henry’s accession; that alliance was now destroyed; instead

of the Church’s most valuable fellow-worker, the king had been made her

bitter foe; and the work of revival was left to be carried on--if it

could be carried on at all--in the teeth of the royal opposition and

without a leader, while the man who should have directed it was only

a perpetual stumbling-block in the path of those who had to supply

as best they could the place left deserted by his flight. It was

upon Gilbert of London that this burthen chiefly fell; and it is in

Gilbert’s position that we may find a key to the subsequent direction

of the controversy, as far as England was concerned.

[211] Ep. ccxxv. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. v.), pp. 526 _et

seq._

For full twenty years before Becket’s rise to the primacy Gilbert

Foliot had been one of the most respected members of the reforming

party in the English Church. While Thomas was a worldly young subdeacon

in the household of Archbishop Theobald, while as chancellor he was

outshining the king in luxurious splendour or riding in coat of

mail at the head of his troops, Gilbert was setting the pattern of

ecclesiastical discipline and furnishing the steadiest and most

valued assistance to the primate’s schemes of reform. Trained no

less than Henry of Winchester in the old Cluniac traditions of

ecclesiastical authority, his credit had never been shaken by rashness

and inconsistency such as had marred Henry’s labours; and it would

have been neither strange nor blameworthy if he had cherished a hope

of carrying on Theobald’s work as Theobald’s successor. Gilbert,

however, solemnly denied that he had ever sought after or desired

the primacy;[212] and his conduct does not seem to furnish any just

ground for assuming the falsehood of the denial. His opposition to

the election of Thomas was thoroughly consistent with his position

and known views; equally so was the support and co-operation which

Thomas, as soon as he was fairly launched into his new course of

action, anxiously sought to obtain from him, and which he for a while

steadily gave. He had begun to find such co-operation difficult even

before the question of the clerical immunities arose at the council of

Westminster. On that question, in itself, the primate and the bishop

of London were at one; but they differed completely in their way of

treating it. To the impulsive, short-sighted, downright Thomas it was

the one, sole, all-absorbing question of life and death; to the calm,

far-seeing, cautious Gilbert it was a provoking hindrance--raised

up partly by the primate’s own bad management--to the well-being of

interests far too serious and too wide-reaching to be imperilled for a

mere point of administrative detail. He took up his position definitely

at the council of Northampton. The customs being once accepted, he held

it the true Churchman’s duty to obey them, to make the best and not

the worst of them, while desiring and labouring for their abrogation,

but only by pacific means. A temporary submission was the least of two

evils. It was infinitely safer to bend to the storm and trust to the

influences of time and conciliation for turning the mind of the king,

than to run the risk of driving him into irreconcileable hostility

to the Church. For hostility to the Church meant something far worse

now than in the days when William Rufus and Henry I. had set up their

regal authority against primate and Pope. It meant a widening of the

schism which was rending western Christendom in twain; it meant the

accession of the whole Angevin dominions to the party of the Emperor

and the anti-Pope, and the severance of all the ties between the

English Church and her continental sisters which Theobald, Eugene and

Adrian had laboured so diligently to secure.

[212] Ep. ccxxv. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. v.), pp. 522, 523.

The dread of this catastrophe explains also the attitude of the

Pope. In the long dreary tale of negotiation and intrigue which has

to be traced through the maze of the Becket correspondence, the

most inconsistent and self-contradictory, the most undecided and

undignified, the most unsatisfactory and disappointing part of all

is that played by Alexander III. It is however only fair to remember

that, in this and in all like cases, the Pope’s part was also the

most difficult one. No crown in Christendom pressed so sorely on its

wearer’s brow as the triple tiara:--“It may well look bright,” Adrian

IV. had been wont to say to his friend John of Salisbury, “for it is

a crown of fire!” Adrian indeed, though his short reign was one of

marked vigour and prosperity, declared that if he had had any idea of

the thorns with which S. Peter’s chair was filled, he would have begged

his bread in England or remained buried in the cloisters of S. Rufus

to the end of his days sooner than thrust himself into such a thicket

of troubles.[213] For it was not only “the care of all the churches”

that rested upon a medieval Pope, but the care of all the states as

well. The court of Rome had grown into the final court of appeal for

all Christendom; the Pope was expected to be the universal referee,

arbitrator and peacemaker of Europe, to hold the balance between

contending parties, to penetrate and disentangle the intricacies of

political situations which baffled the skill of the most experienced

diplomatists, to exercise a sort of equitable jurisdiction on a vast

scale over the whole range of political as well as social life.

Earlier and later pontiffs may have voluntarily brought this burthen

upon themselves; most of the Popes of the twelfth century, at any

rate, seem to have groaned under it as a weight too heavy for any

human strength to bear. Unprincipled as their policy often seemed,

there was not a little justice in the view of John of Salisbury, that

a position so exceptional could not be brought within the scope of

ordinary rules of conduct, and that only those who had themselves felt

its difficulties could be really competent to judge it at all.[214]

Adrian’s energetic spirit was worn out by it in four years;[215] yet

his position was easy compared to that of Alexander III. Alexander

was a pontiff without a throne, the head of a Church in captivity and

exile; dependent on the support of the most selfish and untrustworthy

of living sovereigns; with Italy and Germany arrayed against him under

the rule of a schismatic Emperor, and with the fidelity of the Angevin

house hanging upon a thread which the least strain, the lightest touch,

might break at any moment. Moreover Alexander was no Englishman like

his predecessor. He had no inborn comprehension and no experience of

the ways and tempers of the north; he had no bosom-friend, no John of

Salisbury, to stand as interpreter between him and the Angevin king or

the English primate; he understood neither of them, and he was almost

equally afraid of both. His chief anxiety was to have as little as

possible to do with them and their quarrel, and the fugitive archbishop

was to him anything but a welcome guest.

[213] Joh. Salisb. _Polycrat._, l. viii. c. 23 (Giles, vol. iv.

p. 367).

[214] Joh. Salisb., _Polycrat._, l. viii. c. 23 (Giles, vol.

iv. p. 363).

[215] _Ibid._ (pp. 366, 367). “Licet nihil aliud lædat, necesse

est ut citissime vel solo labore deficiat [sc. Papa].... Dum

superest, ipsum interroga.” This was written early in 1159, and

in August Adrian died.

It was of course impossible for the Pope to withhold his sympathy and

his support from a prelate who came to him as a confessor for the

privileges of the Church. But it was equally impossible for him to run

the risk of driving Henry and his dominions into schism by espousing

Thomas’s cause as decisively as Thomas himself desired. Placed thus in

what Adrian had once declared to be the ordinary position of a Roman

pontiff--“between hammer and anvil”--Alexander drifted into a policy

of shifts and contradictions, tergiversations and double-dealings,

which irritated Henry and which Thomas simply failed to comprehend. If

Gilbert Foliot and Arnulf of Lisieux could have succeeded in their

efforts to induce the contending parties to accept a compromise, the

Pope would have been only too glad to sanction it. But it was useless

to talk of compromise where Thomas Becket was concerned. To all the

remoter consequences, the ultimate bearings of the quarrel, he was

totally blind. For him there was but one question in the world, the

one directly before him; it could have but two sides, right and

wrong, between which all adjustment was impossible, and with which

considerations of present expediency or future consequences had nothing

to do. All Gilbert’s arguments for surrender, his solemn warnings of

the peril of schism, his pleadings that it was better for the English

Church to become for a while a sickly member of the ecclesiastical

body than to be cut off from it altogether,[216] Thomas looked upon,

at best, as proposals for doing evil that good might come. After his

humiliating experience at Clarendon he seems to have felt that he

was no match for Henry’s subtlety; his flight was evidently caused

chiefly by dread of being again entrapped into a betrayal of what

he held to be his duty; and once, in an agony of self-reproach and

self-distrust, he laid his archiepiscopal ring at the Pope’s feet

and prayed to be released from the burthen of an office for which he

felt himself unworthy and unfit.[217] Strong as was the temptation to

pacify Henry thus easily, Alexander felt that the Church could not

allow such a sacrifice of her champion; and Thomas never again swerved

from his determination to be satisfied with nothing short of complete

surrender on the part of the king. For this one object he laboured,

pleaded, argued, censured, during the next six years without ceasing;

his own suffragans, the monastic orders, Pope, cardinals, the Empress

Matilda, the king of France, none of them had a moment’s peace from his

passionate endeavours to press them into a service which he seemed

to expect them all to regard as a matter of life and death not merely

for England but for all Christendom. Doubtless it was a sad waste of

energy and a sad perversion of enthusiasm; yet the enthusiasm contrasts

pathetically, almost heroically, with the spirit in which it was met.

There was something noble, if there was also something exasperatingly

unpractical, in a man who, absorbed in his devotion to one mistaken

idea, never even saw that he and his cause were becoming the pretexts

and the tools of half the political intrigues of Europe, and whom the

experience of a lifetime failed to teach that all the world was not as

single-hearted as himself. Intellectually, a mind thus constituted must

needs provoke and deserve the impatient scorn of a cool clear brain

such as Gilbert Foliot’s; but its very intellectual weakness was the

source of its true strength. It is this dogged adherence to one fixed

idea, this simplicity of aim, which appeals to the average crowd of

mankind far more strongly than the larger and more statesmanlike temper

of men like Foliot, or like Henry himself. Whether or no the cause be

worthy--whether or no the zeal be according to knowledge--it is the

zealot, not the philosopher, who becomes the popular hero and martyr.

[216] Ep. cviii. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. v.), p. 207.

[217] Will. Cant. (_ib._ vol. i.), p. 46; Alan Tewkesb.

(_ib._ vol. ii.), pp. 342, 343; E. Grim (_ibid._), p. 403;

Will. Fitz-Steph. (_ib._ vol. iii.), p. 76; _Thomas Saga_

(Magnusson), vol. i. pp. 305–313. Will. Newb., l. ii. c. 16

(Howlett, vol. i. p. 140), gives this scene as having occurred,

“ut dicitur,” at the council of Tours.

From the moment of Thomas’s arrival in France, then, little though he

perceived it himself, the direct question at issue between him and the

king became in every point of view save his own entirely subordinate

to the indirect consequences of their quarrel; the ecclesiastical

interest became secondary to the political, which involved matters of

grave importance to all Europe. The one person to whom the archbishop’s

flight was most thoroughly welcome was Louis of France. Louis and

Henry were nominally at peace; but to Louis their alliance was simply

a shield behind which he could plan without danger his schemes for

undermining Henry’s power on the continent, and no better tool for this

purpose could possibly have fallen into his hands than the fugitive

archbishop of Canterbury. Thomas had indeed just enough perception

of the state of affairs between the two kings--of which he must have

acquired considerable experience in his chancellor days--to choose

going to live on his own resources at Pontigny rather than accept the

hospitality of his sovereign’s enemy.[218] This arrangement probably

delighted Louis, for it furnished him with a safe answer to Henry’s

complaints and remonstrances about harbouring the “traitor”--Thomas

was in sanctuary in a Cistercian abbey in Burgundy, and France was

not harbouring him at all; while the welcome which Louis gave to the

primate’s exiled friends and the sympathy which he displayed for their

cause heightened his own reputation for devotion to the Church and

served as a foil to set off more conspicuously the supposed hostility

of Henry. To Louis in short the quarrel was something which might turn

to his own advantage by helping to bring Henry into difficulties; and

he used it accordingly with a skill peculiar to himself, making a great

shew of disinterested zeal and friendly mediation, and all the while

taking care that the breach should be kept open till its healing was

required for his own interest.

[218] Anon. II. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. iv.), p. 109.

With such an onlooker as this Henry knew that he must play his

game with the utmost caution. He had been provoked by the personal

opposition of his old friend into standing upon his regal dignity more

stiffly than he would have thought it worth while to do so long as

it remained unchallenged. On his side, too, there was a principle at

stake, and he could not give it up unconditionally; but he might have

been induced to accept a compromise, had not the obstinacy of Thomas

forced him into a corresponding attitude of unbending determination.

So keen was his sense of the danger attendant upon the fugitive

archbishop’s presence in France that it led him to postpone once

more the work which he had been planning in England and cross over

to Normandy again early in 1165.[219] Lent was passed in fruitless

attempts to bring about a triple conference between the two kings

and the Pope; Henry refused to allow Thomas to be present; Thomas

begged the Pope not to expose himself to Henry’s wiles without him

who alone could help him to see through them; and Alexander, now busy

with preparations for his return to Rome, was probably not sorry to

escape by declaring that for a temporal prince to dictate who should

or who should not form part of the Pope’s suite was a claim which had

never been heard of before and which he could not possibly admit.[220]

Immediately after Easter he set out on his journey homewards.

[219] Rob. Torigni, a. 1165.

[220] Alan Tewkesb. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. ii.), pp. 346,

347; evidently taken from the Pope’s own letter, extant only in

the Icelandic version, in _Thomas Saga_ (Magnusson), vol. i. p.

329.

The rival party saw their opportunity and seized it without delay.

Their fortunes were now at a very low ebb; the antipope Victor had died

in April; his chief supporter, Cardinal Guy of Crema, had succeeded

him under the title of Paschal III.; but Italy had cast him off,

and even in Germany the tide was turning against him. The Emperor,

however, clung with unwavering determination to his original policy;

and he at once saw in the English king’s quarrel with the Church a

means of gaining for Paschal’s cause what would amply compensate

for all that had been lost. Before Alexander was fairly out of the

French kingdom an embassy from Germany came to Henry at Rouen,

bringing proposals for an alliance to be secured by two marriages: one

between the English princess Matilda, Henry’s eldest daughter, and

the Emperor’s cousin Duke Henry of Saxony; the other between Henry’s

second daughter and Frederic’s own little son. The chief ambassador was

Reginald, archbishop-elect of Cöln, who from the time of Frederic’s

accession--two years before that of Henry--had been his chancellor and

confidential adviser, playing a part curiously like that of Thomas

Becket, till in the very year of the English chancellor’s removal to

Canterbury he was appointed to the see of Cöln. There the parallel

with Thomas ended; for Reginald was the most extreme champion of

the privileges not of the Church but of the Imperial Crown, and was

even more closely identified with the schismatic party than Frederic

himself. Henry sent him over to the queen, who had been left as regent

in England, to receive from her a formal promise of her daughter’s hand

to the duke of Saxony, in a great council convened at Westminster for

that purpose. The old justiciar Earl Robert of Leicester refused the

kiss of peace to the schismatic and caused the altars at which he had

celebrated to be thrown down,[221] thereby saving Henry from the fatal

blunder of committing himself publicly to the cause of the anti-pope,

and England from the dangers of open schism. But he could not prevent

the king from sending two clerks to a council which met at Würzburg

on Whit-Sunday to abjure Pope Alexander and acknowledge Paschal; and

although the fact was strenuously denied, it seems impossible to doubt

that they did take the oath at the Emperor’s hands in their master’s

name;[222] indeed, Reginald of Cöln boasted that Henry had promised to

make all the bishops in his dominions do the same.

[221] R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 318. He mistakenly thinks

that the _king_ was at Westminster, and he also thinks the

embassy came in 1167. Its true date, 1165, is shown by the

letters referred to in next note.

[222] Epp. xcviii.–ci. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. v. pp.

184–195). Will. Cant. (_ib._ vol. i.), pp. 52, 53. _Thomas

Saga_ (Magnusson), vol. i. p. 331.

A crisis seemed imminent, but Henry managed to avoid it. From the

Emperor’s solicitations, from the Pope’s remonstrances, from all

the pleadings of friends and all the intrigues of foes, he suddenly

made his escape by flying back to England and plunging into a Welsh

war which kept him all the summer safe out of their reach,[223] and

furnished him with an excuse for postponing indefinitely the completion

of his alliance with the schismatic party. Such an alliance would in

fact have cost far more than it was worth. Alexander was once more

safely seated upon S. Peter’s chair, and was urging Thomas to throw

himself wholly on the protection of the king of France; Louis was

in the highest state of triumph, rejoicing over the birth of his

long-desired son; while the whole Angevin dominions, which Eleanor

was governing in her husband’s absence, were full of suppressed

disaffection and surrounded with threatening or intriguing foes.[224]

In Lent 1166 therefore Henry hurried back to Normandy to hold a

conference with Louis, and, if possible, to free his own hands for the

work which lay before him.

[223] Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs, vol. i. p. 197) says Henry went

into Wales in 1165, “quo facilius domini Papæ vel etiam

Cantuariensis archiepiscopi ... declinaret sententiam.”

[224] “Movetur enim [rex] Francorum invidiâ, calumniisque

Flandrensium, Wallensium improbitate, Scottorum insidiis,

temeritate Britonum, Pictavorumque fœderibus, interioris

Aquitaniæ sumptibus, Gasconum levitate, et (quod gravius est)

simultate fere omnium quoscumque ditioni ejus constat esse

subjectos.” Ep. clxii. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. v.), pp. 313,

314.

The work was in truth a vast and complex one. At the age of

thirty-three Henry was already planning out an elaborate scheme for

the future of his children and the distribution of his territories,

in which the election of his eldest son as joint-king in England was

but the first and least difficult step. Normandy and Anjou, as well as

England, had to be secured for little Henry; Aquitaine was if possible

to be settled upon Richard as his mother’s heir; for Geoffrey Henry was

bent upon acquiring the Breton duchy.[225] Conan IV., whom Henry had in

1158 established as duke of Britanny, had but one child, a daughter,

whose hand, together with the reversion of her father’s territories,

the king was anxious to secure for his son. This however required the

assent not only of Conan but of Louis of France, and also of the Breton

barons, who bitterly resented the Norman interference which had set

Conan as ruler over them, and were inclined to resist to the uttermost

an arrangement which would bring them still more directly under the

Norman yoke; while Louis was but too ready to encourage them in their

resistance. A campaign in the summer of 1166, however, another in

August 1167, and a third in the following spring so far broke their

opposition[226] that in May 1169 Geoffrey was sent into Britanny to

receive their homage as heir to the dukedom; three months later his

father joined him,[227] and at Christmas they held their court together

at Nantes,[228] whence they made a sort of triumphal progress through

the duchy, receiving homage and fealty wherever they went.[229]

[225] Will. Newb. l. ii. c. 18 (Howlett, vol. i. pp. 145, 146).

[226] On the Breton campaign of 1166 see R. Diceto (Stubbs),

vol. i. p. 329, and Rob. Torigni _ad ann._ Henry was near

Fougères on June 28 (Ep. ccix., Robertson, _Becket_, vol. v. p.

421); he was besieging Fougères itself on July 13–14 (Eyton,

_Itin. Hen. II._, p. 96). On the campaigns of 1167 and 1168

see Rob. Torigni _ad ann._, the meagre entries in a Breton

chronicle, a. 1168–1169 (Morice, _Hist. Bret., preuves_, vol.

i. col. 104; _Rer. Gall. Scriptt._, vol. xii. p. 560), and

Chron. S. Albin. a. 1167 (Marchegay, _Eglises_, p. 40), which

tells of Louis’s share in the matter. See also the account

of Henry’s correspondence with King Arthur in _Draco Norm._,

l. ii. cc. 17–22, vv. 941–1282 (Howlett, _Will. Newb._, vol.

ii. pp. 695–707). According to this writer, one of the Breton

leaders--“Arturi dapifer, Rollandus, consul et idem tunc

Britonum” (Mr. Howlett suggests that this may be Roland of

Dinan, _ib._ p. 696 note)--wrote a letter to Arthur imploring

his aid for Britanny, and received a reassuring answer; Henry

also received a long epistle from the blameless king, to which,

“subridens sociis, nil pavefactus,” (c. 21, v. 1218, p. 705)

he returned a polite and diplomatic answer. Unluckily the good

monk omits to say how the letters were conveyed, and gives us

no light upon the postal arrangements between Britanny and

Avalon--which by the way he places among “silvas ... Cornubiæ,

proxima castra loco,” whatever that may mean (c. 20, vv.

1213, 1214, p. 705). It is quite possible that some of the

Breton leaders did seek to rouse the spirit of their followers

by publishing an imaginary correspondence with the mythic

hero-king whose existence was to most of the common people in

Britanny at that time almost as much an article of faith as

any in the Creed; it is possible too that they were themselves

so far carried away by the same illusion as to attempt to work

upon Henry by similar means; and in that case it is extremely

probable that Henry, with his Angevin tact and sense of humour,

would meet the appeal pretty much as the Bec writer represents.

But the letters given in the _Draco_ must be the monk’s own

composition. Neither Roland nor Henry can have been capable of

stringing together such a quantity of pseudo-history, ancient

and modern, as is therein contained.

[227] Rob. Torigni, a. 1169.

[228] R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 337. _Gesta Hen._

[“Benedict of Peterborough”] (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 3. Rog.

Howden (Stubbs), vol. ii. p. 3.

[229] _Gesta Hen._ as above.

It had proved easier to subdue Britanny than to hold Aquitaine. The

half independent princes of the south, so scornful of a king beyond

the Loire, were at least equally scornful of a king from beyond the

sea; in November 1166 Henry was obliged to summon them to a conference

at Chinon,[230] and to relieve Eleanor of her task of government by

sending her to keep Christmas in England,[231] while he himself took

her place at Poitiers.[232] His foes seized their opportunity to revive

the vexed question of Toulouse; a meeting with Raymond at Grandmont and

an attempt to assert Henry’s ducal authority over the count of Auvergne

led to a fresh rupture with Louis;[233] and in the spring of 1168 the

discontented barons of Aquitaine, secure of the French king’s goodwill,

broke into open revolt. In the midst of a negotiation with Louis, Henry

hurried away to subdue them.[234] Scarcely had he turned northward

again when Earl Patrick of Salisbury, whom he had appointed to assist

Eleanor in the government of the duchy, was murdered by one of the

rebel leaders;[235] and Eleanor was once more left to stand her ground

alone in Poitou, while her husband was fighting the Bretons, staving

off the ecclesiastical censures which threatened him, and vainly

endeavouring to pacify Louis, who now openly shewed himself as the

champion of all Henry’s disaffected vassals, Breton, Poitevin, Scottish

and Welsh,[236] as well as of the exiled archbishop.

[230] Ep. ccliii. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vi.), p. 74.

[231] Eyton, _Itin. Hen. II._, pp. 104, 108.

[232] Rob. Torigni, a. 1167. Cf. Ep. cclxxvii. (Robertson,

_Becket_, vol. vi.), p. 131.

[233] Rob. Torigni, a. 1167. Cf. Chronn. S. Albin. and S. Serg.

a. 1166 (Marchegay, _Eglises_, pp. 40, 149).

[234] Rob. Torigni, a. 1168. Ep. ccccix. (Robertson, _Becket_,

vol. vi.), p. 408.

[235] Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 205. R. Diceto (Stubbs),

vol. i. p. 331. Rob. Torigni, a. 1168. Rog. Howden (Stubbs),

vol. i. pp. 273, 274. This last writer states that the slayer

was Guy of Lusignan, and that Guy fled to Jerusalem (of

which he afterwards became king) to escape the punishment of

this crime. This story has been generally adopted by modern

historians. But its latter half is incompatible with the

appearance of “Guy of Lusignan” among the rebels in Aquitaine

in 1173, five years after the death of Patrick (_Gesta Hen._,

Stubbs, vol. i. p. 46); and the whole of it seems to rest

solely on Roger’s misunderstanding of the passage in the

_Gesta_ which he was copying. In that passage Guy is introduced

as “Guido de Lezinan, frater Gaufridi de Lezinan, qui Patricium

comitem Salesbiriensem tempore hostilitatis ... occiderat.

Erat enim prædictus Guido,” etc.; then comes an account of his

adventures in Palestine (_Gesta Hen._, Stubbs, vol. i. p. 343).

Roger of Howden chose to make _qui_ refer to _Guido_; but it

might just as well, or even better, refer to _Gaufridus_. Guy

comes upon the historical scene for the first time in 1173.

It seems pretty clear that Geoffrey was his elder brother,

and took a leading part in southern politics and warfare long

before Guy was of an age to join in them. If Patrick was slain

by either of the brothers, therefore, it was by Geoffrey and

not by Guy. Admitting this much, however, there is still no

ground for looking upon even Geoffrey as a murderer who had

committed such a crime as to be obliged to fly from justice.

For “Geoffrey of Lusignan” stood by the side of Guy among

the rebels of 1173 (_Gesta Hen._, Stubbs, vol. i. p. 46);

“Geoffrey of Lusignan” and his brothers claimed La Marche

against King Henry between 1178 and 1180 (Geoff. Vigeois, l.

i. c. 70, Labbe, _Nova Biblioth._, vol. ii. p. 324); “Geoffrey

of Lusignan” rose against Richard in 1188 (_Gesta Hen._,

Stubbs, vol. ii. p. 34; Rog. Howden, Stubbs, vol. ii. p. 339;

R. Diceto, Stubbs, vol. ii. pp. 54, 55); and it was not till

after he had in this revolt slain a special friend of Richard,

that he betook himself to Palestine, where he arrived in the

summer of the same year (_Itin. Reg. Ric._, Stubbs, p. 26), and

where, moreover, he and Richard afterwards became firm allies.

Geoffrey may therefore enjoy the benefit of the plea which

Bishop Stubbs (_Itin. Reg. Ric._, introd. p. cxxiv, note) puts

forward for Guy, that “there is nothing to show that Patrick

was not killed in fair fight.” But it seems pretty clear that

for the heroic king of Jerusalem himself no such plea is needed

at all.

[236] Rob. Torigni, a. 1168; Epp. ccccix., ccccxxxiv.

(Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vi.), pp. 408, 455, 456.

Henry meanwhile was endeavouring to strengthen his political position

by alliances in more remote quarters; the marriage of his eldest

daughter with the duke of Saxony had taken place early in 1168;[237]

two years before, the hand of one of her sisters had been half

promised to the marquis of Montferrat for his son, in return for his

good offices with the Pope;[238] and a project was now on foot for

the marriage of Henry’s second daughter, Eleanor, with the king of

Castille--a marriage which took place in 1169;[239] while the infant

Jane, who was scarcely four years old, was betrothed to the boy-king

William of Sicily.[240] For Richard his father was now endeavouring to

gain the hand of Adela of France, the younger daughter of Louis and

Constance, as a sort of security for the investiture of Aquitaine;

while at the same time Henry was on the one hand making interest with

the Emperor’s Italian foes, the rising commonwealths of Lombardy and

the jurisconsults of Bologna;[241] and on the other, Frederic was

endeavouring to regain his alliance by an embassy headed by his own

cousin, Henry’s new-made son-in-law, the duke of Saxony.[242]

[237] Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 205. From the Pipe

Roll of the year, with Mr. Eyton’s comment (_Itin. Hen. II._,

p. 109), it seems that Matilda and her mother crossed the

sea together in September 1167, and that Matilda went on to

Germany, where she was married early next year, while Eleanor

returned to England before Christmas. Rob. Torigni, a. 1167.

[238] Ep. cclii. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vi.), p. 68.

[239] R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 334. The original scheme

seems to have been for marrying both Eleanor and Jane to

Spanish sovereigns, among whom, however, Castille is not named.

In a letter written in the summer of 1168 John of Salisbury

speaks of “regum, Navariensis aut Aragonensis scilicet, quibus

filias suas dare disponit [rex].” Ep. ccccxxxiv. (Robertson,

_Becket_, vol. vi.) p. 457.

[240] Ep. dxxxviii. (_ib._ vol. vii.) p. 26. Jane was born at

Angers in October 1165; Rob. Torigni, _ad ann._

[241] Epp. dxxxviii., dxxxix. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vii.),

pp. 26, 30, 31.

[242] Rob. Torigni, a. 1168. Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. p.

205. _Draco Norm._, l. iii. cc. 4, 5, vv. 191–360 (Howlett,

_Will. Newb._, vol. ii. pp. 718–724).

All this political, ecclesiastical and diplomatic coil Henry had to

unravel almost single-handed. Of the group of counsellors who had stood

around him in his early years, Arnulf of Lisieux on one side of the sea

and Richard de Lucy on the other were almost the sole survivors. He had

lost the services of his constable Henry of Essex under very painful

circumstances a few months before that council at Woodstock which saw

the beginning of his quarrel with Thomas. The constable was accused by

Robert de Montfort of having committed high treason six years before

by purposely letting fall the standard and falsely proclaiming the

king’s death at the battle of Consilt. Henry of Essex declared that he

had dropped the standard in the paralysis of despair, really believing

the king to be dead; and it is evident from the high commands which he

held in the war of Toulouse and elsewhere that the king continued to

treat him with undiminished confidence, and to regard him as one of his

most valuable ministers and friends. The charge once made, however,

could only be met by ordeal of battle. The encounter took place at

Reading; Henry of Essex went down before his accuser’s lance; and all

that his sovereign could do for him was to save his life by letting the

monks of the neighbouring abbey carry his body off the field as if for

burial, and when he proved to be still alive, suffering him to remain

as a brother of the house, while his property was confiscated to the

Crown and his services were lost to the state.[243] The king’s mother

died in the autumn of 1167;[244] his old friend and adviser Earl Robert

of Leicester passed away in 1168.[245] A desperate attempt was even

made to part him from his wife, in order to get rid of his rights over

Aquitaine;[246] while the man who had once been his most successful

diplomatic agent and his unfailing helper against the wiles of all his

enemies was now the most formidable tool in their hands.

[243] Rob. Torigni, a. 1163. Will. Newb., l. ii. c. 5 (Howlett,

vol. i. p. 108). Joc. Brakelond (Rokewode, Camden Soc.), pp.

50–52. For date see Palgrave, _Eng. Commonwealth_, vol. ii. pp.

xxii, xxiii.

[244] Rob. Torigni, a. 1167. _Draco Norm._, l. iii. c. 1, vv.

1–12 (Howlett, _Will. Newb._, vol. ii. p. 711). Chron. S.

Serg., a. 1167 (Marchegay, _Eglises_, p. 150).

[245] Rob. Torigni, a. 1168. Ann. Waverl. a. 1168 (Luard, _Ann.

Monast._, vol. ii. p. 239). Chron. Mailros, a. 1168.

[246] See the _Gradus cognationis inter regem et reginam_

(Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vi. p. 266). “Hanc computationem

præsentaverunt Pictavenses cardinalibus quando S. Thomas

exsulabat, sed non sunt auditi.” The “computation” as there

stated is wrong; but the right one really does leave Henry and

Eleanor within the forbidden degrees. (See above, vol. i. p.

393, note 2{1161}, and p. 445, note 11{1418}). They were

cousins in the fifth degree, their common ancestress being

Herleva of Falaise.

It was for his children’s sake that Henry at last bent his pride to do

what he had vowed never to do again. At Montmirail, on the feast of

Epiphany 1169, he renewed his homage to Louis, made full submission

to him, and promised compensation to the Breton and Poitevin barons

for their losses in the recent wars.[247] Next day young Henry did

homage to the French king for the counties of Anjou and Maine,[248]

and, as it seems, of Britanny, which his brother Geoffrey was to hold

under him.[249] Richard did the like for Aquitaine, of which Louis

granted him the investiture,[250] together with a promise of Adela’s

hand.[251] Three weeks later young Henry, in his new capacity of count

of Anjou, officiated in Paris as seneschal to the king of France;[252]

he afterwards repeated his homage to Louis’s son and heir, and received

that of his own brother Geoffrey for the duchy of Britanny.[253]

[247] Ep. cccclxi. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vi.), pp. 506,

507.

[248] _Ib._ p. 507. Rob. Torigni a. 1169. Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs),

vol. i. p. 208.

[249] Rob. Torigni, a. 1169, and Gerv. Cant. (as above) say

that young Henry did homage to Louis for Britanny; Normandy was

not mentioned, the homage done for it by young Henry in 1160

being counted sufficient (_ibid._). The elder king himself kept

Touraine on the old terms of homage to Theobald of Blois (Ep.

cccclxi. as above).

[250] Ep. cccclxi., Rob. Torigni and Gerv. Cant. as above.

[251] Gerv. Cant. as above.

[252] Rob. Torigni, a. 1169.

[253] _Ibid._

One thing alone was now lacking to the completion of Henry’s scheme:

the crowning of his heir. There can be no doubt that when he sent

Thomas and the child to England together--the one to be chosen king

and the other to be made primate--he intended the coronation to take

place as soon as he himself could rejoin them. Its performance,

delayed by his own continued absence on the continent, had however

been made impossible by his quarrel with Thomas. That the archbishop

of Canterbury alone could lawfully crown a king of England was a

constitutional as well as an ecclesiastical tradition so deeply rooted

in the minds of Englishmen that nothing short of absolute necessity

had induced Henry I. to set it aside in his own case; and still less

could Henry II. venture to risk such an innovation in the case of his

son.[254] Yet the prospect of a reconciliation with the primate seemed

at this moment further off than ever.

[254] The historical arguments on this subject may be seen in

Will. Fitz-Steph. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. iii.), p. 110,

and Ep. dclxxxiv. (_ib._ vol. vii.), pp. 328–330. Henry was

once said to have projected getting the Pope himself to crown

the child; Ep. lv. (_ib._ vol. v.), p. 100. Against this, of

course, Canterbury could have had nothing to say.

Thomas’s first impulse on entering Pontigny had been to give himself

up to a course of study, devotion and self-discipline more severe than

anything which he had yet attempted. He secretly assumed the habit of

the “white monks,”[255] and nearly ruined his delicate constitution by

a rash endeavour to practise the rigorous abstinence enjoined by the

rules of the order.[256] He grew more diligent than ever in prayer,

meditation, and study of Holy Scripture.[257] But his restless,

impetuous nature could not rise to the serene heights of more than

worldly wisdom urged upon him by John of Salisbury, who truly insisted

that such occupations alone were worthy of a true confessor.[258]

In spite of John’s warnings and pleadings, he still kept all his

friends--John himself included--ceaselessly at work in his behalf; and

while he sought out in every church and convent in Gaul every rare and

valuable book that he could hear of, to be copied for his cathedral

library, he was also raking together for the same collection all the

privileges, old or new, that could be disinterred from the Roman

archives or extorted from the favour of the Pope.[259] Until Easter

1166 Alexander restrained him from any direct measures against the

king;[260] then, unable to keep silence any longer, Thomas again took

the matter into his own hands and wrote to Henry himself, earnestly

imploring him to consider his ways and to grant his old friend a

personal interview.[261] Henry was inexorable; Thomas wrote again, this

time a torrent of mingled warnings, intreaties and remonstrances,[262]

and with just as little effect. Then, towards the end of May, as the

king was holding council with his barons at Chinon, a barefooted monk

came to him with a third letter from the primate.[263] Once again

Thomas expressed his longing for a personal meeting; once again he

set forth the doctrine of the divine rights and duties of kings, and

charged Henry, by the solemn memory of his coronation-vows, to restore

to the English Church her privileges and her chief pastor. Only in

the last sentence came a significant warning: “If not, then know of

a surety that you shall feel the severity of Divine vengeance!”[264]

And there was no doubt about its meaning; for the Empress Matilda

had already transmitted to her son a threat sent to her by Thomas in

plain words, that unless she could bring him to acknowledge his error,

“shortly, yea, very shortly” the “sword of the Spirit” should be drawn

against his dominions and even against himself.[265]

[255] Alan Tewkesb. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. ii.), p. 345.

Anon. I. (_ib._ vol. iv.), p. 64. _Thomas Saga_ (Magnusson),

vol. i. p. 315.

[256] Garnier (Hippeau), pp. 126, 127. E. Grim (Robertson,

_Becket_, vol. ii.), pp. 412, 413. Herb. Bosh. (_ib._ vol.

iii.), pp. 376–379. _Thomas Saga_ (as above), p. 317.

[257] Will. Fitz-Steph. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. iii.), p.

77. Herb. Bosh. (_ibid._), p. 379.

[258] Ep. lxxxv. (_ib._ vol. v.), pp. 163, 164.

[259] Will. Fitz-Steph. as above.

[260] Ep. xcv. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. v.), pp. 179, 180.

[261] Ep. clii. (_ib._ pp. 266–268).

[262] Ep. cliii. (_ib._ pp. 269–278), translated by Garnier

(Hippeau), pp. 100–106.

[263] Garnier (Hippeau), p. 106. E. Grim (Robertson, _Becket_,

vol. ii.), p. 419. Cf. Herb. Bosh. (_ib._ vol. iii.), pp.

383–385. Eyton (_Itin. Hen. II._, p. 93) dates this council

June 1, but this cannot be reconciled with Thomas’s subsequent

proceedings.

[264] Ep. cliv. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. v. pp. 278–282),

translated by Garnier (Hippeau), pp. 109–111.

[265] Ep. clxxxiv. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. v. p. 361).

Harassed by disaster and revolt, provoked by the primate’s former

letters, Henry, upon reading this one and hearing the messenger’s

comment upon it--for Thomas had charged him to say a good deal more

than he wrote[266]--might well feel that he was standing on the brink

of a volcano. He turned desperately upon the bishops around him, half

imploring, half commanding them to help him out of his strait, abusing

them for a pack of traitors who would not trouble themselves to rid

him of this one unmanageable foe, and exclaiming with a burst of tears

that the archbishop was destroying him soul and body together; for he

naturally expected nothing less than an interdict on his dominions and

an anathema against himself, and both sanctioned by the Pope. When

Henry was thus at his wits’ end, the only one among his continental

advisers who was likely to have any counsel to offer him was Arnulf of

Lisieux. Once more Arnulf proved equal to the occasion; he suggested

that the primate’s intended censures should be forestalled by an appeal

to the Pope. The remedy was a desperate one, for, as John of Salisbury

triumphantly remarked when he heard of it, the king was flying in the

face of his own Constitutions and confirming that very right of appeal

which he was so anxious to abolish, by thus having recourse to it for

his own protection. But there was no other loophole of escape; so the

appeal was made, a messenger was despatched to give notice of it in

England, close the ports and cut off all communication with Thomas

and with the Pope; while the bishops of Lisieux and Séez set out for

Pontigny to bid the primate stay his hand till the octave of Easter

next, which was fixed for the term of Henry’s appeal.[267]

[266] Herb. Bosh. (_ib._ vol. iii.), p. 385.

[267] Ep. cxciv. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. v.), pp. 381, 382.

Herb. Bosh. (_ib._ vol. iii.), p. 393, confuses this appeal

with a later one.

They were too late. No sooner had the barefooted messenger returned

with his tidings of the king’s irreconcileable wrath than Thomas

hurried to Soissons on a pilgrimage to its three famous shrines:--those

of the Blessed Virgin, who had been the object of his special reverence

ever since he learned the Ave Maria at his mother’s knee; of S. Gregory

the Great, the patron of the whole English Church and more particularly

of Canterbury and its archbishops; and of S. Drausius, who was believed

to have the power of rendering invincible any champion who spent a

night in prayer before his relics. Before each of these shrines Thomas,

like a warrior preparing for mortal combat, passed a night in solemn

vigil, the last night being that of the festival of S. Drausius, and

also of Ascension-day.[268] On the morrow he left Soissons;[269] on

Whitsun-eve[270] he reached Vézelay, a little town distant only a

day’s journey from Pontigny, and made famous by its great abbey, which

boasted of possessing the body of S. Mary Magdalene. Thomas found

the place crowded with pilgrims assembled to keep the Whitsun feast

on this venerated spot. He was invited by the abbot to celebrate

High Mass and preach on the festival day;[271] his sermon ended, he

solemnly anathematized the royal customs and all their upholders, and

excommunicated by name seven persons whom he denounced as special

enemies to the Church; the two first being Henry’s confidential envoys

John of Oxford and Richard of Ilchester, who had been the medium of his

communications with the Emperor; while a third, Jocelyn de Bailleul,

was one of his chief advisers, and a fourth was no less a personage

than the justiciar, Richard de Lucy.[272] Thomas had set out from

Soissons in the full determination to excommunicate Henry himself at

the same time; but on his way he learned that the king was dangerously

ill; he therefore contented himself with a solemn warning publicly

addressed to him by name, calling him to repentance for the last time,

and in default, threatening him with immediate excommunication.[273]

[268] It was also the anniversary of his own ordination to the

priesthood--June 2.

[269] Ep. cxciv. (Robertson, vol. v.), p. 382.

[270] Herb. Bosh. (_ib._ vol. iii.), p. 391, says “proximâ

ante festum die,” and he makes the festival that of S. Mary

Magdalene, the patron of the place. Tempting, however, as his

version is--for it would explain at once Thomas’s otherwise

rather unaccountable choice of Vézelay for the scene of his

proceedings, and the great concourse of people who evidently

were assembled there--it is quite irreconcileable with the

minute chronological details of John of Salisbury’s letter (Ep.

cxciv. as above), written within a few weeks of the events,

while Herbert’s story was written from memory, many years

after. On the other hand, R. Diceto’s date (Stubbs, vol. i. p.

318), Ascension-day, is more impossible still.

[271] Herb. Bosh. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. iii.), p. 391.

[272] The details of the sentence are in Thomas’s own letters,

Epp. cxcv., cxcvi., cxcviii. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. v.),

pp. 386–391, 392–397. Cf. Ep. cxciv. (_ibid._), p. 383. The

other excommunicated persons were Ralf de Broc, Hugh of S.

Clare and Thomas Fitz-Bernard. Their crime was invasion of

Church property. Richard of Ilchester and John of Oxford were

condemned for their dealings with the schismatics; Richard

de Lucy and Jocelyn de Bailleul, as being the authors of the

Constitutions.

[273] Epp. cxciv., cxcvi., cxcviii. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol.

v.), pp. 382, 383, 391, 396. Herb. Bosh. (_ib._ vol. iii.), pp.

391, 392.

The news of these proceedings reached Henry when, sick and anxious,

he was trying to gather up strength and energy for a campaign against

the Bretons. He instantly despatched another messenger to England,

bidding Richard de Lucy call an assembly of the bishops and clergy

and compel them to make a general appeal to the Pope against the

authority and jurisdiction of their primate.[274] The meeting was

held in London[275] at midsummer.[276] The appeal was made and sent

to the Pope in the name of all the bishops and clergy of England;

but it is tolerably clear that the main body were merely passive

followers, more or less willing, of Gilbert of London and Jocelyn

of Salisbury, the former of whom was almost certainly the writer of

the letter which conveyed the appeal to the Pope, as well as of that

which announced it to the primate.[277] The hand of Gilbert Foliot was

indeed so plainly visible that Thomas’s reply was addressed with equal

plainness to him personally.[278] The long and sarcastic letter with

which he retorted[279] was answered in a yet more startling fashion at

the opening of the next year. As Gilbert stood before the high altar

of his cathedral church on the feast of its patron saint a paper was

thrust into his hand; to his dismay it proved to be a papal brief

granting to Archbishop Thomas a commission as legate for all England,

and commanding the bishops to render him unqualified obedience and to

resign within two months whatever confiscated church property had been

placed in their charge by the king. In an agony of distress Gilbert,

who himself had the custody of the Canterbury estates, sent this

news to the king, imploring him to grant permission that the Pope’s

mandate might be obeyed, at least till some method could be devised

for escaping from a dilemma which now looked well-nigh hopeless.[280]

Henry, absorbed in a struggle with the Bretons, had already been

provoked into a vengeance as impolitic as it was mean. He threatened

the Cistercian abbots assembled on Holy Cross day at the general

chapter of their order that if Thomas were not immediately expelled

from Pontigny, he would send all the White Monks in his dominions to

share the primate’s exile.[281] When the abbot of Pontigny carried this

message home, Thomas could only bid him farewell and betake himself

to the sole protection left him--that of the king of France. He left

Pontigny on S. Martin’s day[282] 1166, and took up his abode as the

guest of Louis in the abbey of S. Columba at Sens.[283]

[274] Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 200.

[275] Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 200. Will. Cant.

(Robertson, _Becket_, vol. i.), p. 56.

[276] Ep. ccix. (_ib._ vol. v.), p. 421.

[277] Epp. cciv., ccv. (_ib._ vol. v.), pp. 403–413. Cf.

Ep. ccix. (_ibid._), p. 241, and Will. Cant. (_ib._ vol.

i.), pp. 56, 57. The bishop of Exeter consented to appeal,

but in a fashion of his own, of which however there is no

trace in the letter actually sent to the Pope. Two prelates

were absent: Walter of Rochester, who pleaded illness, and

Henry of Winchester, who wrote in excuse: “Vocatus a summo

Pontifice, nec appello nec appellare volo.” The others thought

he meant that the Pope had cited him; “ipse vero summum

Pontificem, summum Judicem intelligebat, ad cujus tribunal

jamjam trahebatur examinandus, tanquam qui in multis diebus

processerat et vitæ metis appropinquaret.” So says Will.

Cant.; but John of Salisbury says distinctly that the letter

of appeal was sealed by London, _Winchester_ and Hereford (Ep.

cclii., Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vi. p. 65). Can William

have founded his pretty story on the old confusion (which is

perpetually breaking out in his favourite authority, Garnier,

and in other writers who have less excuse for it) between

_Wincestre_ and _Wirecestre_--and was Roger of Worcester the

real absentee? He certainly did not share in the obloquy which

this appeal brought upon Robert of Hereford, with whom hitherto

he had usually been coupled by Thomas; on the contrary, he and

Bartholomew of Exeter are henceforth always coupled together as

fellow-sufferers for their loyalty to the primate.

[278] Epp. ccxxiii., ccxxiv. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. v. pp.

490–520).

[279] The famous “Multiplicem nobis et diffusam.” Ep. ccxxv.

(_ib._ pp. 521–544).

[280] Ep. ccviii. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. v. pp. 417, 418).

The Pope’s brief is Ep. clxxii. (_ib._ pp. 328, 329); it is

dated “Anagniæ, vii. Idus Octobris,” but its true date is

Easter-day, April 24 (see editor’s note, p. 329)--the actual

date of the letter whereby Alexander notified his act to

the English bishops; Ep. clxxiii. (Robertson, as above, pp.

229–231). The diocese (not the province) of York was exempted

from Thomas’s legatine jurisdiction--the reason being that

Roger of York was legate for Scotland (Ep. cclxx., _ib._ vol.

vi. p. 119). Thomas sent the brief over to his friends Robert

of Hereford and Roger of Worcester, bidding them communicate

it to their brethren, beginning with London (Ep. clxxix.,

_ib._ vol. v. pp. 344–346). Canon Robertson supposes this

brief to have been delivered to Gilbert on the feast of the

Commemoration of S. Paul, _i.e._ June 30, 1166. Gilbert himself

says merely “die beati Pauli”; and his letter has no date. But

it mentions “legatos qui diriguntur ad nos”; and there is no

hint elsewhere of any talk about sending legates till late in

the autumn, or even winter. There really seems to be no reason

why we should not adopt a more obvious rendering of the date,

as representing the greater and better-known festival of S.

Paul’s Conversion. In that case, of course, the year must be

1167.

[281] Will. Cant. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. i.), p. 50. E.

Grim (_ib._ vol. ii.), p. 414. Will. Fitz-Steph. (_ib._ vol.

iii.), p. 83. Herb. Bosh. (_ibid._), p. 397. Anon. I. (_ib._

vol. iv.), p. 65. Cf. _Thomas Saga_ (Magnusson), vol. i. p. 371.

[282] Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. pp. 201, 202.

[283] E. Grim (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. ii.), p. 415. Herb.

Bosh. (_ib._ vol. iii.), pp. 403, 404; etc.

Henry saw his own blunder as soon as it was made, and endeavoured

to neutralize its effects by despatching an embassy to the Pope,

requesting that he would send a legatine commission to settle the

controversy. One of his envoys was the excommunicate John of Oxford;

to the horror of Thomas and the indignation of Louis, John came

back in triumph, boasting not only that he had been absolved by the

Pope, but that two cardinals, William and Otto--the former of whom

was a determined opponent of Thomas--were coming with full powers to

sit in judgement on the case between primate and king and decide it

without appeal.[284] The first half of the boast was true, but not the

second; the cautious Pope instructed his envoys to do nothing more

than arbitrate between the contending parties, if they could.[285]

They did not reach Normandy till the autumn of 1167; Thomas came to

meet them on the French border on November 18; he refused to enter

upon any negotiations till the property of the metropolitan see

was restored;[286] the legates carried their report to the king at

Argentan, and were dismissed with an exclamation of disappointment and

disgust--“I wish I may never set eyes upon a cardinal again!”[287] Five

of the English bishops whom Henry had summoned to advise him renewed

their appeal,[288] its original term having expired six months ago;

and the legates insisting that Thomas should respect the appeal,[289]

another year’s delay was gained.

[284] Epp. cclxxx., cclxxxiii., cclxxxv., ccxcii. (Robertson,

_Becket_, vol. vi.), pp. 140, 146, 147, 151–153, 170, 171.

[285] Ep. cccvii. (_ibid._), p. 201. Cf. Will. Cant. (_ib._

vol. i.), p. 65, and Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. pp. 202, 203.

[286] Epp. cccxxxi., cccxxxii. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vi.),

pp. 247–251, 256–258.

[287] Ep. cccxxxix. (_ibid._), pp. 269, 270.

[288] Epp. cccxxxix., cccxli.–cccxlv. (_ibid._), pp. 270–272,

276, 277, 283–288.

[289] Ep. cccxliii. (_ibid._), pp. 284, 285.

At last, when the two kings made their treaty at Montmirail at

Epiphany 1169, Thomas, who had come to the spot under the protection

of Louis, suddenly entered the royal presence and fell at Henry’s

feet, offering to place himself unreservedly in his hands. All parties

thought the struggle was over, till the archbishop added once again

the words which had so exasperated Henry at Oxford and at Clarendon:

“Saving God’s honour and my order.” The king burst into a fury, and

the meeting broke up in confusion.[290] Three months later, on Palm

Sunday, from the high altar of Clairvaux, Thomas excommunicated ten

of his opponents, first among whom was Gilbert Foliot.[291] Gilbert,

who knew that the sentence had been hanging over him for more than a

year, had appealed against it before it was uttered;[292] the king,

too, was forewarned, and at every seaport guards were set to catch and

punish with the utmost rigour any messenger from the primate. It was

not till Ascension-day that a young layman named Berengar made his way

up to the altar of Gilbert’s cathedral church in the middle of High

Mass and thrust into the hand of the celebrant the archbishop’s letter

proclaiming the excommunication of the bishop.[293] On that very day

Thomas issued another string of excommunications.[294] Gilbert, driven

to extremity, renewed his appeal two days later; and he added to it a

formal refusal to acknowledge the jurisdiction of a metropolitan to

whom he had made no profession, and a declaration--so at least it was

reported in Gaul--of his intention to claim the metropolitical dignity

for his own see, as an ancient right of which it had been unjustly

defrauded by Canterbury.[295] A storm of indignant protest and vehement

denunciation arose from the archbishop’s party; and the terrified Pope

checked further proceedings by despatching another pair of envoys, who

as usual failed to agree either with the king, with the archbishop, or

even with each other, and after wasting the summer in misunderstandings

and recriminations left the case just where they had found it.[296]

By this time king and primate were both weary of their quarrel, and

still more weary of mediation. In November they had another personal

interview at Montmartre, and the archbishop’s unconditional restoration

was all but decided.[297] Thomas, however, rashly attempted to hasten

the completion of the settlement by a threat of interdict;[298] and

the threat stung Henry into an act of far greater rashness. He had met

Louis, as well as Thomas, at Montmartre, and had gained his immediate

object of restraining the French king yet a little longer from direct

hostilities; the settlement of Britanny was completed at Christmas,

that of Aquitaine was so far secure that its conclusion might safely be

left to Eleanor’s care; in March 1170 Henry went to England[299] with

the fixed determination of seeing his eldest son crowned there before

he left it again.

[290] Herb. Bosh. (_ib._ vol. iii.), pp. 418–427. Epp.

ccccli., cccclxi. (_ib._ vol. vi.), pp. 488, 489, 507–509. Cf.

Will. Cant. (_ib._ vol. i.), pp. 73, 74, and _Thomas Saga_

(Magnusson), vol. i. pp. 427–433.

[291] Ep. cccclxxxviii. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vi. pp. 558,

559). See also Will. Fitz-Steph. (_ib._ vol. iii.), p. 87, and

for date, R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 333.

[292] Ep. dxiii. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vi.), p. 614.

[293] Compare the account given by “Magister Willelmus” in Ep.

dviii. (_ibid._), pp. 603, 604, with that of Will. Fitz-Steph.

(_ib._ vol. iii.), pp. 89, 90. They are clearly from the same

hand.

[294] Epp. dii., dvii. (_ib._ vol. vi.), pp. 594, 601–603. For

date cf. Ep. cccclxxxviii. (_ib._ pp. 558, 559).

[295] Ep. dviii. (_ibid._), pp. 604–606--a very circumstantial

account, yet one can scarcely understand how a man so wise and

so learned as Gilbert can really have made such an utterly

unhistorical claim. He must have known that it had no shadow

of foundation, the nearest approach to such a thing being S.

Gregory’s abortive scheme for fixing the two archbishoprics

at London and York. Gilbert’s opponents, on the other hand,

declared that he derived his claim from the archpriests

of Jupiter who had their seat in the Roman Londinium, and

denounced him as their would-be representative and successor.

Epp. dxxxv., dxlvi. (_ib._ vol. vii.), pp. 10, 41.

[296] On this legation of Gratian and Vivian see R. Diceto

(Stubbs), vol. i. p. 335; Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. pp.

212, 213; Herb. Bosh. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. iii.),

pp. 441–445; Will. Cant. (_ib._ vol. i.), pp. 72, 73; Epp.

ccccxci., ccccxcii. (_ib._ vol. vi.), pp. 563, 564, 567; dlx.,

dlxi., dlxiii.–dlxviii., dlxxxi., dlxxxiv., dci., dcii. (_ib._

vol. vii.), pp. 70–76, 78–92, 115, 116, 124, 125, 151–154, etc.

[297] Will. Fitz-Steph. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. iii.), pp.

97, 98; Herb. Bosh. (_ibid._), pp. 445–451; Epp. dciv.–dcvii.

(_ib._ vol. vii. pp. 158–168). _Thomas Saga_ (Magnusson), vol.

i. p. 447. R. Diceto as above, pp. 335–337. Gerv. Cant. as

above, p. 213.

[298] Epp. dlxxiii.–dlxxvii. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vii.

pp. 97–109), etc.

[299] _Gesta Hen._ (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 3. Rog. Howden

(Stubbs), vol. ii. p. 3. Gerv. Cant. as above, p. 216.

Three years before, he had wrung from the Pope--then blockaded in Rome

by the Imperial troops, and in the last extremity of peril--a brief

authorizing young Henry’s coronation by the archbishop of York, in

default of the absent primate of all England.[300] In face of a mass of

earlier and later rescripts from Alexander’s predecessors and Alexander

himself, all strenuously confirming the exclusive privileges of

Canterbury, Henry had never yet ventured to make use of this document;

like Adrian’s bull for the conquest of Ireland, it had been kept in

reserve for a future day; and that day had now come. In vain did Thomas

proclaim his threatened interdict;[301] in vain did the Pope ratify

it;[302] in vain did both alike issue prohibitions to all the English

bishops against the act which they knew to be in contemplation.[303]

The vigilance of the justiciars, quickened by a fresh set of stringent

injunctions sent over by the king in the previous autumn,[304] made

the delivery of letters from either primate or Pope so difficult that

Thomas at last could intrust it to no one but a nun, Idonea, whom he

solemnly charged with the duty of presenting to Roger of York the papal

brief in which the coronation was forbidden.[305] The ceremony was

fixed for Sunday, June 14. A week before that date young Henry, who

with his girl-bride Margaret of France had been left at Caen under the

care of his mother and Richard of Hommet the constable of Normandy,

was summoned to join his father in England.[306] On S. Barnabas’s day

the bishops and barons assembled at Westminster in obedience to the

royal summons;[307] on Saturday, the 13th, the Pope’s letter was at

last forced upon the archbishop of York;[308] but none the less did he

on the following morning crown and anoint young Henry in Westminster

abbey; while Gilbert of London, who had managed to extort conditional

absolution in the Pope’s name from Archbishop Rotrou of Rouen,[309]

once more stood openly by his side in the foremost rank of the English

bishops.[310]

[300] Ep. cccx. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vi. pp. 206, 207).

See the editor’s note as to the date.

[301] Epp. dclxxviii.–dclxxxiii. (_ib._ vol. vii. pp. 320–325).

[302] Epp. dcxxviii.–dcxxx. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vii. pp.

210–214).

[303] Epp. dcxxxii., dcxxxiii., dcxlviii.–dcli. (_ib._ pp. 216,

217, 256–264). Herb. Bosh. (_ib._ vol. iii.), p. 462, puts this

interdict too late.

[304] The “ten ordinances”; Ep. dxcix. (_ib._ vol. vii. pp.

147–149); Will. Cant. (_ib._ vol. i.), pp. 53–55; Gerv. Cant.

(Stubbs), vol. i. pp. 214–216; Rog. Howden (Stubbs), vol. i.

pp. 231–236; on the date see Bishop Stubbs’s note at last

reference.

[305] Ep. dclxxii. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vii. pp.

307–309). See the editor’s note.

[306] Ep. dclxxiii. (_ibid._), pp. 309, 312.

[307] _Gesta Hen._ (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 5.

[308] Will. Fitz-Steph. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. iii.), p.

103.

[309] _Ibid._ Epp. dclviii.–dclx. (_ib._ vol. vii. pp. 275–277).

[310] Will. Fitz-Steph. (as above), p. 103; _Gesta Hen._

(Stubbs), vol. i. p. 5; Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs) vol. i. p. 219.

R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 338, Chron. Mailros, a. 1170,

Rog. Howden (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 4, Chron. S. Serg. a. 1169

(Marchegay, _Eglises_, p. 150), all give different dates, and

all wrong.

The elder king only waited to see the tenants-in-chief, with the king

of Scots at their head, swear fealty to his new-made colleague ere he

hurried back to Normandy to meet the fast-gathering storm.[311] Louis,

incensed that his daughter’s husband should have been crowned without

her, was already threatening war;[312] Thomas, seeing in the king’s

action nothing but the climax of Canterbury’s wrongs, was overwhelming

the Pope with complaints, reproaches, and intreaties for summary

vengeance upon all who had taken part in the coronation; and the

majority of the cardinals strongly supported his demands.[313] Henry

saw that he must make peace at any price. Two days before the feast of

S. Mary Magdalene he held a conference with Louis near Fréteval, on the

borders of the Vendômois and the county of Chartres;[314] they were

reconciled, and as they parted Henry said jestingly to the French king:

“That rascal of yours, too, shall have his peace to-morrow; and a right

good peace shall it be.”[315] At dawn on S. Mary Magalene’s day[316] he

met Thomas in the “Traitor’s Meadow,”[317] close to Fréteval; they rode

apart together, and remained in conference so long that the patience

of their followers was all but exhausted, when at last Thomas was seen

to dismount and throw himself at the king’s feet. Henry sprang from

his horse, raised the archbishop from the ground, held his stirrup

while he remounted, and rode back to tell his followers that peace was

made, on terms which practically amounted to a complete mutual amnesty

and a return to the state of affairs which had existed before the

quarrel.[318]

[311] _Gesta Hen._ (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 6. Gerv. Cant.

(Stubbs), vol. i. p. 220. Will. Cant. (Robertson, _Becket_,

vol. i.), p. 83. Henry landed at Barfleur about Midsummer;

_Gesta Hen._ as above.

[312] _Gesta Hen._ as above.

[313] Ep. dccvii. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vii. pp. 373, 374).

[314] “In limitibus suis inter Firmitatem, oppidum scilicet

in pago Carnotensi, et Fretivalle, castrum videlicet in

territorio Turonensi.” Ep. dclxxxv. (_ibid._), p. 339. This

_Firmitas_ must be La Ferté-Villeneuil, and _Turonensi_ should

be _Vindocinensi_. Herb. Bosh., who lays the scene “in confinio

Carnotusiæ et _Cenomanniæ_, inter duo castella quorum unum

nominatur Viefui” [Viévy-le-Rayé] “et alterum Freteval” (_ib._

vol. iii. p. 466), is no nearer to the true geography.

[315] “Et crastinâ die habebit pacem suam latro vester; et

quidem bonam habebit.” Will. Fitz-Steph. (_ibid._), p. 108.

[316] Ep. dclxxxv. (_ib._ vol. vii.), p. 340.

[317] Herb. Bosh. (_ib._ vol. iii.), p. 466. _Thomas Saga_

(Magnusson), vol. i. p. 461.

[318] Epp. dclxxxiv., dclxxxv. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol.

vii.), pp. 326–334, 340–342. Will. Fitz-Steph. (_ib._ vol.

iii.), pp. 108–111. Herb. Bosh. (_ibid._), p. 466. Garnier

(Hippeau), pp. 150, 151. _Thomas Saga_ (as above), pp. 461–465.

Henry had no sooner returned to Normandy than he fell sick almost to

death; on his recovery he went on a pilgrimage to the shrine of our

Lady at Rocamadour in the Quercy,[319] and it was not until October

that Thomas again saw him at Tours, on his way to a conference with

Count Theobald of Blois at Amboise.[320] A difficulty had arisen about

the restitution of the confiscated Church property and the absolution

of the persons whom Thomas had excommunicated, each party insisting

that the other should make the first step in conciliation.[321] There

was also a difficulty about the kiss of peace, which Thomas required

as pledge of Henry’s sincerity, but which Henry seemed desirous of

postponing indefinitely.[322] Nevertheless, a letter from Henry to his

son, announcing the reconciliation and bidding the young king enforce

the restoration of the archiepiscopal estates, was drawn up in Thomas’s

presence at Amboise and sent over to England by the hands of two of

his clerks,[323] who presented it at Westminster on October 5.[324]

The restoration was, however, not effected until Martinmas, and then

it comprised little more than empty garners and ruined houses.[325]

Thomas saw the king once more, at Chaumont,[326] and Henry promised

to meet him again at Rouen, thence to proceed with him to England

in person.[327] Before the appointed time came, however, fresh

complications had arisen with the king of France; Henry was obliged to

give up all thought of going not only to England but even to Normandy,

and delegated the archbishop of Rouen and the dean of Salisbury to

escort Thomas in his stead.

[319] _Gesta Hen._ (Stubbs), vol. i. pp. 6, 7.

[320] Herb. Bosh. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. iii.) pp. 468,

469. Will. Fitz-Steph. (_ibid._), p. 114. Garnier (Hippeau), p.

154. _Thomas Saga_ (Magnusson), vol. i. p. 469. The writer of

the _Gesta Hen._ (Stubbs, vol. i. p. 8) gives the date of this

meeting as Tuesday, October 12. But this must be quite ten days

too late, for we shall see that a letter drawn up after the

meeting was received in England on October 5.

[321] Ep. dclxxxiv. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vii.), pp.

333–337.

[322] Henry alleged that he had publicly sworn never to give

Thomas the kiss of peace, and could not face the shame of

breaking his oath. Garnier (Hippeau), p. 150; Herb. Bosh.

(Robertson, _Becket_, vol. iii.), p. 450; Ep. dcxxiii. (_ib._

vol. vii.) pp. 198, 199; _Thomas Saga_, as above, p. 449. See

in Herb. Bosh. (as above), p. 469, Will. Fitz-Steph. (_ibid._),

p. 115, and _Thomas Saga_ (as above), p. 469, the contrivance

by which he avoided it at Tours--or Amboise, in William’s

version.

[323] Garnier (Hippeau), pp. 156, 157. The letter, of which

Garnier gives a translation, is Ep. dcxc. (Robertson, _Becket_,

vol. vii.) pp. 346, 347; also in Will. Cant. (_ib._ vol. i.),

p. 85; Will. Fitz-Steph. (_ib._ vol. iii.), p. 112; Gerv. Cant.

(Stubbs), vol. i. p. 221; R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 339.

[324] Ep. dccxv. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vii.), p. 389.

[325] Ep. dccxxxiii. (_ibid._), p. 402.

[326] Chaumont on the Loire, seemingly. Herb. Bosh. (_ib._ vol.

iii.), p. 470. Cf. _Thomas Saga_, as above, pp. 471–473.

[327] Will. Fitz-Steph. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. iii.), pp.

115, 116.

The duty finally devolved solely upon the dean, who was no other than

Thomas’s old opponent John of Oxford.[328] Naturally enough, the

primate was deeply hurt at being thus sent back to his see under the

protection of a man who, as he truly said, ought to have been thankful

for the privilege of travelling in his suite.[329] Thomas, however,

was in haste to be gone, although fully persuaded that he was going to

his death. He seems indeed to have been weary of life; the tone of his

letters and of his parting words to the friends whom he was leaving

in France indicates not so much a morbid presentiment of his fate as

a passionate longing for it. Yet it can hardly have been from him

alone that the foreboding communicated itself to so many other minds.

Warnings came to him from all quarters; one voice after another, from

the king of France[330] down to the very pilot of the ship in which

he took his passage, implored him not to go; Herbert of Bosham alone

upheld his resolution to the end.[331]

[328] _Ib._ p. 116. Epp. dccxxii., dccxxiii. (_ib._ vol. vii.),

pp. 400, 403. Garnier (Hippeau), p. 160.

[329] Will. Fitz-Steph. as above.

[330] _Ib._ p. 113.

[331] Herb. Bosh. (_ibid._), pp. 472–476.

We may put aside at once all the wild talk of the archbishop’s

biographers about plots against his life in which the king had a share.

Even if Henry’s sudden willingness for his return was really suggested

by words said to have been uttered by one of his counsellors--“Why

keep the archbishop out of England? It would be far better to keep him

in it”--there is no need to assume that those words bore even in the

speaker’s mind, far less in that of the king, the horrible meaning

which they were afterwards supposed to have covered;[332] for they

were true in the most literal sense. The quarrel of king and primate

would have mattered little had it been fought out on English ground;

it was the archbishop’s exile which rendered him so dangerous. Thomas

had dealt his most fatal blow at Henry by flying from him, and Henry,

as he now perceived, had made his worst blunder in driving Thomas into

France. Of the infinitely greater blunder involved in the archbishop’s

murder--setting the criminal aspect of the deed altogether aside--it

is enough to say that Henry was wholly incapable. The same may be

said of Roger of York and Gilbert of London, although, like the king

himself, they were urged by dread of the archbishop into making common

cause with men of a very different stamp:--men who hated the primate

with a far more intense personal hatred, and who were restrained by

no considerations either of policy or of morality:--men such as Ralf

de Broc, a ruffian adventurer who had served as the tool of Henry’s

vengeance upon the archbishop’s kinsfolk, had resumed the custody of

the archiepiscopal estates when it was resigned by Gilbert Foliot, had

been for the last four years at once fattening upon the property of

Thomas and smarting under his excommunication, and was ready to commit

any crime rather than disgorge his ill-gotten gains.[333] It was known

that Thomas had letters from the Pope suspending all those bishops

who had taken part in the coronation of the young king, and replacing

Gilbert of London, Jocelyn of Salisbury, and all whom Thomas had

excommunicated under the sentences from which they had been irregularly

released by some of the Papal envoys.[334] Gilbert, Jocelyn and Roger

of York now hurried to Canterbury, intending to proceed to Normandy

as soon as Thomas set foot in England; while Ralf de Broc, Reginald de

Warren and Gervase of Cornhill the sheriff of Kent undertook to catch

him at the moment of landing, ransack his baggage, search his person,

and seize any Papal letters which he might bring with him. Thomas,

however was warned; he sent the letters over before him, and the three

prelates at Canterbury read their condemnation before their judge

quitted Gaul.[335] Next day he sailed from Wissant, and on the morning

of December 1 he landed at Sandwich.[336] His enemies were ready to

receive him; but at the sight of John of Oxford they stopped short, and

John in the king’s name forbade all interference with the primate.[337]

Amid the rapturous greetings of the people who thronged to welcome

their chief pastor, he rode on to Canterbury; there some of the royal

officials came to him in the king’s name, demanding the absolution of

the suspended and excommunicate bishops. Thomas at first answered that

he could not annul a Papal sentence; but he afterwards offered to take

the risk of doing so, if the culprits would abjure their errors in the

form prescribed by the Church. Gilbert and Jocelyn were inclined to

yield; but Roger refused, and they ended by despatching Geoffrey Ridel

to enlist the sympathies of the young king in their behalf, while they

themselves carried their protest to his father in Normandy.[338]

[332] Will Fitz-Steph. as above, pp. 106, 107.

[333] On Ralf de Broc see Will. Fitz-Steph. (Robertson,

_Becket_, vol. iii.), p. 75; Herb. Bosh. (_ibid._), p. 360;

Anon. I. (_ib._ vol. iv.) p. 65; E. Grim (_ib._ vol. ii.), p.

404; Epp. lxxviii. (_ib._ vol. v. p. 152), cccxli., ccccxcviii.

(_ib._ vol. vi. pp. 278, 582), dccxviii., dccxxiii. (_ib._ vol.

vii. pp. 394, 402). In the last place Thomas says that Ralf

“in ecclesiam Dei ... per septem annos licentius debacchatus

est”; and the writer of the _Thomas Saga_ (Magnusson), vol.

i. p. 321, seems to have understood this as meaning that Ralf

had had the stewardship of the Canterbury property throughout

the archbishop’s exile. This, however, does not appear to have

been the case. Ralf certainly had the stewardship for a short

time at first; but it was, as we have seen, soon transferred to

Gilbert Foliot, and only restored to Ralf when Gilbert resigned

it early in 1167.

[334] Epp. dccxx., dccxxii. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vii. pp.

397–399).

[335] Ep. dccxxiii., dccxxiv. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vii.),

pp. 403, 410. Cf. Will. Cant. (_ib._ vol. i.), pp. 87–89; Will.

Fitz-Steph. (_ib._ vol. iii.), p. 117; Herb. Bosh. (_ibid._),

pp. 471, 472; Anon. I. (_ib._ vol. iv.), p. 68; Anon. II.

(_ibid._), p. 123; Garnier (Hippeau), pp. 161, 163. The version

in _Thomas Saga_ (Magnusson), vol. i. p. 483, seems founded on

a confusion between the delivery of these Papal letters and

that which Berengar delivered in S. Paul’s on the Ascension-day

of the previous year.

[336] Will. Fitz-Steph. (as above), p. 118. Herb. Bosh.

(_ibid._) p. 476. Anon. I. (_ib._ vol. iv.), p. 68. Garnier

(Hippeau), p. 164. R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 339. Gerv.

Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 222. _Thomas Saga_ (as above), pp.

489–491. The date is from Will. Fitz-Steph., R. Diceto and the

Saga; Gervase makes it November 30, and Herbert “two or three

days after the feast of S. Andrew.”

[337] Will. Fitz-Steph. and Garnier, as above. Ep. dccxxiii.

(Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vii.), pp. 403, 404. _Thomas Saga_

(as above), p. 491.

[338] Ep. dccxxiii., dccxxiv. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol.

vii.), pp. 404–406, 411, 412. Will. Cant. (_ib._ vol. i.), pp.

102–105. Will. Fitz-Steph. (_ib._ vol. iii.), pp. 120, 121.

Herb. Bosh. (_ibid._), p. 480. _Thomas Saga_ (Magnusson), vol.

i. pp. 497–501. Garnier (Hippeau), p. 172, erroneously thinks

the censures on the bishops were not issued till Christmas-day.

The young king was preparing to hold his Christmas court at

Winchester.[339] Thomas proposed to join it, but was stopped in

London by a peremptory command to “go back and mind his own business

at Canterbury.”[340] He obeyed under protest, and on Christmas-day

again excommunicated the De Brocs and their fellow-robbers.[341]

The elder king was keeping the feast at his hunting-seat of Bures

near Bayeux.[342] There the three bishops threw themselves at his

feet; Roger of York spoke in the name of all, and presented the

Papal letters;[343] the courtiers burst into a confused storm of

indignation, but not one had any counsel to offer. In his impatience

and disappointment Henry uttered the fatal words which he was to rue

all his life: “What a parcel of fools and dastards have I nourished

in my house, that none of them can be found to avenge me of this one

upstart clerk!”[344]

[339] Garnier (Hippeau), p. 166. Will. Cant. (Robertson,

_Becket_, vol. i.), p. 106. Anon. II. (_ib._ vol. iv.), p. 126.

R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 342, says the young king was at

Woodstock when Thomas sought for an interview; he was, however,

certainly at Winchester at Christmas.

[340] “Fère vostre mestier à Cantorbire alez.” Garnier

(Hippeau), p. 171. Cf. Ep. dccxxiv. (Robertson, _Becket_,

vol. vii.), p. 412; Will. Cant. (_ib._ vol. i.) pp. 106–113;

Will. Fitz-Steph. (_ib._ vol. iii.), pp. 121–123; Herb. Bosh.

(_ibid._), pp. 482, 483; Rog. Howden (Stubbs), vol. ii. p. 13;

_Thomas Saga_ (Magnusson), vol. i. pp. 505–507.

[341] Will. Cant. (as above), p. 120. E. Grim (_ib._ vol. ii.),

p. 428. Will. Fitz-Steph. (_ib._ vol. iii.), p. 130. Herb.

Bosh. (_ibid._), pp. 484, 485. R. Diceto (as above), p. 342.

_Thomas Saga_ (as above), pp. 511–513.

[342] Herb. Bosh. (as above), p. 481. Garnier (Hippeau), p.

175. _Gesta Hen._ (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 11. Rob. Torigni, a.

1171.

[343] Garnier (Hippeau), pp. 175–177. Will. Cant. (as above),

pp. 122, 123. Cf. _Thomas Saga_ (as above), pp. 501–503.

[344] Garnier (Hippeau), p. 175. Will. Cant. (as above), p.

121. E. Grim (_ib._ vol. ii.), p. 429. Herb. Bosh. (_ib._ vol.

iii.), p. 487.

The words were hardly more than he had used at Chinon four years

before, but they fell now upon other ears. Four knights--Hugh de

Morville, William de Tracy, Reginald Fitz-Urse and Richard le

Breton[345]--took them as a warrant for the primate’s death. That

night--it was Christmas-eve[346]--they vowed to slay him, no matter how

or where;[347] they left the court in secret, crossed to England by

different routes,[348] and met again at Saltwood, a castle which the

archbishop had been vainly endeavouring to recover from the clutches

of Ralf de Broc, and where Ralf himself was dwelling amid a crowd of

his kinsfolk and dependents. There the final plot was laid.[349] How it

was executed is a tale which has been told so often that its details

may well be spared here. On the evening of December 29, after a scene

in his own hall scarcely less disgraceful than the last scene in the

king’s hall at Northampton, the primate of all England was butchered at

the altar’s foot in his own cathedral church.[350]

[345] In Will. Cant. (as above), pp. 128, 129, is a “descriptio

spiculatorum,” in which the only point of interest is the

English speech of Hugh de Morville’s mother.

[346] Garnier (Hippeau), p. 177. Will. Cant. (as above), p. 123.

[347] Garnier, as above. Will. Cant. (as above), p. 124. E.

Grim (_ib._ vol. ii.), p. 429. Will. Fitz-Steph. (Robertson,

_Becket_, vol. iii.), p. 128. Herb. Bosh. (_ibid._), p. 487.

_Thomas Saga_ (Magnusson), vol. i. p. 517.

[348] Garnier (Hippeau), p. 177. Will. Cant. (Robertson,

_Becket_, vol. i.) p. 124, Will. Fitz-Steph. (_ib._ vol. iii.),

p. 130. _Thomas Saga_ as above.

[349] Will. Fitz-Steph. as above; cf. _ib._ p. 126. _Thomas

Saga_, as above, pp. 517–519. Saltwood was mentioned, as a

special subject for inquiry and restitution, in the king’s

letter commending Thomas to his son.

[350] Will. Cant. (as above), pp. 131–135. Joh. Salisb. (_ib._

vol. ii.), pp. 319, 320. E. Grim (_ibid._), pp. 430–438.

Will. Fitz-Steph. (_ib._ vol. iii.), pp. 132–142. Herb. Bosh.

(_ibid._), pp. 488 _et seq._ Anon. I. (_ib._ vol. iv.), pp.

70–77. Anon. II. (_ibid._), pp. 128–132. Garnier (Hippeau), pp.

179–195. R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. pp. 343, 344. Gerv. Cant.

(Stubbs), vol. i. pp. 224–227. _Thomas Saga_ as above, pp.

523–549.

The ill news travelled fast. It fell like a thunderbolt upon the

Norman court still gathered round the king at Argentan,[351] whither

the assembly had adjourned after the Christmas feast at Bures. Henry

stood for a moment speechless with horror, then burst into a frenzy of

despair, and shut himself up in his own rooms, refusing to eat or drink

or to see any one.[352] In a few days more, as he anticipated, all

Christendom was ringing with execration of the murder and clamouring

for vengeance upon the king who was universally regarded as its

instigator. The Pope ordered an interdict upon Henry’s continental

dominions, excommunicated the murderers and all who had given or should

henceforth give them aid, shelter or support, and was only restrained

from pronouncing a like sentence upon the king himself by a promise

that he would make compurgation and submit to penance.[353] Two

cardinal-legates charged with the enforcement of these decrees were at

once despatched to Normandy;[354] but when they arrived there, Henry

was out of their reach. The death of Duke Conan in February had thrown

Britanny completely into his hands; he only stayed to secure Geoffrey’s

final establishment there as duke[355] before he called a council at

Argentan and announced that he was going to Ireland.[356] He quitted

Normandy just as the legates reached it,[357] leaving strict orders

that the ports should be closed to all clerks and papal envoys, and

that no one should dare to follow him without special permission.[358]

Landing at Portsmouth in the first days of August,[359] he hurried

to Winchester for a last interview with the dying Bishop Henry,[360]

closed the English ports as he had closed those of Normandy,[361] then

plunged once more into the depths of South Wales, and on October 16

sailed from Milford Haven for Waterford.[362]

[351] R. Diceto (as above), p. 345. _Gesta Hen._ (Stubbs), vol.

i. p. 14.

[352] Ep. dccxxxviii. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vii.), p. 438.

Cf. MS. Lansdown. (_ib._ vol. iv.), pp. 159, 160, and _Gesta

Hen._ as above.

[353] Epp. dccl., dccli. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vii. pp.

471–478).

[354] Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 233. R. Diceto (Stubbs),

vol. i. p. 346. _Gesta Hen._ (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 24.

[355] Rob. Torigni, a. 1171. Conan died February 20; Chron.

Kemperleg. _ad ann._ (_Rer. Gall. Scriptt._, vol. xii. p. 563).

The Chron. S. Serg. a. 1169 (Marchegay, _Eglises_, p. 150),

places the event two years too early. Cf. Chron. Britann. a.

1170, 1171 (_Rer. Gall. Scriptt._, vol. xii. p. 560; Morice,

_Hist. Bretagne, preuves_, vol. i. col. 104).

[356] Rob. Torigni, a. 1171.

[357] MS. Lansdown. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. iv.), p. 169.

Gerv. Cant. (as above), pp. 233, 234. The _Gesta Hen._ (as

above), and Rog. Howden (Stubbs, vol. ii. pp. 28, 29) seem to

imply that they arrived just before Henry left; but they are

rather confused about these legates. They make two pairs of

them come to Normandy this summer--first, Vivian and Gratian,

who come with hostile intent, and from whom Henry runs away

(_Gesta Hen._, Stubbs, vol. i. p. 24; Rog. Howden, Stubbs, vol.

ii. p. 29); and secondly, Albert and Theodwine, who apparently

supersede them later in the year, and whom Henry hurries to

meet (_Gesta Hen._ as above, p. 29; Rog. Howden as above, p.

34). But the MS. Lansdown. (which is the fullest account of

all), Gerv. Cant. and R. Diceto distinctly make only one pair

of legates, Albert and Theodwine. The confusion in _Thomas

Saga_ (Magnusson), vol. ii. pp. 31–33, is greater still.

[358] _Gesta Hen._ (as above), p. 24. Cf. Rog. Howden (as

above), p. 29.

[359] _Gesta Hen._ as above, and Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i.

p. 234, say August 3; R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 347, says

August 6.

[360] R. Diceto as above. Bishop Henry died on August 8; _ibid._

[361] Gerv. Cant., _Gesta Hen._ and Rog. Howden, as above.

[362] _Gesta Hen._ (as above), p. 25.

The elements favoured his escape; for five months a persistent contrary

wind hindered all communication to Ireland from any part of his

dominions.[363] The bishops and the ministers were left to fight their

own battles and make their own peace with the legates in Normandy until

May 1172, when the king suddenly reappeared[364] to claim the papal

absolution and offer in return not only his own spiritual obedience and

that of his English and continental realms, but also that of Ireland,

which he had secured for Rome as her share in the spoils of a conquest

won with Adrian’s bull in his hand.[365] The bargain was soon struck.

On Sunday May 21 Henry met the legates at Avranches, made his purgation

for the primate’s death, promised the required expiation, and abjured

his obnoxious “customs,” his eldest son joining in the abjuration.[366]

To pacify Louis, young Henry and Margaret were sent over sea with the

archbishop of Rouen and by him crowned together at Winchester on August

27;[367] and the Norman primate returned to join a great council of the

Norman clergy assembled at Avranches to witness there, two days before

Michaelmas, a public repetition of their sovereign’s purgation and his

final absolution by the legates.[368]

[363] R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 350. Gir. Cambr., _Expugn.

Hibern._, l. i. c. 36 (Dimock, vol. v. p. 284).

[364] R. Diceto (as above), p. 351.

[365] _Gesta Hen._ (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 28.

[366] Ep. dcclxxi.–dcclxxiv. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vii.

pp. 513–522). MS. Lansdown. (_ib._ vol. iv.), pp. 173, 174.

[367] _Gesta Hen._ (as above), p. 31; Rog. Howden (Stubbs),

vol. ii. p. 34; Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 237. R. Diceto

(as above), p. 352, makes it August 21.

[368] _Gesta Hen._ (as above), pp. 32, 33. Rog. Howden (as

above), pp. 35–37. Gerv. Cant. (as above), p. 238. These three

are the only writers who mention this purgation in September,

and they say nothing of the one in May. That it took place is

however clear from the letter of the legates themselves (Ep.

dcclxxiv. Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vii. p. 521), giving its

date, “_Vocem jucunditatis_,” _i.e._ Rogation-Sunday. On the

other hand, the MS. Lansdown. (_ib._ vol. iv. pp. 173, 174)

mentions only one purgation, and this clearly is the earlier

one, for it is placed before the re-crowning of young Henry.

The explanation seems to be that this was a private ceremony

between the king and the legates, with a few chosen witnesses;

the legates say in their letter that Henry promised to repeat

it publicly at Caen; he probably did so at Avranches instead.

On the other hand, Rob. Torigni (a. 1172) says: “Locutus est

cum eis primo Savigneii, postea Abrincis, tercio Cadomi, ubi

causa illa finita est;” and seems to make the Michaelmas

council at Avranches a mere ordinary Church synod, where

moreover “obsistente regis infirmitate parum profecerunt.” To

add to the confusion, Gir. Cambr. (_Expugn. Hibern._, l. i.

c. 39; Dimock, vol. v. p. 289) says the purgation was made at

Coutances.