1. Guru.
2. Linga.
3. Vibhuti.
4. Rudraksha.
5. Mantra.
6. Jangam.
7. tirtha.
8. Prasada.
Among the greater number of Lingayats, after the birth of a child,
the parents send for the guru or spiritual adviser of the family,
who is the representative of one of the five Acharyas from whom the
father claims descent, or in his absence of his local agent. The
guru binds the linga on the child, besmears it with vibhuti (ashes),
places a garland of rudraksha (fruits of Elæocarpus Ganitrus) round
its neck, and teaches it the mystic mantra of "Namah Shivaya." The
child being incapable of acquiring the knowledge of the sacred text
at this early stage of its existence, the mantra is merely recited in
its ear by the guru. The child has then to be presented to the god
Siva in the person of a Jangam, or Lingayat priest, who is summoned
for the purpose; on his arrival, the parents wash his feet. The water
in which the feet are washed is described as the tirtha or charana
tirtha of Siva. This tirtha is next poured over the linga attached
to the infant. The Jangam is fed, and a portion of the cooked food
from the dish is placed in the child's mouth. This final ceremony is
known as prasada. (I am informed that it would be considered by Tamil
Lingayats sacrilege to wash the lingam with the tirtha.) Occasionally
the double character of guru and Jangam are combined in one person.
According to some accounts, the rites described above form the basis
of the present social organization of the Lingayat community. They
are divided into those entitled to ashtavarna, and those who are
not. The first of these divisions is again sub-divided into several
groups, which may for convenience be designated Panchamsalis who
are descendants of the original converts, and non-Panchamsalis or
later converts.
This explanation will throw some light on the scheme of classification
adopted in the Bombay Gazetteer (see volumes Bijapur and Dharwar)
where the smaller groups are shown as--
1. Pure Lingayats.
2. Affiliated Lingayats.
3. Half Lingayats.
These divisions, of which the full significance is not clearly
conveyed by the titles, may perhaps be expanded with advantage by
the addition to each of the alternatives already explained, viz.,
Panchamsalis, non-Panchamsalis with ashtavarna rites, and others,
including the unclean castes attached to the Lingayat community by
reason of performing its menial services, e.g., Dhors, Chalvadis,
etc. It is the modern practice to deny to these low castes the right
to style themselves Lingayats at all. It must be further explained that
there are seven divisions of Panchamsalis, and that these stand to each
other in the relation of hypergamous groups, that is to say, members of
the higher orders may wed the daughters of those beneath them, which
suggests the probable former existence of free intermarriage. Members
of the lower orders among these Panchamsalis may rise to the higher
by performing certain religious ceremonies, constituting a form of
initiation. In the second and third divisions, i.e., non-Panchamsalis
and "others," the sub-castes are functional groups and are endogamous,
i.e., intermarriage is prohibited. It seems probable that the members
of these divisions became converts to Lingayatism some time after the
initiation of the reforms, to which it gave birth, when the crusade
against caste distinctions had lost much of its pristine vigour,
and ceased to be a living part of the fundamental doctrine of the sect.
At the present day, marriage is both infant and adult, and the
parties to the contract have practically no choice. Widows are indeed
allowed to remarry, but such marriages are regarded with disfavour
by the stricter members of the sect. A Pariah or a Mala cannot be
invested with the lingam, and, if he pretends to be a Lingayat,
the Jangam does not acknowledge him. The strict rules regarding
meat and drink are maintained, and Lingayats are still free from
many of the ceremonies and religious performances required of other
Hindus. But the tendency of to-day is to follow the lead of the
Brahman; and, while no Lingayat will admit the superiority of that
caste, they practically acknowledge it by imitating many Brahmanical
practices. Much of the good effected by the founder has thus been
counteracted, and the Lingayat is gradually becoming more and more
like his orthodox Hindu brother. In proof of this tendency it may be
noted that, at the time of the census of 1891, there were numerous
representations from Lingayats claiming the right to be described
as Virasaiva Brahmans. Further, on the occasion of the census of
1901, a complete scheme was supplied to the census authorities
professing to show all Lingayat sub-divisions in four groups, viz.,
Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Sudra. It is noted, in the Mysore
Census Report, 1891, that the Lingayats interviewed the Maharaja,
and begged that their registration as Virasaiva Brahmans might be
directed. "The crisis was removed by His Highness the Maharaja's
Government passing orders to the effect that the Lingayats should not
be classed as Sadras any more than any other non-Brahmans, but should
be separately designated by their own name, and that, while they were
at liberty to call themselves Virasaiva Brahmans, they should specify
the name of the particular and well-known sub-division to which each
censused unit belonged. It is noteworthy that, as soon as the clamour
of the Lingayats was set at rest, some of their leaders seem to have
become ashamed of their own previous vehemence, while the movement
seemed to have lost the spring imparted by sincerity. Their feelings
were brought to the test when the question of permitting the wonted
periodical procession of their religious flagstaff, the nandi-dhvaja,
came on for consideration by the Police department. The Lingayats'
application for a license was opposed by the other castes on the ground
that, since they had become Brahmans, and had ceased to belong to the
right-hand faction, they had no right to parade the nandi-dhvaja. The
Lingayats then showed themselves glad to regain their status quo ante."
In connection with the name Virasaiva, it may be noted en passant
that the first session of the Shreemat Veerashaiva Mahasabha [121]
was held at Dharwar in the Bombay Presidency in 1904. Thereat various
suggestions were made concerning religious instruction, education,
marriage, the settlement of disputes by arbitration, and other matters
affecting the material welfare of the Lingayat community as a whole.
It is worthy of note that, according to some writers, Basava
is supposed to have come within the influence of the Syrian
Christians. The idea was started by Mr. C. P. Brown, whose essay on
the Jangams [122] is the classic on this subject. Mr. A. C. Burnell
quotes the remarkable fact from Cosmos that, in the sixth century,
there was a Persian Bishop at Kalliana near Udupi. And it is presumed
by Surgeon-Major W. R. Cornish, the writer of the Madras Census Report,
1871, that Kalliana is identical with Kalyan, where Basava was prime
minister six centuries later. This is clearly wrong, for Udupi is
on the west coast 30 miles north of Mangalore, whereas Kalyan, the
Chalukyan capital, is in the heart of the Deccan, 350 miles away
over the western ghauts. There was another Calyaun or Kaliana close
to Udupi on the coast, as shown by some of the older maps. But it
is well known that Western India was at this time tenanted by large
settlements of Persians or Manichæans, and recent discoveries tend
to show that these people were Christians. It seems, therefore, to be
quite possible that the discussions, which preceded Basava's revolt,
were tinged with some Christian colouring, derived from the followers
of the Syrian school. Mr. Burnell even thinks that all the modern
philosophical schools of India owe much to the same source.
The Lingayat faith appears to have spread very rapidly after Basava's
death, which may be placed in the year 1168, and Rice says that,
according to tradition, within sixty years of the founder's death it
was embraced from Ulavi near Goa to Sholapur, and from Balehalli to
Sivaganga. The disappearance of the Chalukyan dynasty is in itself
evidence of the rising power of the Lingayats. But no real estimate
can be made of its progress at first. More than a hundred years
later, the Muhammadan invaders took possession of the Deccan, and
other religions were driven southwards. The Empire of Vijayanagar,
which is said to have covered the whole country from the Kistna to
Cape Comorin, rose out of the ruins of the Hindu kingdoms, and as
Mr. Sewell says, [123] the fighting Kings of Vijayanagar became the
saviours of the south for two and a half centuries. The early members
of this dynasty were Saivaites in faith, but there is no record of
the workings of the reformed religion, which had spread southwards
before Vijayanagar became a power.
The followers of this religion are easily distinguished from other
Hindus by the fact that the lingam is worn on a conspicuous part of
the body. The bulk of the cultivators enclose it in a red silk scarf
tied round their necks, with a knot in front. This scarf is tied
on the left arm above the elbow when the wearer is at work, and is
sometimes placed round the head when bathing. Some of the traders,
who are the richer class, carry it in a small silver box hung round
the neck with a thread called sivadhara, or in a gold box studded
with precious stones. The women do not wear it outside the dress,
and generally keep it on a neck-string. No one is allowed to put
it down even for a moment. Recently a Lingayat merchant in Madras
removed his silver lingam casket from his neck, wrapped it up in
a cloth, put it under his head, and went to sleep on a street pial
(platform). While he was slumbering, the casket was stolen by a cart
driver. The lingam itself, which is regarded as the home of the deity,
is generally made of grey soapstone brought from Parvatgiri (Srisaila)
in the Kurnool district. It is brought by a class of people called
Kambi Jangams, because, besides the linga stone, they bring on a
kavadi or shoulder-bamboo the holy water of the Patalganga, a pool
on Parvatgiri, whose water Lingayats hold as sacred as Brahmans the
water of the Ganges.
The following description of the lingam is taken from the Bombay
Gazetteer for Bijapur. "It consists of two discs, the lower one
circular about one-eighth of an inch thick, the upper slightly
elongated. Each disc is about three-quarters of an inch in
diameter, and is separated by a deep groove about an eighth of an
inch broad. From the centre of the upper disc, which is slightly
rounded, rises a pea-like knob about a quarter of an inch long and
three-quarters of an inch round, giving the stone lingam a total height
of nearly three-quarters of an inch. This knob is called the ban or
arrow. The upper disc is called jalhari, that is the water carrier,
because this part of a full-sized lingam is grooved to carry off the
water which is poured over the central knob. It is also called pita,
that is the seat, and pithak the little seat. Over the lingam, to keep
it from harm, is plastered a black mixture of clay, cowdung ashes,
and marking-nut juice. This coating, which is called kauthi or the
cover, entirely hides the shape of the enclosed lingam. It forms a
smooth black slightly truncated cone, not unlike a dark betel nut,
about three-quarters of an inch high, and narrowing from three-quarters
of an inch at the base to half an inch across the top."
The Jangam cannot as a rule be distinguished from other Lingayats. All
male members of the community have a clean-shaved head, without the
top-knot common to the Brahmans. All, male as well as female, daub
their foreheads with vibhuti or sacred ashes every morning. There
is thus no distinctive mark for the Jangam. But certain ascetics
of the priestly class sometimes put on a red robe peculiar to them,
and others cover themselves with vibhuti and many quaint ornaments. [A
Jangam whom I interviewed at a village in Mysore, was named Virabhadra
Kayaka, and was also known as Kasi Lingada Vira. He was going about
the village, shouting, dancing, and repeating the Virabhadra khadga
or praise of Virabhadra, Siva's son. On his bead he had a lingam stuck
in his head-cloth, with a five-headed snake forming a canopy over it,
and the sacred bull Basava in front. Tied to the forehead, and passing
round the head, was a string holding thirty-two lingams. At the back
of the head was a mane of white false hair. His face was painted
bright red. Round the neck he had four garlands of rudraksha beads,
and suspended from the neck, and resting on the chest, was a silver
casket containing a lingam. Round the waist was a waist-band made of
brass squares ornamented with a variety of figures, among which were
the heads of Daksha Brahma and Virabhadra. Suspended from the neck was
a breast-plate, with a representation of Virabhadra and the figures
of Daksha Brahma and his wife engraved in copper. From the waist a
piece of tiger skin was suspended, to which were attached two heads
of Daksha Brahma with a lion's head between. Hanging lower down was a
figure of Basava. Tied to the ankles were hollow brass cylinders with
loose bits of brass inside. Strings of round brass bells were tied
to the knees. In his right hand he carried a long sword, and tied
to the left forearm was a gauntlet-handled scimitar. To the handle
were attached pieces of brass, which made a noise when the arm was
shaken. Finally, round the forearm were tied pieces of bear-skin.]
No account of the Lingayat community as it exists at the present
day would be complete without some reference to the grounds on which
the modern representatives of Lingayatism claim for their religion
an origin as ancient as that of Brahministic Hinduism, and a social
structure similar to that which is described in the Code of Manu.
Mr. Karibasava Shastri, Professor of Sanskrit and Canarese in the
State College of Mysore, writes that the Shaiv sect of Hindus has
always been divided into two groups, the one comprising the wearers
of the linga, and the other those who do not wear it. The former
he designates Virshaiv, and declares that the Virshaivs consist of
Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaishya, Sudra. Quoting from the 17th chapter
of the Parameshvar Agma, he declares that the Virshaiv Brahmans are
also known as Shudha Virshaivs, Virshaiv Kings are Marga Virshaiv,
Virshaiv Vaishya are Mishra Virshaiva, and the Sudras of the community
are Anter Virshaiv. In his opinion the duties and penances imposed
on the first of these classes are--
(1) The ashtavarna.
(2) Penances and bodily emaciation.
(3) The worship of Siva without sacrifice.
(4) The recital of the Vedas.
The Professor asserts that the Hindu ashrams of Brahmacharya, Grahasta
and Sanyasi are binding on Virshaivs, and quotes from various Sanskrit
works texts in support of this view. He also furnishes a mythical
account of the origin of the Lingayats at the time of the creation
of the world.
A committee of gentlemen appointed in the Belgaum district
to consider the question of the origin of the Lingayats base
their opinion on a Sanskrit work, the Paramarahasya, and give the
following account:--"When the God Shiva wished to people the earth,
he created from his mouth five acharyas, namely, Marula Radhyacharya,
Ekoranadhyacharya, Revanaradhyacharya, Panditaradhyacharya and
Vishvaradhyacharya. These five acharyas propagated the Lingayat
portion of mankind. Each of them founded a gotra, namely, Bhringi,
Vira, Vrisha, Skanda and Handi, and their five seats are Shrishaila,
Kollipaki, Ujjaini, Kashi and Balihalli."
A third account prepared specially in connection with the census of
1901 begins by controverting the common opinion that Basava founded
the Lingayat religion, that it was in origin anti-Brahmanical,
and that it abolished caste distinctions. The account continues as
follows. "A little enquiry will clearly show that it was not Basava
who founded the religion, but that he only revived the previously
existing and ancient religion; that it is not anti-Brahmanical,
but that it protests against the efficacy of animal sacrifices, and
that the religion itself is founded on the authority of the Vedas,
treating of animal sacrifices just as the Shri Vaishnav and Madhva
religions have rejected certain portions and adopted certain others
of the Vedas. Consequently it is incorrect to say that the Virshaivs
reject the authority of the Vedas." The writer maintains that caste
distinctions are not foreign to the nature of Lingayatism, and asserts
that they have always existed. According to him, the orthodox theory
is that, when Brahma was ordered to create the world, he requested
Siva to teach him how to, whereupon Siva created aprakruts. Brahma
created the world from the five elements of nature, and produced the
prakruts. The Lingayats are the aprakruts, and the Brahmanistic Hindus
prakruts. Here follow many quotations from Sanskrit Agmas in support
of the facts alleged. It is unnecessary to weary the reader with the
texts and their translations. The object in referring to these latter
day accounts of the origin of the Lingayats is to show the modern
tendency of tradition to bring Lingayatism into line with Brahmanistic
Hinduism. The works referred to by the learned authors appear to
be Sanskrit writings of not more than 500 years ago, and cannot be
taken as proof that the Lingayat religion is of greater antiquity
than the 12th century, or that it has always been observant of caste
distinctions. The persistence with which these points are advanced at
the present day is, however, worthy of careful notice. If Lingayatism
was an island thrown up within the "boundless sea of Hinduism," it
would appear that the waters of the ocean are doing their utmost to
undermine its solid foundations. The Lingayats in Bombay, Madras and
Mysore number about two millions. Mysore and the Southern Mahratta
country are the principal homes of the creed, and the Bellary district,
which is wedged in between the above territories, must be classed with
them. Mr. Rice tells us that it was the State religion of the Wodeyars
of Mysore from 1399 to 1610, and of the Nayaks of Keladi, Ikkeri or
Bednur from 1550 to 1763. At the present day the ruling family in
Mysore employ none but Lingayats as cooks and watermen. The Lingayats
of Madras numbered 138,518 at the census of 1901. These figures,
however, are of doubtful accuracy, as many were entered under caste
names, and the probable strength of the community must be largely in
excess of the figures. They were chiefly found in the Bellary district.
The following are the main sub-divisions of the community in the
Madras Presidency :--