tumbled pell‐mell on deck; and the youth of either sex, hitherto contented
with the shabbiest and most negligent of attire, watched eagerly for their
boxes, dragged them to a convenient corner, and made an elaborate
toilette, either for the benefit of their American friends or to give the
_coup de grâce_ to the sweethearts they had encountered on the voyage. It
was like the transformation scene in a pantomime, and I could hardly
recognize my lady acquaintances in their gay bonnets and neat dresses.
Much of their finery, however, suffered serious damage before they emerged
on the Bowery. In the afternoon, the custom‐house officer came on board
and took his place near the gangway, alongside of which lay a tender for
the passengers and a barge for the luggage. The boxes were scattered all
over the deck, and to get them examined one had to drag them to the
officer, open them and close them, obtain a Castle Garden check from an
official at the head of the gangway, and then they went over the side on
to the barge, and the passenger on to the tender. Every one was anxious to
be off, and all scrambled at once towards the gangway, dragging boxes and
bundles with them. Never did we see such a scene of tumult and confusion.
Such a babel of tongues; such despair at boxes that either would not open,
or more frequently, being opened, would not shut; such lamentations over
their often hopelessly shattered contents—the married women imploring some
one to mind their children while they dragged their boxes to the gangway;
the single ones begging quondam admirers to help them to move their heavy
trunks—appeals to which the latter, sufficiently engrossed with their own
struggle to be off, generally turned a deaf and unkind ear. The custom‐
house officer seemed to discharge his duty with as much good‐humor as the
necessity of examining some thousand boxes in a limited time would allow.
We got off with the first tenderful, and after waiting an hour or two in
Castle Garden, where we at once cleared the refreshment stall of what we
then thought delicious coffee and pies, we were told to fetch our luggage
on the following day, and then passed out into Broadway to seek our
various fortunes.
In the boarding‐house where I spent the night in New York, I met
passengers from most of the other lines. All complained of their
accommodations, and affected to believe that they had unfortunately
selected the most uncomfortable service. For my own part, I believe that
on the whole there is but little to choose between the accommodations and
provisions supplied by the different companies, and that the description I
have given of the arrangements of one line would generally apply to the
rest.
Martyrs And Confessors In Christ.
Nor let any of you be sad, on the ground that he is less than those who,
before you having suffered torments, have come by the glorious journey to
the Lord, the world being conquered and trodden down. The Lord is the
searcher of the reins and heart, he sees the secret things, and looks into
things hidden. The testimony of him alone, who is to guide, is sufficient
for earning the crown from him. Therefore each thing, O dearest brethren,
is equally sublime and illustrious. The former, namely, to hasten to the
Lord by the consummation of victory, is the more secure; the latter is
more joyful, to flourish in the praises of the church, having received a
furlough after the gaining of glory. O blessed church of ours, which the
honor of divine condescension thus illumines, which in our own time the
glorious blood of martyrs thus makes illustrious! Before, it was white in
the works of the brethren; now, it is made purple in the blood of martyrs.
Neither lilies nor roses are wanting to its flowers. Let all now contend
for the most ample dignity of both honors. Let them receive crowns, either
white from their works, or purple from their martyrdom. In the heavenly
camp peace and war have their respective flowers, by which the soldier of
Christ is crowned for glory. I pray, bravest and most blessed brethren,
that you be always well in the Lord, and mindful of us. Farewell.—_S.
Cyprian._
The Roman Empire And The Mission Of The Barbarians.
Third Article.
So the great Roman world sinned on to the last. Christianity, with a cry
of fear and alarm, pointed to the stormful North, and exhorted to
repentance; but her voice was drowned in the mad shouts of revelry and the
wild din of reckless passion. The mistress of nations would not consent to
show signs of fear or alarm. She cast her far‐seeing eye over her wide,
rich provinces towards the frowning horizon, and she had some knowledge of
what sort of elements were hidden behind the black cloud‐wall there. Never
yet had the whole terrible ferocity of latent wrath burst forth; but
still, from time to time, as she had watched for some centuries back, the
storm‐cloud had opened for a moment, and the low thunder‐peal had been
heard, and the lightning‐fires had scathed her frontiers, and sometimes
even had touched the very heart of some of her outlying provinces. But the
fiery sword had been sheathed. The rent seemed to close again, and the
thunder‐murmurs died away. Still no brightness tinged the angry North. But
darker, wilder, more fiercely threatening the storm‐cloud grew. There was
an angry God behind it, with his warrior hosts, hidden, and biding the
solemn, predetermined moment. If the queen of empire felt, at times, a
thrill of alarm, she tried to shake it off again. For proudly she gazed
around on her widespreading dominions, and counted her almost countless
monuments of conquest and glory, and appealed to the long past for her
claim to live on immortally; and then took consolation and confidence to
herself that the pillars of the firmament would crumble to dust, and the
heavens fall, before she could be moved from her everlasting foundations.
But still there were hearts that trembled for fear, conscious that
something terrible was coming upon the world. The cry of the rapt seer of
Patmos seemed still to be rising from the bosom of the Ægean Sea, and
ringing in the ears of those who had faith in a God of justice. All those
terrible woes foretold in the sixteenth and seventeenth chapters of the
Apocalypse seemed about to be accomplished. With strange wailing sound, as
of a warning archangel’s trumpet, the prophetic voice appeared to repeat:
“Thou art just, O Lord, who art, and who wast, the holy one, because thou
hast judged these things: for they have shed the blood of saints and
prophets, and thou hast given them blood to drink.... And great Babylon
came in remembrance before God, to give her the cup of the wine of the
indignation of his wrath.” Louder still that voice seemed to rise in tones
of merciful warning: “Go out from her, my people; that you be not
partakers of her sins, and that you receive not of her plagues. For her
sins have reached unto heaven, and the Lord hath remembered her
iniquities.... She saith in her heart: I sit a queen, and am no widow; and
sorrow I shall not see. Therefore shall her plagues come in one day,
death, and mourning, and famine, and she shall be burned with fire;
because God is strong, who shall judge her.” So appeared to sound out
clear the sad, wailing voice of the prophet in these sorrowful days. And
the people of God took warning. Full of fear and dread, they fled from the
“great Babylon” and the other principal cities of the empire, and hid
themselves from the wrath that was to come. Those who remained behind
laughed with mocking incredulity at their fears, and, as if in defiance of
a mighty God, drained the sparkling goblet with an intenser relish, and
the din of revelry waxed louder, and the Circensian games were applauded
with a wilder joy. Countless numbers of Christians, who still had faith in
God’s Word and fear of his justice, hurried with rapid steps from these
scenes of reckless dissipation and pleasure. They went to kneel with
uplifted hands amid the sands of the Libyan Desert, or the wooded
mountains of Lebanon; to implore mercy on a wicked world, amid the islets
of the Tyrrhenian Sea, or in the rocky caves of the Thebaid.
At intervals another warning voice is heard, sounding, with the vehemence
of the Baptist’s cry, from the holy precincts of Bethlehem. S. Jerome is
meditating and commenting, in his convent cell, on the prophecy of
Ezekiel. As he ponders on the judgments of God on Jerusalem of old, he
cannot but think of Rome in his own day. As the images of ruin and
destruction grow before his mind, and his great heart burns with
compassion for sinful, sinning man, he pauses in his reading, and lifts
his voice in warning of the vials of wrath that are about to be poured out
upon the empire. Through the voluptuous palaces of Rome which he once knew
so well, the loud warning voice of the holy anchoret of Bethlehem pierces
with an awakening sound, and helps to persuade many a patrician beauty “to
exchange the dream of pleasure, so soon to be interrupted by the clangor
of the Gothic trumpet, for the sacred vigils and austerities of the Holy
Land.” “Read,” he cries out, “the Apocalypse of S. John: mark what is
written of the woman clothed in scarlet, with the mystic inscription on
her forehead, and seated upon seven hills, and of the destruction of
Babylon. ‘Go out of her, my people,’ saith the Lord; ‘that you be not made
partakers of her crimes, and partners in the plagues that shall afflict
her.’ Leave the proud city to exult in everlasting uproar and dissipation,
satiating her bloodthirstiness in the arena, and her insane passion in the
circus. Leave it to her to trample under foot every sense of shame in her
lascivious theatres.” After these words of startling vehemence, he attunes
his voice to gentler accents. And pours out his enthusiastic soul in
language of sweetest music, winning and captivating both ear and heart. He
throws a ravishing fascination and sweetness around his life at Bethlehem
that must have been irresistible to souls in which yet lingered any purity
of sentiment or love for the holy and beautiful. “How different,” he
exclaims, “the scenes that invite you hither! The most rustic simplicity
is characteristic of the natal village of our Redeemer, and sacred hymns
and psalmody are the only interruptions of the heavenly stillness and
serenity which reign on every side. Walk forth into the fields: you
startle with mingled astonishment and delight to find that ‘Alleluia’ is
the burden of the ploughman’s song; that it is with some inspired canticle
the reaper recreates himself, in reposing at noontide from his
overpowering toil; and that it is the royal Psalmist’s inspiration that
attunes the voice of the vine‐dresser, as, scroll in hand, he plies his
task all day.” Thus does he paint in charming colors the immediate
neighborhood in which he lived so happily. His words take us back to the
days of Eden, and make us realize what unfallen and sinless mankind would
have been. Then he passes on to those scenes and names which are
interwoven into the history of our Lord’s life, and round these again he
casts the fascination of his poetical outpourings. We are carried on as by
a magic spell, and we feel ourselves drawn captives after the mighty heart
that glows with such a fiery heat of love in that grotto of Bethlehem. We
cannot wonder that many souls felt the wondrous spell of that clear, sweet
voice, as it broke with its music‐tones of penetrating power into the
palaces of Rome. The loud‐wailing trumpet‐tones of the Apocalyptic seer,
as they rose with terrific warning from the bosom of the Ægean, and the
melodious music of the anchoret of Bethlehem, as it was carried westward
on the breeze, both conveyed a message from a merciful God to the children
whom he yet loved. But we will listen again to that winning voice from
Bethlehem, as it pleads on, trying to draw Christians from the perils that
were so near: “Oh! when shall that blessed day arrive,” it continues,
“when it shall be our own delight to conduct you to the cave of the
Nativity; together to mingle our tears with those of Mary and of the
Virgin Mother in the sepulchre of our Lord; to press the wood on which he
redeemed us to our throbbing lips; and, in ardent desire, to ascend with
him from Mount Olivet?” We will hasten thence to Bethany to see Lazarus
come forth in his winding‐sheet, and to the banks of that blessed stream
sanctified by the baptism of the Word made flesh. Thence to the huts of
the shepherds who heard the canticle of “Glory to God on high” and
“Tidings of great joy,” as they were keeping their night‐watch over their
flocks. We will pray at the tomb of David, and meditate under the steep
precipice where inspiration used to come on the prophet Amos, until we
hear again the living clangor of his shepherd‐horn. In Mambre, we shall
commune in spirit with the great patriarchs and their consorts who were
buried there; visit the fountain where the eunuch was baptized by Philip;
and in Samaria honor the relics of S. John the Baptist, of Abdias and
Eliseus, and devoutly explore the caverns where the choirs of the prophets
were miraculously fed, in the days of famine and persecution. We will
extend our pilgrimage to Nazareth, and, as the name implies, behold the
_flower_ of Galilee. Hard by is Cana, where he changed water into wine.
Thence to Mount Tabor, where our prayer shall be that our rest may not be
with Moses and Elias, but in the eternal tabernacle, where we shall enjoy
the beatific vision of the Father and the Holy Ghost. Thence returning, we
shall see the Lake Genesareth, and the wilderness where the merciful Jesus
feasted the multitudes; and Naim shall not be passed by unheeded, where he
gave back to the disconsolate mother “her only son.” Hermon shall be
pointed out, and the torrent of Endor where Sisera was overcome; and
Capharnaum, the theatre of so many miracles. Thence going up to Jerusalem,
as it were in the retinue of our Lord, as the disciples were wont to do,
we will pass through Silo and Bethel; and having made the circuit of so
many scenes, consecrated by the presence, the preaching, and the miracles
of the Son of God, to that grotto where he was born to us a Saviour, we
shall at last return; perpetually to hymn his praises, to deplore our
trespasses with frequent tears; to give our days and nights to holy
orisons, as if smitten with the same love which exclaimed, “Him whom my
soul hath yearned for, have I found. I will hold him, and will not let him
go.”(278) Such wondrous music did the spiritual enchanter pour forth from
his lonely grotto. In such words as these, throbbing with love and holy
zeal, did the great heart of the worn ascetic of Bethlehem gush forth. And
they depicted in such vivid colors the sweet peace and purity and
happiness of a new earthly paradise far away in the Eastern land, that
many souls were lured away by the charmer’s voice out of the great Western
Babylon in time to escape the tempest that was just about to descend upon
it. Many illustrious names appear among the fugitives. Paula forgot her
lofty pedigree and her more than princely fortune, and fled eastward, and
S. Melania and many others of patrician rank hurried away to Bethlehem to
escape the impending doom. And there, whilst the mighty God thundered, and
hurled his flaming arrows of vengeance, and the great sinful empire
tottered and crashed under the awful blows of his wrath, did those favored
Christians tremble and pray amid holy scenes and sweet associations, round
the grand spiritual figure of S. Jerome.
But it was not only among the believers in God’s Word, and those who
observed the signs of the times from their watch‐towers in the heart of
the empire, that the belief in the imminent catastrophe had taken a strong
hold. The idea that vengeance was close at hand was agitating with fierce
intensity the barbaric nations themselves. Whence that idea came, they
themselves could not have told. It had long been working in their minds
like a living fire; it had gone on inflaming their souls till they felt
their whole being on fire with an ungovernable passion for destruction and
vengeance. They had been kept for long centuries by an overruling power in
their northern forests, waiting for an unknown moment in the future. But
that moment, they felt, was now at hand. They were ready for it, for they
knew they were the scourges of wrath in the hands of a mighty God.
But before that fierce, black storm‐cloud up yonder in the North pours out
its fiery wrath upon the doomed empire, we will try to get a glimpse
behind it to see what elements are hidden there.
Let the reader open his historical atlas, and follow with his eye the
boundaries of the Roman Empire in the West. He will see that the east,
west, and south of Europe are lying at the feet of Rome, the heart and
centre of the world. As he casts his glance over his chart, he will be
struck by the countless names that cover the face of Italy and Gaul and
Spain, and all those countries that are comprehended within the rule and
civilization of the great capital of the empire. But as he raises his eye
northwards, he marks the outlines of Roman power. He might say that the
Rhine and the Danube are the boundaries in that direction of imperial
dominion. And what does he see beyond? Nothing that denotes that
civilization has ever set a firm foot there. The great Hercynian forest
begins at the Rhine, and stretches far away, with its dense, impenetrable
blackness, as far as the Vistula. It looks like a long, broad line of
fortification thrown up by nature to guard the North from Roman ambition.
Beyond this, again, is a wild unknown land. The student becomes bewildered
as he tries to gain an accurate knowledge of it. It is a dreary wilderness
of forest, and swamp, and vast tracts of land that have known no tillage.
He finds no name of city or town, but only the hard names of countless
barbaric tribes. These seem to fill, without order or defined limit of
dominion, the vast area from the borders of the Rhine and Danube to the
Baltic Sea, and the mainland and innumerable islets of Scandinavia. If he
cast his eye towards the North‐east, the prospect is of a land still less
known, and, at the same time, less thickly peopled. But the barbaric names
are there, though few in number, and the wild waste seems to stretch away
interminably into the darkness. The map calls it Scythia, and that is
almost all the student can gather from looking at it; but it seems to him
that it is the high‐road by which the countless barbarian tribes have come
into Europe. We may well believe Gibbon when he tells us that this vast,
unknown northern land, cut off from the Roman Empire by the Rhine and the
Danube, and shrouded in gloom and darkness by its widespreading forests,
extended itself over a third part of Europe.(279) Tacitus describes it as
a country under a gloomy sky, rude, dismal in aspect and cultivation; more
humid than Gaul, more stormy than Noricum and Pannonia.(280) It was a
country where the waters were often covered with thick ice, and the
mountains with snow, where the air was cold and sharp, and the storms blew
fierce and strong. It was, in a word, a country where no delicate, soft
races could have lived, but where only men of stalwart frame and hardy
natures could have their home; men who could bound up the snowy mountain
heights with a feeling of luxury, could hunt with delight among the frozen
swamps, and run in the teeth of the sharp blast through thick forests
where the warm sun‐rays never penetrated. And what was this strange,
unknown land, so dark and impenetrable, so vast in its extent, so defended
by rivers and ocean and far‐reaching fortification of Hercynian forest, so
wild and uncultivated, so dismal and cold, and overhanging with its
savage, frowning aspect the empire of Rome? It was the camp of the God of
battles. With a divine purpose of his own, he had kept it free from Roman
conquest. He had marked it off for himself by those wide rivers and stormy
seas, and planted that thick long line of forest trees on its frontier,
and shrouded its vast area in secrecy and mystery by widespreading woods.
And under the shadow of these thick forests he had, for long generations,
been gathering his warrior‐bands. The great empire had been growing for
centuries in power and riches, and had piled up her monuments to tell the
ages of her glories, and had come to think herself everlasting; but whilst
she thus developed her power so mightily, her destroyers were being
gathered together in secret in that Northern land. It was not by chance
that the Roman Empire had built herself up in such glory and imposing
magnitude on the ruins of the great empires that had preceded her, and not
for a barren purpose. God had marked with his finger the boundary‐line of
her dominions long before she extended her power so far, and he had
appointed her the work which she was to do for him. But he had marked out,
also, the term in the future whereunto she should endure, and had chosen
beforehand the instruments which he would use for her destruction. As she
was to be the most mighty of all empires which the world had ever seen, so
would her destroyers have to be mighty and terrible in their powers of
destruction. And those destroyers God will have ready at the right moment.
No human eye could see what was going on under that dense darkness in the
North; its mysterious depth was impenetrable to mortal kin. It was the
secret laboratory of God, where he was fashioning his instruments of
wrath. He had long been there amidst the terror and gloom beckoning the
wild races of the earth to come to him, and they had obeyed his call,
though they knew not why. Far back in the ages of time, before history had
taken up her pen, there was a great breaking up of the Aryan family in the
Eastern land, and they divided themselves into two great sections. They
moved in opposite directions, one towards the East, the other towards the
West. Though that breaking up seems, at first sight, to have nothing
providential about it, yet it was no accidental separation. Bringing our
Catholic principles to bear upon it, we soon see that it was the work of
God. The wild tribes wandered on, they knew not whither. But they had a
guide as real and definite as the Israelites in after‐times. It was,
perhaps, no pillar of fire nor mysterious moving cloud, but yet as
unerring in its leading. The Eastern Aryans took possession of Persia,
and, invading India, gradually made themselves masters of the country as
far as the Ganges. In this rich and fertile region they soon advanced,
with rapid steps, to a high state of civilization. When we first meet them
in history, they are a powerful nation, with well‐disciplined armies, and
arts and sciences highly cultivated. Of those who took the westerly
course, some settled down in the southern parts of Europe, and at the
opening of history are found in a state of civilization. One section of
them, wild, bold, and free, remain in a nomadic state. They wander on
towards the Northwest, never settling down, ever restless. They feel
themselves drawn ever onward, as by some mysterious power which they
cannot resist. That strange, unseen power is he who dwells amid the
darkness of the Scandinavian and Suabian forests. And as they pour into
that weird gloom, band after band, they are lost to view. God wants them
there for a time. They are one day to rush forth again, at his bidding,
wild and fierce as ever, to do their appointed work.
Of these multitudinous tribes, hidden under the dark covering of those
Northern forests, we cannot undertake to give any detailed account. The
student who has ever pored over his historical chart representing the home
of the barbarians, knows well how impossible it is to obtain accurate
ideas about them. He is simply bewildered with the number of tribes, and
the hard names by which they are designated. He is content to let Dr.
Latham and Mr. Kingsley dispute at their pleasure as to whether the Goths
were Teutons or a separate tribe. Some authors, with Gibbon, would make
the Teutons the great tribe which included and absorbed almost all the
rest, whilst Dr. Latham insists that they were far less in numbers than is
commonly supposed. It is not now our purpose to enter on a question of
this nature. Our view of them is simply as a _fourmillement des nations_,
confused, indistinguishable, undefinable. We cannot pretend to speak with
accuracy as to what territory was occupied by each tribe. What they do we
can only guess at. They do not regard themselves as in their settled home.
They wander about restless, and unsatisfied in their wild forest lands.
They have only an indistinct idea whence they came, but they have a
mysterious instinct whither they are to go when the appointed day comes.
At one time they are on the Baltic shore, at another on the Danube bank.
They never think of marching back Eastward, whence they came; their faces
are turned towards the South, and they dream of a rich, golden city in
which they are one day to revel and feast to their heart’s content.
It is something bewildering to pause over and think upon, in our
historical studies, is this Northern land of darkness, with its hidden
millions of wild savages silently wandering about in their gloomy forest,
under the eye of God, and waiting for the signal to rush forth upon the
sin‐laden empire of Rome! There never was anything more mysterious in
history. They hang for long years, like a suspended curse, over a sinful
world. They would have come down thundering like a crushing avalanche long
before they did, if God had not held them back. It is wonderful to think
how really they were in the hand of the great Over‐ruler. Suddenly it had
entered into their minds, as we have seen, to break up their home in the
far East, in prehistoric times, and they had obeyed the instinct. They
moved away from their native land, and set out upon their wanderings. They
knew no land beyond their own, nor had they reason to expect that they
would discover anything better than what they enjoyed in the country of
their birth. But still they wandered on. Whither they were journeying they
had no knowledge, but they were obeying an overmastering power. They found
themselves, at last, gathered together in a mysterious land of darkness,
and there they paused. They felt they were at the rendezvous to which they
had been called. They were at the feet of him who had beckoned to them to
leave their homes in the Eastern land. Their instinct now was to remain
hidden there for a time behind the great fortification of the Hercynian
forest. From beginning to end all through their history these barbarians
are in the hand of God, under his generalship, and used to execute his
designs. Such teaching as this will, no doubt, appear puerile to the
sneering atheism of men like Herbert Spencer. He and those of his school
have discovered that God has nothing to do with the course of human events
or the government of the universe.(281) Social Science has led them far
beyond the old‐world ideas of God and divine government; but, thanks to
the sound and safe teaching of Catholic principles, there are yet men in
these days who refuse to run after the _ignis fatuus_ of Spencerian
philosophy.
But when we consider how the great civilized world of the Roman Empire and
this world of the barbarian tribes bordered so close on one another for so
long a time, and when we think what conquests Christianity had made
wherever civilization had set its foot, we wonder how that dark Northern
land could remain still heathen. Were not the citadels of the Christian
religion planted all along the borders of the Roman Empire? Did no gleams,
then, of Christian light shoot forth into the darkness beyond? We know
that such certainly was the case in the Northwestern portion, where the
Goths dwelt, for we read of Ulphilas and his apostolic labors among that
tribe. But for the most part, the darkness was unpenetrated, and we are
struck by the sight of two worlds running so close up to one another and
yet remaining so isolated in a religious point of view. The fact was, the
time for the conversion of the Northmen had not yet come. Their apostles
were to be a race of heroes born on the mountain‐heights, and nourished in
the pure, bracing air of monastic solitude. The barbarians were waiting
for the monks. It is true that these wild tribes had already a worship of
their own, and deeply religious in their way they certainly were. It was a
religion quite in keeping with their wild, free character. Men who were so
restless and active in their disposition, who delighted in storm and
mountain and roaring torrents, would have no temple of wood or stone for
their place of worship. Their temple was out in the open air, under the
driving clouds, within hearing of the tumbling waterfalls, in sight of
nature’s face; for nature to them was God. They saw him in the great
mountain towering up on high, in the rocking forest‐trees, in the wide‐
stretching plain, in the flowing river, in the gushing fountain. He was in
every object around them; in every speck of light in the overarching
heavens; in the glistening streamlet; in the variegated flowers bedecking
nature’s face; in the rock that stood out to break the power of the
rushing sea‐waves; in the very stones scattered around them on the plain.
There was a divinity of some kind in everything they saw.(282) It would,
perhaps, be more true to say that their religion was polytheism rather
than pantheism. We find, moreover, that the tendency of their religious
belief was to keep alive in their souls the warlike spirit. The greatest
and highest of their gods were beings of mighty power and terrible
violence. “Woden, or Odin, as he was called in Scandinavia, was the
omnipresent, the almighty creator, the father of gods and men; who ruled
the universe, riding on the clouds, and sending rain and sunshine; in whom
were centred all godlike attributes, of which he imparted a share to the
other gods; and from whom proceeded all beauty, wisdom, strength, and
fruitfulness, the knowledge of agriculture and the arts, the inspirations
of music and song, and all good gifts. He was the giant hunter, who in the
darkest nights rushed through the air on his white charger, clad in a
brown mantle, his white locks streaming from beneath his slouching hat,
followed by a train of wild huntsmen, the horses snorting fire, the
bloodhounds baying, announcing war and carnage, danger and distress, as he
passed along with lightning speed. But he was in a more special way the
god of war, revelling in blood and slaughter, giving courage and victory
to his votaries, and admitting to his Valhalla, or hall of bliss, none but
those who died by the sword.
“Next to him was his son Thor, who rode on the thunder‐cloud and
whirlwind, whose hammer was the thunderbolt, whose arrows were the
lightning flashes, and whose wagon dashed through the heavens with
crashing noise and ungovernable fury.”(283)
Then there was Saxnôt, another son of Woden, who occupied the third place
among the gods. His name is afterwards associated with those of Woden and
Thor in the abjuration of paganism made by those who were converted to
Christianity. He is designated under many different names. He is Eor, or
Are, or Ere, or Cheru, Tyr, Zio, Tuisco, or Tuis. He was the god of war,
fierce and terrible, rushing to battle, at Woden’s side, and bearing down
whole hosts with his mighty sword of iron or stone.
War, blood, and violence, then, were ever, in the minds of the barbarians,
associated with the greatest of those beings whom they worshipped and
admired. The character and the deeds of these gods were the highest and
the noblest they could conceive. To be mighty in battle like them; to
wield their war‐weapon as Thor wielded his huge hammer; to mow down
enemies as Tuisco did with his terrible sword, would be the grand object
of their soul’s desire. We may judge how little there was in their
religious worship to tone down their fierce natures. Everything symbolized
war; their deities were almost all warlike. Even Freyja, the Northern
Venus, was pictured to their imagination as delighting in war. She was
believed to be ever present in the battle‐field, wielding her flaming
sword, with frantic joy, over the heads of their enemies, and ready to
bear off the souls of the slain to Odin’s Valhalla. In that imaginary
Elysium the joys of their fallen heroes were also of a warlike and savage
character. They revelled there in “constantly massacring visionary foes,
and drinking without satiety, out of the skulls of the slain, brimming
ale‐cups presented by lovely Valkyrja.” What shall we expect, then, when
these wild warriors are turned loose upon the Roman Empire?
But is it possible to obtain a further glimpse behind that vast, dark line
of pine‐trees? Can we, by any means, get a glance at the wild indwellers
of the mysterious land beyond? What are those men like whom God has so
long kept hidden there? From time to time they have come forth from their
forest homes and stood on the boundaries of the civilized world, and
rolled their glaring eyes around over the rich empire that was to be their
booty. But that has been, as it were, only for a moment. They have plunged
again into their native darkness. Yet such writers as Apollinaris and
Ammianus Marcellinus have told us something of them. By their aid we can
picture to ourselves what those terrible hosts of avengers will be like,
who will presently come down with such a headlong sweep upon the doomed
empire of Rome.
All that we can imagine savage and terrible and extraordinary in figure
and habit is found in real fact among those barbaric hordes. There are
among them tribes who are small of stature, and thin and brawny, but quick
and fierce as the wild‐cat. There are, too, men of giant height and
strength, who can wield their huge clubs like playthings, and shiver the
hard rock like glass. They have blue, flashing eyes, and bathe their
flaxen hair in lime‐water, and anoint it with the unsavory unguent of
rancid butter. Some of them roam about nude and uncovered as the wild
animals of the forest, proud of their iron necklaces and golden bracelets;
others are partially clothed with the skins of savage beasts, cut and
shaped after the most odd and fantastic fashions. Some give additional
terror to their appearance by wearing helmets made to imitate the muzzles
of ferocious beasts. Plutarch tells us that all the Cimbrian horsemen wore
helmets made in the form of the open jaws and muzzles of all kinds of
strange and savage animals, and surmounted these by plumes shaped like
wings, and of a prodigious height. This gave them the appearance of
monstrous giants. They were armed with cuirasses of most brilliant metal,
and covered with bucklers of uniform whiteness. Some shaved their chins,
and, what must have added much to their hideousness, the back of their
heads, whilst their hair was drawn to the front and hung down over their
eyes like the forelock of a horse. So says Apollinaris,
“Ad front em coma tracta jacet, nudata cervix
Setarum per summa nitet.”(284)
Others, again, allowed their hair to grow, and wore long mustachios and
beard. Their weapons of war were various and strange as their own
appearance. Some fought on foot, wielding with savage fury the huge club,
or crushing mallet, or heavy‐headed hammer; or they did fierce work with
their rude sword, or long javelin with its two points, or double‐edged
hatchet; or they were skilful in the use of the sling or the arrow pointed
with sharp pieces of bone. Others rushed to battle on high war‐steeds
barded with steel, or on small horses, ugly and wretched to look at, but
swift as eagles in their course. If they fought on the level plain, these
barbarians were sometimes scattered over a large space, or they formed
themselves into cuneiform bodies, or they pressed together into compact,
impenetrable masses. If the contest was waged in the forests, they clomb
the trees, which they worshipped, with the agility of monkeys, and there
combated their enemies with wild ferocity, thus borne on the shoulders and
in the arms of their gods. If they were conquerors in the battle, they
abandoned themselves to acts of the most savage cruelty. To illustrate
this we need only think of the tragic deeds that were done amid the swamps
and the wooded hills of the Teutoberger Wald in the latter days of
Augustus. It is sad, indeed, to read in Tacitus and the pages of Dio of
the fate of that noble Roman army over which Varus held command. Yet we
cannot regret to see the well‐concerted rising of the German tribes, under
the splendid military genius of Arnim, to throw off the Roman yoke. We
hold in deepest horror the wrongs, the oppressions of the Romans from the
first ravages of Cæsar to the judicial murders of Varus. We think with
feelings of indignation of the treachery and the bloody cruelty of Cæsar
when the Usipetes and the Teuchteri were all but annihilated on the banks
of the Rhine, and the Roman general rejoiced at his own unprovoked
atrocity. We recall with sorrow all that the barbarians had had to suffer
from their Roman conquerors through succeeding years, and our souls are on
fire at the recollection of it. When, then, we see that the day of
deliverance is at hand, we carrot but rejoice with Arnim and his brother
Adelings at the prospect of future freedom. Our sympathies are with the
Germans, not with their Roman oppressors. Whilst the Romans, then, are
hungry and starved in the long, boggy valley between the sources of the
Ems and the Lippe, and the rain falls in torrents through the cold night,
and the soldiers’ spirits sink as they find themselves hemmed in by the
enemy on all sides, we are, meantime, in imagination and feeling with the
barbarian chiefs holding high festival as they recall the memory of
ancient freedom and the deeds of former days, and we join in the war songs
as they echo among the wild, dreary hills, and swell above the howlings of
the storm. And when the morning breaks ominously and darkly over the
Teutoberger Wald, and the tempest rises higher, and the heavy‐armed Romans
cannot advance, and find it difficult, even, to keep their footing in the
wet and slippery swamp; when we see their bows now useless from the wet,
and their spears and shields no longer glittering in military pride, and
their entire armor and clothing drenched and made too heavy for the poor
benumbed and hunger‐stricken soldiers to bear, we can scarcely feel one
pang of sorrow. On the contrary, our heart leaps with gladness when Arnim
from his watch‐eminence gives the signal, and the trumpets ring out and
the war‐weapons clang, and the terrible Barritum described by Tacitus(285)
is heard rising above the howlings of the storm. We know how that tragic
day ended, and how the evening saw the Roman host covering, with their
dead bodies, the length and breadth of the battle‐field. Never had there
been, in the annals of military warfare, such a terrible massacre of Roman
legions. The news of it seized upon Augustus like a madness, and the old
man, during the short remainder of his life, wandered sad and disconsolate
through the apartments of his palace, sometimes dashing his white head
against the walls, and murmuring, _Quintili Vare, legiones redde!_(286)
But the barbarians were not content with such terrific slaughter as nearly
annihilated the Roman army; their wild ferocity and cruelty showed
themselves in their treatment of the captives. Tacitus in his _Annals_
tells us(287) that in the neighboring woods the barbarians had altars
erected to their gods, and there the surviving Roman tribunes and the
centurions of the first class were offered in sacrifice. Around Varus’s
camp Roman heads were fixed, in cruel mockery, on the trunks and branches
of trees, and in the midst arose a huge mound of Roman bones, left to be
stripped of their flesh by the wild birds of prey, and then to whiten
under that northern sky into a long enduring monument of a great barbarian
victory.
If, on the contrary they were conquered, their fury was boundless, and was
even turned against each other. When Marius overcame the first Cimbrian
league, those who composed it were found on the field of battle bound fast
to each other, so that they could not fall back before the enemy, and thus
were compelled to conquer or die. Their wives were armed with swords or
hatchets, and, shrieking and gnashing their teeth with rage and grief,
they struck both Cimbrians and Romans. They rushed into the thickest of
the fight, snatching with their naked hands at the sharp‐cutting Roman
sabres; they sprang upon the legionaries like tigers, tearing from them
their bucklers, and thus purposely drawing upon themselves their own
destruction. It was a dreadful sight also to witness some of them when the
fortune of the day had turned against them, rushing to and fro with
dishevelled hair, their black dresses all torn and bloody, or to see them
mounted like mad fiends on the chariots, killing their husbands and
brothers, fathers and sons, strangling their new‐born infants and casting
them under the horses’ hoofs, and then plunging the dagger into their own
bosoms.(288)
Some of the barbarians delighted in eating human flesh. Ammianus
Marcellinus gives us a picture in his history which freezes our blood and
haunts us with its horrid memory. He tells us that, after the defeat of
Valens under the walls of Constantinople, a barbarian was seen rushing
among the imperial troops, naked down to his waist, sword in hand, and
uttering a hoarse, lugubrious cry. He sprang with savage fury upon an
enemy whom he had slain, and, applying his lips to his throat, sucked out
his life‐blood with a wild beast’s relish. The Scythians of Europe were
amongst those who showed this same instinct of the weasel and the hyena.
We have the authority of S. Jerome for believing that the Atticoti also
were accustomed to feed on human flesh. When they were wandering about in
the woods of Gaul, and happened to meet herds of swine or other cattle,
they cut off the breasts of the shepherdesses, and large pieces from the
bodies of the shepherds, and ate them as dainty bits.(289) The Alans tore
off the heads of their enemies, and caparisoned their horses with the
skins of their bodies. The Budini and Geloni were accustomed to do much
the same, being particular in reserving their enemies’ heads for
themselves. The appearance of the Geloni was a sickening sight to look
upon. They were accustomed to have their cheeks cut and gashed; and their
proudest distinction was a face all covered with wounds that were scaly,
and livid and crowned with blood‐red crests.
But if there is something terrible in the appearance and customs of the
barbarians whom we have mentioned, it is surpassed by what we are told of
the Huns. We shall not be able to form a true idea of the dreadful
avengers who are to come down out of that Northern gloom, unless we look
for a moment at this most terrible of the barbaric tribes. The Goths
themselves, the stalwart giants of the Scandinavian forests, who knew no
fear of men, could not but be terrified when they first fixed eyes on the
hideous forms of the Huns. Jornandes, the Gothic historian, tells us that
“the livid color of their skin had in it something shocking to the sight;
theirs was not a face, but a deformed mass of flesh, provided, instead of
eyes, with two black sinister spots. Their cruelty wreaked itself even
upon their own new‐born offspring, whose cheeks they lacerated with iron
before they had tasted their mother’s milk; and from this cause no down
graced their chin in youth, no beard gave dignity to their old age.” We
are told by Ammianus that “they looked not like men, but like wild beasts
standing on two legs, as if in mockery of the human species.” They were,
in truth, the wildest and most savage of all the barbarian hordes. They
loved to be free and unrestrained as the wandering blasts of their native
solitudes. They ate and slept on the ground under the open sky. They took
their food raw and uncooked, like the tigers of the forest. No temples of
worship had they; their God was a naked sword fixed in the ground. They
were devoured by an insatiable thirst for gold, which they were ever ready
to procure through blood, and smoke, and wholesale ruin. But the
characteristic of their race was a ferocious delight in cruel massacre,
and they gloried in pillaging, burning, and levelling down to the ground
every monument of civilization that came in their path, till the regions
over which they swept bore a resemblance to their native deserts. The rest
of the barbarians were amazed at their inhumanity, and looked upon them as
fiends under the likeness of men.
But we need say no more. We have caught some few glimpses of what is
behind the dark storm‐cloud, and we can form some idea of the horrors that
are hidden there. Well may men tremble as they look northwards in the Vth
century. Well may Christians think they hear now again, ringing out more
clearly than ever, the warning voice of S. John, and flee to far‐off
hiding‐places. The sinful empire herself feels, at times, as if under the
horrors of a nightmare; in her frightful dreams she thinks she is trampled
upon, and crushed under the feet of fierce, wild men of terrible aspect,
and torn and hacked by their strange weapons of war. As the tempest lowers
over her darker and darker, and threatens to become all‐enveloping in its
wrath, a deep shudder runs through her mighty frame. And well may she
stagger and quake for fear. The reckoning‐day is close at hand, so long
waited for by the holy martyrs of foregone centuries. And a day of
dreadful destruction it will be.
But lo! the hour has already struck. God has given the signal to his
warrior‐hosts. The Goth has given a ringing blast on his horn, and the
German has shouted the first notes of his terrible war‐song, and the pine‐
trees of the Hercynian forest are trembling at the sound. The avengers of
the martyrs and the Christian name are coming, and the whole North is
shaking under their tread. At last the storm‐cloud bursts, and fiery
destruction sweeps down upon the doomed empire of Rome.
New Publications.
IRELAND’S CASE STATED: IN REPLY TO MR. FROUDE. By the Very Rev. T.
N. Burke, O.P. New York: P. M. Haverty. 1873.
Ireland’s case has been stated, argued, vindicated, and, so far as the
verdict of the American people is concerned, adjudicated. Mr. Froude has
given his last scowl and his last growl, and gone back to his own
country—which he has damaged by his foolish escapade—the most badly beaten
man of the present decade. It is rather late in the day to revert to the
topic of F. Burke’s combat with this obstinate champion of bad characters
and bad causes, and we will, therefore, let it pass with these few words.
We are hoping to see soon issued Mr. Haverty’s promised second volume of
F. Burke’s _Discourses and Lectures_, and we once more express our regret
that any should be found so unmindful of propriety and courtesy, to say
the least, as to interfere with F. Burke’s control of the publication of
his own works. The eloquent Dominican preacher may be assured that the
respect and sympathy not only of all Catholic Irishmen, but of all other
Catholics of the United States, will be his while he remains here as our
honored guest, and will follow him when he returns to his native land, or
to his own beloved and imperial Rome.
KEEL AND SADDLE: A RETROSPECT OF FORTY YEARS OF MILITARY AND NAVAL
SERVICE. By Joseph W. Revere. Boston: J. R. Osgood & Co. 1872.
We are so often disgusted, in reading books of entertainment, with a
revelation of positive rascality and impiety, or at least of a want of
high moral and religious principle in the author, that it is a relief to
meet sometimes with a happy disappointment. This is a lively, entertaining
book of varied adventures on field and flood. Yet we always find the
author, when his personality comes into view, not only a bold and brave
soldier, but a gentleman, an honorable man, and a frank, staunch Catholic
Christian, who never obtrudes yet never hides his faith and his principles
of virtue. His views of Spanish affairs strike us as rather defective, and
occasionally there is a narrative concerning persons of depraved morals
which would have been better omitted for the sake of his youthful readers.
The “Golondina” episode in chapter xxiv. relates an adventure whose
lawfulness, we suspect, though perhaps admitted by quarter‐deck theology,
would not stand the test of a strict examination. Sometimes we are at a
loss to discover whether the author intends us to understand his narrative
as historical, or is merely relating a _conte_ for our amusement. In his
own personal adventures and the descriptions he gives of what he has seen,
we discover at once that his narrative is real as well as picturesque. And
it is certainly most interesting. The off‐hand, unstudied, and unaffected
style reveal the character of the true, genuine, frank sailor and soldier;
while at the same time, the refinement of taste and the cultivation of
mind which are manifest throughout give these sketches from the diary of a
long and adventurous life the literary finish which belongs to the work of
a scholar. Notwithstanding certain exceptions we have made, we reiterate
our commendation of the high tone of moral principle, the unaffected
religious reverence, and the generally healthful and invigorating spirit
which pervades the book which the gallant General Revere has given to the
public as the retrospect of his forty years of naval and military service.
HYMNS AND POEMS: ORIGINAL AND TRANSLATED. By Edward Caswall, of
the Oratory. Second Edition. London: Burns, Oates & Co.;
Pickering. 1873. (New York: Sold by The Catholic Publication
Society.)
Father Caswall’s hymns are as well known as Father Faber’s. Indeed, if we
mistake not, many of them are popularly attributed to the departed writer.
In the present volume we have a complete collection of the Breviary hymns,
in the first place. This is especially valuable as the only one in the
language (as far, at least, as we are aware). And the author deserves the
more praise for this labor of love, because of the great difficulty of
rendering the terse, stiff Latin. Then, secondly, we have “Hymns and
Sequences of the Roman Missal”; followed by “Hymns from Various Offices
and other Sources.” Thus the translated portion of the volume is quite
sufficient to make it worth possessing. The execution, too, is very happy,
on the whole. No one who has attempted to translate these hymns himself
will insist overmuch on the absence of phrases commonplace or prosaic.
The second portion of the volume, “Original Hymns and Meditative Pieces,”
also contains much that entitles it to a place in every household. The
devout Catholic, and more especially the convert, will find many things
said for him which have come into his mind, but without his being able to
express them. Moreover, several pieces turn on topics which are generally
supposed themes for the dryest meditation. They are here proved suggestive
of true poetry.
The only fault we have to find with Father Caswall’s verse is the same
that we find with Wordsworth’s: the too frequent sacrifice of poetic
diction and the use of too many long Latin words. But this defect is
unimportant compared with the value of the thoughts and teachings
conveyed, and we fervently thank Father Caswall for his contribution to
our scanty Catholic poetry.
THE POET AT THE BREAKFAST‐TABLE. Boston: James R. Osgood & Co.
1872.
“Once I wrote because my mind was full;
But now I write because I feel it growing dull,”
or,
“I have lived long enough,”
or,
“Poor old man, thou prun’st a rotten tree
That cannot so much as a blossom yield
In lieu of all thy pains and husbandry,”
or some such saw, this Poet at the Breakfast‐table should have affixed to
these four hundred pages of incomparable drivelling.
“I talk half the time,” says the poet, in his opening paragraph, “to find
out my own thoughts, as a schoolboy turns his pockets inside out to see
what is in them.”
And what does the schoolboy find there?
Rusty nails, old shoe‐strings, copper pennies, dead bugs, crumbs of bread,
broken knives, and other trash neither beautiful nor useful. The
similitude is just. The contents of the Poet’s brain are as precious as
those of the boy’s pocket; and if we wish to push the comparison further,
the wares of both are often of doubtful ownership. The only serious thing
in the book is its humor.
“I don’t suppose my comic pieces are very laughable,” writes this poet,
philosopher, sage; “at any rate, the man who makes a business of writing
me down says the last one I wrote is very melancholy reading; and that if
it was only a little better, perhaps some bereaved person might pick out a
line or two that would do to put on a gravestone.” He has a most
infallible instinct for the right comparison; as, for instance: “I love to
talk, as a goose loves to swim. Sometimes I think it is because I _am_ a
goose.” This is the first evidence of intelligent thought in the whole
book. “My book and I,” he informs us, “are pretty much the same thing.
Sometimes I steal from my book in my talk, without mentioning it, and then
I say to myself: ‘Oh! that won’t do; everybody has read my book, and knows
it by heart.’ And then the other _I_ says: You know there are two of us,
right and left, like a pair of shoes! The other _I_ says: ‘You’re
a—something or other—fool.’ ” The other _I_ is evidently a sensible
fellow. “They haven’t read,” continues the other _I_, “your confounded old
book; besides, if they have, they have forgotten all about it.”
Again, the other _I_ says: “What a Balaam’s quadruped you are to tell ’em
it’s in your book; they don’t care whether it is or not, if it’s anything
worth saying; and if it isn’t worth saying, what are you braying for?”
This is the question the reader asks himself all along, as the evidence
that the poet has nothing to say worth the saying becomes more and more
overwhelming. This kind of criticism, we know, is little better than
trifling; but the performance deserves no other treatment, for we candidly
think that a sorrier book could not proceed from a mind untouched.
Why did this Poet, when he meant to write a book, seat himself at the
breakfast‐table? Did he not know that a full stomach does not argue a mind
replete? Had not Shakespeare said long ago that fat paunches have lean
pates, or was he not physician enough to know that the _mens divinior_ is
not to be found in hot rolls and coffee?
We shall conclude with one other brief quotation from the Poet:
“What do you do when you receive a book you don’t want from the author?
said I: ‘Give him a good‐natured adjective or two if I can, and thank him,
and tell him I am lying under a sense of obligation to him. This is as
good an excuse for lying as any, I said.’ ”
As we do not believe there can be an excuse for lying, and as we are
certain that in this case there is no obligation under which to lie, we
cannot give the author “a good‐natured adjective or two”; but we shall
thank him to give us no more such nonsense.
YOUNG AMERICA ABROAD. Second Series: Cross and Crescent; or, Young
America in Turkey and Greece. A Story of Travel and Adventure. By
William T. Adams (Oliver Optic), author of “Outward Bound,”
“Shamrock and Thistle,” “Red Cross,” “Down the Rhine,” etc.
Boston: Lee & Shepard, Publishers. New York: Lee, Shepard &
Dillingham. 1873.
This is the third volume of the second series of _Young America Abroad_,
and, like all the rest of the series, is most instructive and
entertaining.
THE TREASURE OF THE SEAS. By Prof. James De Mille, author of “The
B. O. W. C.,” “The Boys of Grand Pre School,” “Lost in the Fog,”
“Fire in the Woods,” “Among the Brigands,” etc. Illustrated.
Boston: Lee & Shepard, publishers; New York: Lee, Shepard &
Dillingham. 1872.
This is one of the best of the “B. O. W. C. Series,” and will certainly be
a favorite with the boys.
THE POLYTECHNIC: A Collection of Music for Schools, Classes, and
Clubs. Compiled and written by U. C. Burnap and Dr. W. J. Wetmore.
New York: J. W. Schermerhorn & Co.
THE ATHENÆUM: A Collection of Part‐Songs for Ladies’ Voices.
Arranged and written by U. C. Burnap and Dr. W. J. Wetmore. New
York: J. W. Schermerhorn & Co.
The best criticism of both these musical publications is found in the
preface to the first one cited:
“Collections of school music are already sufficiently numerous and bulky,
but too often they are found to contain very little that is available for
the ordinary or the extraordinary occasions of school life.”
HART’S MANUAL OF AMERICAN LITERATURE—A MISTAKE CORRECTED.—Since
writing the brief notice of this really valuable work which
appeared in our December number, we have observed a very serious
misstatement in it respecting a distinguished convert to the
Catholic faith, the late Dr. Ives, formerly Protestant Bishop of
North Carolina. Prof. Hart states that he _returned to the
Episcopal Church_. He never dreamed of such an act of superlative
folly. He died, as he had lived, a most fervent and devout
Catholic, we might almost say—a _saint_, and was buried with all
the rites and all the honors of solemn obsequies in St. Patrick’s
Cathedral, New York. Prof. Hart, who always endeavors to be fair,
and whose notices of Catholic writers are marked by their
courtesy, would never have made this incorrect statement unless he
had been misled by some false information, and we rely on his
rectifying it in his next edition.
The following circular has been sent to us, and we publish it
because we think there is nothing more hostile to such nefarious
projects than free and early ventilation. Why does not Mr. _Abbot_
renounce his popish name, in his zeal to abolish every vestige of
Christianity? Our readers will not fail to see how apposite an
illustration this document furnishes of some of the remarks in our
first article. We have also received an article from the
_Cincinnati Gazette_ advocating the persecution of Catholics in
this country, with a trenchant reply by F. Callaghan.
(_From_ THE INDEX, _January 4, 1873_.)
Organize!
Liberals Of America,
The hour for action has arrived. The cause of freedom calls upon
us to combine our strength, our zeal, our efforts. These are
The Demands Of Liberalism.
1. We demand that churches and other ecclesiastical property shall
no longer be exempted from just taxation.
2. We demand that the employment of chaplains in Congress, in
state legislatures, in the navy and militia, and in prisons,
asylums, and all other institutions supported by public money,
shall be discontinued.
3. We demand that all public appropriations for sectarian,
educational, and charitable institutions shall cease.
4. We demand that all religious services now sustained by the
government shall be abolished; and especially that the use of the
Bible in the public schools, whether ostensibly as a textbook or
avowedly as a book of religious worship, shall be prohibited.
5. We demand that the appointment, by the President of the United
States or by the Governors of the various states, of all religious
festivals and feasts, shall wholly cease.
6. We demand that the judicial oath in the courts and in all other
departments of the government shall be abolished, and that simple
affirmation under pains and penalties of perjury shall be
established in its stead.
7. We demand that all laws directly or indirectly enforcing the
observance of Sunday as the Sabbath shall be repealed.
8. We demand that all laws looking to the enforcement of
“Christian” morality shall be abrogated, and that all laws shall
be conformed to the requirements of natural morality, equal
rights, and impartial liberty.
9. We demand that not only in the constitutions of the United
States and of the several States, but also in the practical
administration of the same, no privileges or advantage shall be
conceded to Christianity or any other special religion; that our
entire political system shall be founded and administered on a
purely secular basis; and that whatever changes shall prove
necessary to this end shall be consistently, unflinchingly, and
promptly made.
Liberals! I pledge to you my undivided sympathies and most
vigorous co‐operation, both in _The Index_ and out of it, in this
work of local and national organization. Let us begin at once to
lay the foundations of a great national party of freedom, which
shall demand the entire secularization of our municipal, state,
and national government.
Let us boldly and with high purpose meet the duty of the hour.
Rouse, then, to the great work of freeing America from the
usurpations of the church! Make this continent from ocean to ocean
sacred to human liberty! Prove that you are worthy descendants of
those whose wisdom and patriotism gave us a constitution untainted
with superstition! Shake off your slumbers, and break the chains
to which you have too long tamely submitted.
FRANCIS E. ABBOT.
TOLEDO, OHIO, Jan. 1, 1873.
Liberals Of New York,
Shall the coming “National Association to secure a Religious
Amendment to the United States Constitution,” to be held in New
York in February, find us unorganized for resistance? Let us at
once form a “Liberal League,” in which we may arrange a campaign
offensive and defensive for our liberties. Send me at once the
addresses of those who sympathize with us, that a meeting may be
called at an early day: remember that “he who is not for me is
against me,” and that our liberties are threatened.
E. F. DINSMORE,
36 Dey Street, New York,
Agent of _The Index_.
[Transcriber’s Note: Obvious printer’s errors have been corrected.]
FOOTNOTES
1 Alfred de Musset.
2 _The Life and Labors of S. Thomas of Aquin._ By the Very Rev. Roger
Bede Vaughan, O.S.B., Cathedral‐Prior of S. Michael’s, Hereford. 2
vols. London: Longmans; Hereford: James Hull. 1871‐2.
3 Proverbs vi., vii.
4 _Adv. Prax._, c. 2.
5 Bishop Wilson, _Sacra Privata_.
6 _Homil._, in S. Ignat., vii. p. 593.
7 Οὐχ ὡς Πέτρος καὶ Παῦλος διατάσσομαι ὑμῖν· ἐκεῖνοι Ἀπόστολος Ἰησοῦ
Χριστοῦ, ἐγὼ δὲ ἐλάχιστος.
8 Κλήμης ἐν ἕκτῳ των Ὑποτυπώσεων παρατέθειται την ἱστορίαν·
συνεπιμαρτυρει δὲ αυτῷ καὶ ὁ ἱεραπολίτης ἐπίσκοπος ὀνόματι Παπίας.
Τοῦ δὲ Μάρκου μνημονεύειν τὸν Πέτρον ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ ἐπιστολῇ, ἦν καὶ
συντάξαι φασὶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆςς Ῥώμης· σημαίνειν τε τοῦτο αὐτὸν τὴν πόλιν
τροπεκώτερον Β βυλῶνα προσειπόντα, διὰ τούτων· Λοπαζεται ὑμᾶς,
κ.τ.λ.
9 Eusebius’ _Eccl. Hist._, l. 2, c. 25.
10 Τοῦ Πέτρου καὶ τοῦ Παύλου εν Ρώμηλ εὐαγγελιζομένων καὶ θεμελιούντων
τὴν ἑκκλησιαν.—_Eusebius_, l. 5, c. 8; also, S. Irenæus, _Adv.
Hæreses_, l. 3, c. 3.
11 Ἐγω δε τα τρόπαια των Ἀποστόλων ἔχω δεῖζαι, κ.τ.λ.—_Eusebius_, l. 2,
c. 25.
12 _Eusebius_, l. 3, c. 1.
13 “Edant ergo origines ecclesiarum suarum; evolvant ordinem
episcoporum suorum, ita per successiones ab initio decurrentem, ut
primus ille episcopus aliquem ex apostolis, vel apostolicis viris,
qui tamen cum apostolis perseveraverit, habuerit auctorem et
antecessorem. Hoc enim modo ecclesiæ apostolicæ census suos
deferunt: sicut Smyrnæorum Ecclesia Polycarpum ab Joanne collocatum
refert; sicut Romanorum, Clementum a Petro ordinatum
itidem.”—_Tertulliani_, _De Præscriptione Hæreticorum_, c. 32.
14 “Si autem Italiæ adjaces, habes Romam, unde nobis quoque auctoritas
præsto est. Ista quam felix ecclesia, cui totam doctrinam apostoli
cum sanguine quo profuderunt! ubi Petrus passioni Dominicæ
adæquatur; ubi Paulus Joannis exitu coronatur.”—_Tertulliani_, _De
Præscriptione Hæreticorum_, c. 36.
15 “Videamus quod lac a Paulo Corinthii hauserint; ad quam regulam
Galatæ sint recorrecti; quid legant Philippenses, Thessalonicenses,
Ephesii; quid etiam Romani de proximo sonent, quibus evangelium et
Petrus et Paulus sanguine quoque suo signatum
reliquerunt.”—_Tertulliani_, _Adv. Marcionem_, l. 4, c. 5.
16 1 _S. Peter_ v. 13: “The church that is at Babylon, elected together
with you, saluteth you; and so doth Marcus, my son.”
17 _S. John_ xxi. 18: “Verily, verily I say unto thee, when thou wast
young, thou girdedst thyself, and walkedst whither thou wouldst: but
when thou shalt be old, thou shalt stretch forth thy hands, and
another shall gird thee, and carry thee whither thou wouldst not.”
Also, 2 _S. Peter_ i. 14: “Knowing that shortly I must put off this
my tabernacle, even as our Lord Jesus Christ hath showed me.”
18 “Seven Roman cities strove for Homer dead
Through which the living Homer begged his bread.”
19 “Veteres omnes in errorem abrepti sunt.”
20 _Instit._, l. 4, c. 6, n. 15.
21 “De Babylone dissident veteres et novi interpretes. Veteres Romam
interpretantur, ubi Petrum fuisse nemo verus Christianus dubitavit:
novi, Babylonem in Chaldea. Ego veteribus assentior.”
22 Prof. Stuart, Andover _Biblical Repository_, Jan., 1833, vol. iii.
p. 153.
23 _Lectures on Ecclesiastical History._
24 _Introduction to the Study of the Holy Scriptures_, vol. ii. p. 361.
25 _A New Literal Translation, from the Original Greek, of all the
Apostolic Epistles; with a Commentary and Notes._
26 Prior Vaughan, _S. Thomas of Aquin_, i. 464.
27 _S. Thomas of Aquin_, Introduction.
28 _Christian Schools and Scholars_, ii. 20, 21.
29 _S. Thomas of Aquin_, i. 369.
30 _Christian Schools and Scholars_, ii. 325.
31 _Ibid._
32 _Christian Schools and Scholars_, i. 9‐11.
33 _S. Thomas of Aquin_, i. 134.
34 Montalembert, _Monks of the West_, i. Edin. ed.
35 _Monks of the West._
36 _Ibid._
37 _Monks of the West._
38 _Christian Schools and Scholars_, ii. 426.
39 _Monks of the West_, ii.
40 _Christian Schools and Scholars_, i.
41 _Ibid._
42 _Ibid._
43 _Christian Schools and Scholars._
44 _Christian Schools and Scholars_, i.
45 Montalembert’s _Monks of the West_, iii. 195, 197.
46 _Monks of the West._
47 _Monks of the West._
48 _Monks of the West._
49 _Monks of the West._
50 _Ibid._
51 _Christian Schools and Scholars._
52 _Christian Schools and Scholars._
53 _Ibid._
54 _Christian Schools and Scholars._
55 _Christian Schools and Scholars._
56 _Ibid._
57 _Ibid._
58 _Christian Schools and Scholars._
59 _Monks of the West._
60 _Gladstone._
61 _Christian Schools and Scholars._
62 _Monks of the West._
63 _Monks of the West._
64 _S. Thomas of Aquin._
65 _Christian Schools and Scholars._
66 “All the more reason.”
67 Term for the peasants and workingmen.
68 “Go, my son, there are now no Pyrenees.”
69 The queen’s bed‐chamber.
70 The king’s bed‐chamber.
71 “I am the state!”
72 “An instant more, and I should have had to wait!”
73 “The king is dead, long live the king.”
74 The Duchesse de Polignac.
75 Louis only knew how to love and to forgive; had he known how to
punish, he would have known how to reign.
76 Bancroft.
77 Bancroft.
78 Shea.
79 Lake George.
80 Caughnawaga.
81 _Christian Schools and Scholars_, i. 327.
82 _Ibid._
83 _Ibid._
84 _Christian Schools and Scholars._
85 _Life of S. Thomas of Aquin._
86 _S. Thomas of Aquin._
87 _Ibid._
88 _S. Thomas of Aquin._
89 _Christian Schools and Scholars._
90 _Ibid._
91 _Christian Schools and Scholars._
92 _Ibid._
93 _Christian Schools and Scholars_, ii. 370.
94 See _S. Thomas of Aquin_, i. 42.
95 Montalembert, _Monks of the West_, v. 159.
96 _Ibid._, v. 97.
97 _Christian Schools and Scholars._
98 _Ibid._
99 _Christian Schools and Scholars._
100 For all these and the following details, see _Christian Schools and
Scholars_.
101 _Christian Schools and Scholars._
102 _Ibid._
103 _The Condition of the Catholics under James I. Father Gerard’s
Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot._ Edited, with his Life, by John
Morris, Priest of the Society of Jesus. London: Longmans, Green &
Co. 1871. New York: Sold by The Catholic Publication Society.
_Her Majesty’s Tower._ By William Hepworth Dixon. Second series.
Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co. 1869. Reprinted.
104 “The great house then rising at Charing Cross was said, in reference
to these gifts, to be plated with King Philip’s gold. Much of Don
Juan’s money passed in Cecil’s pocket.... Northampton and Suffolk
also obtained the most princely sums.”—_Her Majesty’s Tower_, pp.
59, 60.
105 _History of England_, ix. 36.
106 _Statutes of Elizabeth_, chap. i., v., xiii., xxi., xxiii., xxvii.,
xxviii., xxix., xxxv.
107 _The Life of Father John Gerard_, xcvii.‐ix.
108 Fifth Examination of Fawkes, November 9th and 10th, _State Paper
Office_, No. 54.
109 _Life of Father John Gerard_, p. clxxviii.
110 Page 221.
111 _A Narrative, etc._, pp. 76‐77.
112 Told to the writer as a fact.
113 This incident is authentic, and occurred at No. 13 Rue Royale.
114 _The Life and Labors of S. Thomas of Aquin._ By the Very Rev. Roger
Bede Vaughan, O.S.B. 2 vols. London: Longmans; Hereford: James Hull.
1871‐2.
115 xiv. 15, 16.
116 “Stop, traveller.”
117 “Behold, traveller.”
118 “Farewell,” or “Hail, for ever.”
119 _Sit tibi terra levis._
120 _Locus_, _loculus_.
121 Matt. xii. 32.
122 1 Cor. iii. 13, 15.
123 1 Pet.
124 Apocalypse xxi. 27.
125 2 Mach. xii. 43‐46.
126 xvi. 14.
127 xxxv. 19, 20.
128 2 Chron. xxi. 19.
129 “_Les morts ne sont pas les oubliés: ils ne sont que les absents._”
130 Sismondi, _His. Ital. Rep._
131 See CATHOLIC WORLD, vol. xiii., No. 73, April, 1871, p. 1.
132 _The Following of Christ_, b. iii. chap. v.
133 _Following of Christ_, b. iii. chap. v.
134 The Marquisate or March of Ancona was then governed by Charles of
Valois, who held Naples.
135 That is, in the territory of Padua, founded, as the student will
remember, by the Trojan Antenor, whose tomb is shown in Padua to
this day.
136 That is to say, the hermitage of the Camaldolites in Milton’s
Vall’ombrosa.
137 _Oriental and Linguistic Studies. The Veda; The Avesta; The Science
of Language_. By William Dwight Whitney, Prof. of Sanskrit and
Comparative Philology at Yale College. One vol. 8vo, 416 pp. New
York: Scribner, Armstrong & Co. 1873.
138 _Oriental and Linguistic Studies. The Veda; The Avesta; The Science
of Language_. By William Dwight Whitney, Prof. of Sanskrit and
Comparative Philology at Yale College. One vol. 8vo, 416 pp. New
York: Scribner, Armstrong & Co. 1873.
139 Title of the work given at head of this article.
140 Still stronger in the original: “Vielleicht ist noch kein Europäer
so tief in diese Sprache eingedrungen als er.”—_Mithridates_, vol.
i. p. 134.
141 Sidnarubam seu Grammatica Samscrdamica, cui accedit dissertatio
historico‐critica in linguam Samscrdamicam, vulgo Samscret dictam,
in qua hujus linguæ existentia, origo, exarati critice recensentur,
et simul aliquæ antiquissimæ gentilium orationes liturgicæ paucis
attinguntur et explicantur autore Paulino a S. Bartolomæo. Romæ,
1790.
142 _Catalogo de las Lenguas de las Naciones conocidas._ Madrid,
1800‐1805. Six large 8vo volumes.
143 These lectures, printed in book‐form at London, were soon after
first published in the United States by the Presbyterian College of
Andover.
144 “Wouldst thou the young year’s blossoms and the fruits of its
decline,
And all by which the soul is charmed, enraptured, feasted, fed,
Wouldst thou the earth and heaven itself in one sole name combine?
I name thee, O Sakuntula, and all at once is said.”
145 _L’Aryanisme, et de la trop grande part qu’on a faite à son
influence, etc._
146 How such information could have been had from the _Fasti Consulares_
is difficult to say; the suppression was probably a _lapsus memoriæ_
for Josephus Flavius. The date of S. Paul’s coming to Rome is too
uncertain to be fixed at 61, yet we accept this year on the
authority of those who put it forward in the discussion.
147 See _Op. S. Irenæi_, Ed. Cong. S. Mauri, Ven. an. 1734.
148 _De Viris Illustribus_, c. i.
149 _Ap. Eusebium_, H. E. lib. iii. c. i.
150 _Via Appia da Porta Capena a Boville._ Descritta dal Commendatore L.
Canina. 2 vols. Roma. 1853.
151 _La Roma Sotterranea Christiana._ Descritta ed illustrat dal Cav. G.
B. de Rossi. Roma. 1864.
152 _Defense de l’Esprit des Lois_, 3e partie.
153 Aringhi, _Roma Subterr._ lib. iii. c. 2.
154 _Ner._ 48.
155 _Pro Cluent._ 13.
156 _I cimeteri sotteranei di Roma sono stati scavati dai cristiani
fossari tranne pochissime eccezioni, le quali importanti per la
storia, nell’ampiezza però della sotteranea escavazione scompajono;
e possono veramente dirsi quello, che i matematici appellano una
quantitià infinitesima e da non essere tenuta a calcolo._—App. p.
39.
157 Psalm xxiii.
158 S. John x. 14‐16.
159 _O præclarum diem, cum ad illud divinum animorum concilium cœtumque
proficiscar, cumque ex hac turba et colluvione discedam! Proficiscar
enim, non ad eos solum viros, de quibus ante dixi, sed etiam ad
Catonem meum._—_De Senectute_, 25.
160 Coleridge’s _Piccolomini_, scene iv.
161 xii. 40.
162 Newman’s _Church of the Fathers_, Introduction.
163 Jonas iv. 2.
164 S. Augustine says:—“Love the men, destroy the errors: be bold
without pride in the maintenance of truth; strive for the truth
without harshness; pray for those whom you rebuke and
confound.”—_Contra lit. Petiliani_, l. i.
165 xx. 23.
166 Romans vi. 3, 4.
167 S. Augustine, _Serm._ 296, p. 1195, tom. v.
168 Tertullian, _Scorpiace_, p. 628.
169 1 Epist. iii. 2.
170 Am. ed. p. 82.
171 _An Eirenicon_, Eng. ed., p. 101.
172 “If there be one writer in the Anglican Church who has discovered a
deep, tender, loyal devotion to the Blessed Mary, it is the author
of _The Christian Year_. The image of the Virgin and Child seems to
be the one vision upon which both his heart and intellect have been
formed; and those who knew Oxford twenty or thirty years ago say
that, while other college rooms were ornamented with pictures of
Napoleon on horseback, or Apollo and the Graces, or Heads of Houses
lounging in their easy‐chairs, there was one man—a young and rising
one—in whose rooms, instead of these, might be seen the Madonna di
Sisto or Domenichino’s S. John—fit augury of him who was in the
event to do so much for the revival of Catholicism.”—Newman’s
_Essays_, vol. ii. p. 453.
173 _Memoir of Keble._ By Sir J. T. Coleridge, Eng. ed., p. 305.
174 Dr. Nevin, one of the leaders of religious thought in the German
Reformed communion, of which the _Mercersburg Review_ is the organ,
has said: “The man cannot be right at heart in regard to the faith
of the Incarnation, whose tongue falters in pronouncing Mary Mother
of God!”
175 _A Letter to Dr. Pusey on his recent Eirenicon_, p. 59.
176 The late Dr. Faber, when an Anglican, said: “Thus I hold it pious to
believe that in pagan times many a wandering beam, many a pitying
angel, many a rent in heaven, many a significant portent, many an
overflow of the appointed channels of grace, were vouchsafed,
whereon a poor glimmering faith might feed, and grow, not wholly of
itself, into a feeble yet steady light, acceptable for his sake who
sent such faith its food.”—_Foreign Churches and Peoples_, p. 535.
177 Horace, _De Arte Poetica_, 391.
178 Keble’s _Christian Year_—Easter Eve.
179 Lib. iv. c. 4.
180 _A Hist. de l’Art._
181 Page 36.
182 Page 30.
183 The scourge used by one of the executioners at the pillar was
amongst the number, and is now to be seen in the cathedral of
Aachen. It is composed of narrow leathern thongs, terminated by an
iron point, the whitish color of the leather bearing manifest stains
of the precious blood that bespattered it. Constantine’s signet, the
eagle and ciphers, is distinctly visible on the time‐worn, faded
seal, that looks like a sort of hard chalk. The reliquary is a
crystal vase, encased in gold and gems.
184 It is not within the limits of this sketch to follow the “Saint
Suaire” through its subsequent translations, but it may interest
such of our readers as are not acquainted with the fact, that it is
now at Aix‐la‐Chapelle, where _every seven years_ it is opened by
the chief prelates of Catholic Germany, and in the presence of
princes and bishops exposed to the veneration of the faithful for
three days, the church bells ringing all the time, and the cathedral
crowded day and night.
185 _The Russian Clergy._ Translated from the French of Father Gagarin,
S.J. By Ch. Du Gard Makepeace, M.A. London: Burns & Oates. 1872.
(New York: Sold by The Catholic Publication Society.)
186 “L’ouvrage s’ouvre par une introduction majestueuse sur le treizième
siècle.”
187 _Memoir of Count De Montalembert, Peer of France, Deputy for the
Department of Doubs._ A Chapter of recent French History. By Mrs.
Oliphant, author of _The Life of Edward Irving_, _S. Francis of
Assisi_, etc. In two volumes. William Blackwood & Sons, Edinburgh
and London. 1872.
188 The Anitchkoff Palace, on the Nevskoi Prospekt.
189 In 1859, _Le Second Empire_; in 1860, _La France, l’Autriche et
l’Angleterre_; in 1865, _France et l’Allemagne_.
190 _Particularism_ here means the tendency and policy on the part of
Bavaria and the Southern States of Germany to resist absorption of
their autonomy in certain matters by Prussia.—_Translator._
191 The town where Henry IV., of Germany, performed a penance imposed by
Pope Gregory VII.—_Trans._
192 In the work, published in 1865, which procured me the honor of being
made the subject of a parliamentary debate, I had dwelt upon the
two‐fold danger to be feared, whether from an alliance which might
reopen the Belgian question, or from a war on our frontiers, it
might be, on our invaded territory. I advised appeasing our
political discords, the better to resist this double peril. This
sums up in a few words the purport of my pamphlet.
My adversaries in the tribune and in the press denied the existence
of these dangers which they asserted were merely imaginary; they
charged me with having got up a sham Belgian question, and with
having, in that way, spread the knowledge of it abroad.
“With what have I charged the Honorable M. de Champs?” said M.
Dolez. “It is with having pretended that our nationality was
environed by perils, and that a Belgian question was on foot in
which our independence might be taken away from us.”
M. Frère‐Orban ridiculed in a pleasant way my forebodings. He said
that I was “a lookout man who, in his tower, descries that which no
one else can possibly see, ... who imagines that he has discovered
that which nobody had seen before. To‐day,” he added, “when there is
_nothing, absolutely nothing_, of a nature to cause uneasiness to
the country, we are told, in consequence of a party scheme: Let us
hold our tongues and appease our discords. The liberal party must,
in order to save Belgium from a _danger which does not exist_, cease
resisting the pretensions of the clerical party.”
Well, what does M. Frère‐Orban think now? While he, as minister, was
uttering in the tribune the above quieting and optimist statements,
M. Benedetti had entered with M. von Bismarck into a parley, the
subject of which was the Belgian question. This was the diplomatic
peril. The other peril has been clearly revealed to us after Sedan.
General de Wimpfen has stated to General Chazal that the question of
invading or not the territory of Belgium had been earnestly
discussed at Sedan. This would have been bringing the war on our
violated soil.
193 Priests and religious, men and women, numbering together 1,909, have
given corporeal and spiritual attendance to 21,000 sick and wounded,
and this only out of love for God and their neighbor.
194 Referring to the very bitter attack on the definition of
infallibility and the doings of the council which appeared about
that time in pamphlet form from a writer under the _nom de plume_ of
Janus.—_Translator._
195 The bien‐aimé of the Almanac is no more the bien‐aimé of France,
He does everything ab hoc and ab hac, puts all in the same sack,
Justice and finance, this bien‐aimé of the Almanac, etc., etc.
196 Zamore was a negro who repaid by the basest treachery the favors
lavished on him by Madame du Barry; he was the immediate cause of
her execution, having betrayed her hiding‐place to the convention.
She is the only woman of that period who died like a coward,
struggling to the last.
197 “Let our hearts be light and gay,
Glory’s hour is here to‐day;
The blood‐red blade is raised on high,
We conquer when we die—
Rally to victory.
’Neath the flag of a dying God!
We tread the path he trod;
We run, we fly
To glory nigh.
Behold our ardor rise,
Our hearts are in the skies,
Arise, arise!
The scaffold mount—and God’s the victory.”
198 Blue is the color of knowledge.
199 _Der liebe Gott_, the received formula in Germany, as the “good
God,” _le bon Dieu_, in French, and Almighty God in English.
200 Exod. xv. 11.
201 Matt. vi. 33.
202 Eccl. xx. 9.
203 Lam. iii. 31.
204 Is. xxix. 18.
205 Matt. v. 10.
206 Rom. xi. 33.
207 Ps. xlii. 1.
208 Baruch v. 6.
209 The Arno, Chiana, and Mugnone.
210 London _Times_, Feb. 3.
211 As was shown in THE CATHOLIC WORLD last month, excommunication is
not only recognized by the law in the case of Protestant
excommunicators, but has been sanctioned and confirmed by law, on an
actual case being brought into court. Of course we shall be met by
the objection that the formal declaration of Papal Infallibility has
altered the connection between the Catholic Church and the state.
Unfortunately for this easy method of explaining away difficult
matters, excommunication has not been a whit altered in force,
relation, or form from the days of the Apostles to Pius IX.
212 In proof of which read the declaration of Count Andrássy to the
Austrian Parliament that, notwithstanding the friendly assurances
with which the three emperors parted at the breaking up of their
recent conference at Berlin, he could not guarantee peace even up to
Christmas. Observe also the significant rearming of all the great
European powers and the recent order from Berlin of 3,000,000 rifles
of a new pattern.
213 Witness Bavaria’s remonstrance, which was disregarded, at the sudden
imposition of the severe military code of Prussian service without
allowing it time to recover. As a more recent comment on that, read
the very able and interesting letters which appeared in the _New
York Herald_, Nov. 22, on the European situation, a short extract
from which, of a Bavarian view on German unity, we give: “Germany
accepts it, because it in some respects realizes the German dream of
unity. That, of course, every German wants. But no one wants a
united despotism, a military code that turns the whole nation into a
camp, and takes half a million able‐bodied men away from the farms
and industrious callings. We want a Germany for the good of the
fatherland, not for the glory of a little upstart Prussian prince
whose name is not much older than the Bonapartes’ crown.”
214 “Desine fata deûm flecti sperare precando.”—_Virg. Æn._ vi. 376.
215 In Germany.
216 “Divorce Legislation in Connecticut,” and “The Indissolubility of
Christian Marriage.”
217 For this and the following references, see Rohrbacher’s _Histoire
Universelle de l’Eglise Catholique_. This work is so comprehensive,
and so full of the most learned and accurate researches, that we
have relied entirely upon its lengthened narratives for the facts
mentioned in this article. The work is excessively voluminous (28
vols 8vo), and to verify personally each separate reference given by
the author would be almost impossible, besides being a very tedious
undertaking. We have preferred, therefore, to rely upon the single
authority of one who is confessedly the best modern church
historian.
218 _History of the Reformation._
219 E. Dally.
220 “It is an error to suppose that the Catholic faith limits the
existence of man to about six thousand years. The church has never
decided this delicate question, and this abstention is full of
wisdom. Nothing positive, in fact, has been revealed to us on this
point. The various chronological systems are the work of man; they
rest on bases often hypothetical. Nevertheless, we cannot admit even
the possibility of the arbitrary theories of several distinguished
geologists who date the appearance of man on the earth twenty and
even thirty millions of years back. Good‐sense alone should incline
one to be moderate on this point.”—Mgr. Meignan, _Le Monde et
l’Homme primitif_, chap. vi.
221 _L’Homme pendant les Ages de la Pierre dans les Environs de Dinant‐
sur‐Meuse._ 2e édition. Bruxelles: Muquardt. 1872.
222 This is true, at most, of the formations previous to the quaternary
deposits; in the latter, the synchronism of the fauna becomes wholly
uncertain, and only founds the emigration or disappearance of
certain species of animals on inductions that have a hypothetical
basis. As to their emigration, we have had too many instances in the
historic period, as M. Chabas justly observes, to make us regard
that necessarily the index of vast chronological intervals. Where
are the elephants that abounded in Mauretania Tingitana, according
to Solinus’ _Polyhistor_; the hippopotami of Lower Egypt, the boas
of Calabria, the lions, aurochs, and bears of Macedonia, the beaver,
etc.? In the XVIIth century of our era, the stag, roebuck, wild
boar, wolf, and bear still formed a part of the fauna of the
Cevennes. The reindeer lived in the Black Forest in the time of
Cæsar, who describes this animal from hearsay, but characterizes it
sufficiently by the peculiarity of the male and female having the
same kind of horns. M. Lartet is also inclined to the opinion that
_the age of the reindeer is perhaps not so ancient as was once
supposed_. The mammoth is no longer found alive, but has been
discovered with its flesh and skin still remaining, embedded in ice,
and affording nourishment to dogs and other animals. Struck with
this preservation, M. d’Orbigny expresses a doubt as to the
antiquity of the mammoth. He thinks it may have existed five or six
thousand years ago, and believes it may still live in some
unexplored locality. At least, it lived in America till a
comparatively recent period. Its remains, and those of the mastodon,
have been found in the auriferous deposits of California, among
remarkable traces of human labor. At the Congress of Copenhagen, M.
Schaffhausen expressed the opinion that the lost species should
rather be regarded of a more recent date than that the antiquity of
man should be extended to hundreds of thousands of years. As to the
wretchedness and inferiority evident from the primitive pursuits of
man and the conformity of his organs, the enemies of Christianity
triumph over the discovery. We believe with Mgr. Meignan that “a
proof of the authenticity of the Bible has been lightly transformed
into an objection against it. The revolt and disobedience of man
explain the wretched state in which he at first lived; and the
hardships he underwent during the period he inhabited caverns and
lacustrine dwellings prove to all who believe in the goodness of God
that a great crime must have armed His justice.”
223 “In the year of the Nativity of our Lord 710, the sixth day of the
month of December, under the reign of Eudes, most pious King of the
French, during the ravages of the perfidious Saracen nation, the
body of the most dear and venerable Marie Madeleine was secretly and
by night transferred from its alabaster sepulchre into the present
one, which is of marble, and whence the body of Sidonius has been
withdrawn, in order that the other may be better concealed and be
beyond the reach of the above‐named perfidious nation.”
224 Seven years later, when the head was taken to Rome by Charles,
Boniface VIII. sent to S. John of Lateran for a relic which had long
been venerated there as the maxillar bone of Magdalen; on adjusting
it to the broken part, it fitted in so exactly as to leave no doubt
as to where it had originally been taken from.
225 Shea.
226 See the narrative and map in Shea’s _History of the Discovery and
Exploration of the Mississippi_.
227 Pronounced Ac‐o‐ma—the accent on the first syllable.
228 “This way, gentlemen.”
229 Red pepper; _chile verde_, green pepper.
230 This estimate, which was considered as too high by some of the
clergymen present, is given only as conjectural. It is based on the
census of 1870, according to which there are in the state, in round
numbers, 203,000 persons of foreign parentage at least on one side,
of whom 113,000 are foreign‐born. It would seem probable that we
might allow out of this number 83,000 foreign‐born and 67,000
native‐born Catholics. It is certain, from other evidence, that the
number is over 100,000, and, whatever the correct number may be,
nine‐twentieths is very near the proportion of the native‐born to
the whole number. The entire population of the state is 537,000.
Nearly two‐fifths of the whole are, therefore, of foreign parentage.
231 Eugénie de la Ferronnays.
232 “The Church the Champion of Marriage,” CATHOLIC WORLD, February,
1873.
233 Deut. xxi 16, 17.
234 Gen. xxiv. 39, 57, 58.
235 Numb. xxvii. 8; xxxvi. 3, 8.
236 S. John i. 13.
237 Jeremy Taylor’s “On the Marriage Ring,” besides many modern ones,
especially by the Rev. Dr. Morgan Dix, New York.
238 Matt. vii. 21.
239 Matt. xxii. 29, 30; Mark xii. 24, 25.
240 _Considérations sur la France_, chapter x. _et alibi passim_.
241 M. de Maistre is sometimes quoted as taking a different view; for
example, in an article in the _Correspondant_ for Nov. 10, Joseph de
Maistre declared revolution an epoch and not an event. But this by
no means signifies that the illustrious publicist meant that
revolution was about to prevail. He says: “The French Revolution is
an important epoch, and its manifold consequences will be felt far
beyond the time of its outbreak and the limits of its original
sphere.... If there is not a moral revolution throughout Europe, if
the religious spirit is not strengthened in this part of the world,
the bonds of society will dissolve.” The clergy of France, in
particular, are called to “the essential work” of reacting against
the influence of the _Goddess of Reason_. See _Considérations sur la
France_, chap. ii.
242 _Etudes sur l’Italie contemporaine_, and _Notes d’un Voyageur_.
_Première Etude_, June, 1871; _Seconde Etude_, July, 1872. Paris:
Amyot.
243 _Première Etude_, p. 3.
244 “Except the _Univers_, which has a correspondent at Rome, and keeps
up constant communications with that city in other ways, and, on the
other side, the _Journal des Débats_, which is supplied with
information by the Italian government, and, as we have been assured,
receives a handsome subsidy for the patronage accorded, most of the
French papers have no other source of supplying their readers with
news than the conjectures, more or less unreliable, of the Havas
agency, a _succursale_, as to what concerns Italy, of the Stefani
agency at Florence. It is supposed, however, that nothing is easier
than to obtain information about a country at our very doors.”—M.
Ed. Dulaurier, member of the Institute, “Impressions et Souvenirs de
Rome,” in the _Gazette du Languedoc_ for Sept. 19. I take the
liberty of recommending to M. Dulaurier, and all who wish to know
the state of affairs in Italy, the valuable _Correspondance de
Genève_. The _Journal_ of Florence, recently combined with the
_Cattolica_ of Rome, affords instructive reading. Besides
information peculiar to itself, this paper reproduces in each number
interesting extracts from various Italian journals.
245 “The French, under Napoleon I., introduced the idea of
centralization into Italy and the code of the Revolution which the
restored princes had the want of foresight to retain. The old
municipalities were destroyed, and never recovered their former
independence even in the States of the Church. Piedmont, of all the
states of the Peninsula, was the longest under the poisonous
influence of foreign ideas. Hence it became the centre of the
Revolution.”—_Quel est l’Avenir de l’Europe?_ pages 40‐41. Geneva:
Grosset, 1871. The author of this remarkable work is of the school
of the Count de Maistre, and worthy of his master.
246 _Première Etude_, pp. 6, 12, 13, 15; _Seconde Etude_, pp. 4, 10, 11.
247 _Première Etude_, p. 10.
248 _Journal d’un Diplomate en Italie._—See the _Etudes_ for July, 1872.
249 _Journal d’un Diplomate en Italie_, pp. 305, 306.
250 _Journal d’un Diplomate en Italie_, pp. 116, 117.
251 _Les Diplomates Français sous Napoléon III._, by B. d’Agreval.
Paris: Dentu. 1872. A work we recommend to all publicists who wish
to add to their knowledge.
252 _Première Etude_, p. 10.
253 _Première Etude_, pp. 5, 10, 11; _Seconde Etude_, p. 4.
254 _Première Etude_, p. 7.
255 The minister has laid before the Parliament the account of the
expense of opening the breach in the walls of Rome. This crime cost
nearly forty‐eight millions.
256 _Première Etude_, p. 11; _Seconde Etude_, p. 12.
257 Cf. _Première Etude_, p. 10.
258 See a forcible and eloquent article in the _Civiltà Cattolica_ on
the _Caresses de la Providence_. Sér. viii. vol. v., No. 519, Feb.,
1872.
259 (_Première Etude_, pp. 7, 8, 27; _Seconde Etude_, pp. 11, 12.) “The
invaders take the stand of masters, but the people have not joined
them. They remain isolated in their midst in the position of a
military and administrative colony, about as favorably regarded and
received as the Prussians in those departments of our country where
they are still encamped. The Romans, it cannot be denied, love their
Pope.”—M. Ed. Dulaurier, _loc. cit._
260 _Union_, Nov. 26.
261 “We continue to be regarded at Berlin with the most favorable
dispositions, as the demonstrations of which our princes were the
object prove.”—_Speech of M. Visconti‐Venosta_ in the Chamber of
Deputies, Nov. 27, 1872.
262 _Seconde Etude_, p. 13.
263 _Address_, April 28, 1872.
264 _Correspondance Diplomatique_ in the year 1815.
265 _Première Etude_, p. 17; _Seconde Etude_, pp. 4, 14, 15, 16, 17.
266 _Première Etude_, pp. 25, 26; _Seconde Etude_, pp. 15, 16, 26.
267 See, in the _Etudes_ for Oct., 1871, the article by Fr. Ch. Clair,
who, in an address to the government of M. Thiers, carries on a
vigorous argument _ad hominem_ respecting the “necessary liberties”
of the Pope.
268 P. Toulement, _La Providence et les Chàtiments de la France_, ch.
xvii.
269 _Première Etude_, pp. 24, 25, 26: _Seconde Etude_, pp. 17, 22, 34.
270 _Journal d’un Diplomate en Italie_, pp. 17, 18.
271 This alludes to the indication of superhuman power by the budding
horns which Michael Angelo has represented upon the head of Moses,
adopting the Jewish symbol of strength so frequent in Scripture.
272 Ecclus. xlviii. II.
273 So soon accepted!
274 “I, the undersigned, parish priest of the most holy Constantinian
Basilica of the Twelve Apostles of Rome, certify that in Register
XII. of the dead, letter N, page 283, is to be found the deed of
which the following is the copy, word for word.
“The twenty‐second of December, eighteen hundred and sixty‐six,
Mademoiselle Claire‐Françoise‐Amélie Lautard, of Marseilles,
daughter of M. Jean Baptiste Lautard, a most pious virgin, while
offering last Sunday her life to God for the Holy Father, Rome, and
the church, was seized on the spot by illness, and having received
most piously the sacraments of the church, in the full possession of
her faculties, in prayer, and surrounded by several priests and
virgins, gave up her soul to Jesus Christ, her spouse, with the
greatest serenity, Wednesday the 19th, at half‐past nine in the
morning, in the house Rue Ripresa‐dei‐Barberi 175, at the age of
fifty‐nine years. The following day, the 20th, her body was carried,
after the completuum, accompanied by a great number of religious, to
this basilica, and was here exposed during the morning after the
manner of nobles, the office of the dead and a solemn Mass being
performed; in the afternoon it was conveyed to the Church of Santa
Maria in Ara Cœli, and there interred in the tomb of the Sisters of
St. Joseph of the Apparition.
“Given at Rome,” etc.
275 This mistake is awing to a wrong meaning given to a word in the Book
of Joshua in the Septuagint; where the word _tsorim_ is translated
_knife of stone_, when it also means _a sharp knife_; _tsor_ only
means _stone_ in the sense of _rock_ or _block_.
276 Simonin, _La Vie Souterraine_.
277 Ancient name of the Prussians.—Trans.
278 S. Jerome’s _Epist._ 44, 45.
279 _Hist. of Decline and Fall of Rom. Emp._, vol. iv. ch. ix. p. 262,
1st ed.
280 _Germania_, i. 5.
281 “The Study of Sociology,” by H. Spencer, in the May No. of _The
Contemporary Review_, 1872.
282 See Mrs. Hope’s _Conversion of the Teutonic Race_, ch. i.
283 _Conv. of Teut. Race_, p. 20.
284 Apollin., _Paneg. Major_.
285 _Germania_, iii.
286 Suet., _in Oct._ xxiii.
287 I. 61.
288 Plutarch, _Vita Marii_.
289 S. Jer. _adv. Jovin._ ii.