Advanced, the mute burden was lowered, and then
As he touched the white grave‐cloths that covered the bier
The bearers shrank back, but the mother drew near.
V.
Her snow‐sprinkled tresses had loosened their strands,
Great tears fell unchecked on the tightly clasped hands;
But hushed the wild sobbing, and stifled her cries,
As Jesus of Nazareth lifted his eyes.
VI.
Eyes wet with compassion as slowly they fell—
Eyes potent to soften grief’s tremulous swell,
As, sweetly and tenderly, “Weep not,” he said,
And turned to the passionless face of the dead.
VII.
White, white gleamed his forehead, loose rippled the hair,
Bronze‐tinted, o’er temples transparently fair;
And a glory stole up from the earth to the skies,
As he called to the voiceless one, “Young man, arise!”
VIII.
The hard, rigid outlines grew fervid with breath,
The dull eyes unclosed from the midnight of death;
Weep, weep, happy mother, and fall at his feet:
Life’s pale, blighted promise grown hopeful and sweet.
IX.
The morning had passed, and the midday heats burned:
Once more to the pathway the wayfarers turned.
The conqueror of kings had been conquered again:
There was joy in the house of the widow of Nain.
Fleurange.
By Mrs. Craven, Author Of “A Sister’s Story.”
Translated From The French, With Permission.
Part IV. The Immolation.
LIX.
Several hours had passed since Fleurange’s return. Anxiety, horror,
sadness, and emotion, which by turns filled her heart during the affecting
scene we have just described, now gave place to a feeling in which a
sweet, profound sense of gratitude predominated.
Ah! no one could comprehend, without the experience faith alone gives, the
mysterious joy that penetrates the heart when the salvation of a soul
seems assured; when, in a tangible manner, as it were, the abyss of divine
mercy which ever surrounds us, opens and allows us to sound its depths;
when, in answer to our tears, we almost behold the heavens open; when, in
return for _pardon implored_, we are made to comprehend the ineffable
signification of two other words, sweet as mercy and boundless as
infinitude—_pardon obtained_.
Fleurange therefore felt, if not happy—for the impressions of the day had
been too solemn not to have left a veil of sadness on her soul—at least
calm and serene. The sight of that death‐bed had put to flight some of the
dreams she so often abandoned herself to now without scruple—dreams of
passionate joy at her approaching sacrifice, mingled with the perspective
of a brighter future, in which her happiness with George would be
increased and consecrated by the sufferings they first shared together—the
cherished theme on which lingered her imagination, her heart, and even her
soul, which had faith in the efficacy of sacrifice, and instinctively made
it the basis of its hopes. Everything, even this, was forgotten for the
moment. It was as if a graver, purer, holier strain had put to flight the
mingled harmony in which heaven and earth seemed almost confounded.
Hitherto, the idea of immolating herself with and for another had seemed
noble; but at this quiet hour, after a day of so much agitation, a
sublimer thought sprang up in her soul in spite of herself; it was that of
a sacrifice unknown to the person for whom one immolates one’s self!
Was not the greatest of sacrifices—the sacrifice which is our example—of
such a nature? Was it not made for those who were unaware of it? And has
not this very ignorance been regarded by the eternal goodness as a plea
for disarming eternal justice?
Fleurange did not attempt to thus define her confused thoughts; she
allowed them to float in her mind without welcoming or rejecting them. She
was in that frame of mind which unconsciously enfolds a latent disposition
in the depths of the soul, that suddenly develops into efforts and
sacrifices which seem impossible an hour before they have to be made.
She was alone in one corner of a large, white marble fireplace in which
blazed a good fire. She preferred this salon to the others, which were
heated invisibly, though it was the smallest in the house, and it was the
one she habitually occupied. Clement, after accompanying her home, had
returned to the sad place they visited together to obtain, if not an
honorable, at least a separate burial of his unfortunate cousin’s remains.
Mademoiselle Josephine, at her usual hour, had gone to her fine chamber,
which she now occupied with less uneasiness than the first night, and had
been for an hour in the capacious bed, where she had learned to sleep as
comfortably as under the muslin curtains which generally guarded her
slumbers.
It was nearly ten o’clock, and Fleurange in her turn was about to retire,
when the noise of a carriage was heard, the bell rang, and a few minutes
after a card was brought her. She looked at it: “The Countess Vera de
Liningen”—and beneath, written with a pencil: “Will Mademoiselle Fleurange
d’Yves have the kindness to see me a moment?”
“Vera!—the Countess Vera!—”
Fleurange repeated the name twice. It was the first time she had thought
of it since she left Florence. She remembered hearing it once in a
conversation between the Princess Catherine and the marquis, the first
time she ever saw the latter. From that time, Vera’s name had never been
mentioned before her. The marquis instinctively avoided it in talking with
her the day before, as he did that of Gabrielle in conversing with Vera,
and no one mentioned it at the palace. Fleurange’s surprise was therefore
inexpressible. She remained with her eyes fixed on the card, till the
valet de chambre took the liberty of reminding her the Countess Vera was
waiting in her carriage for an answer.
“Certainly. Ask her to come up.” Then she waited, with a mixture of
curiosity and embarrassment, for the entrance of the visitor, without
knowing exactly why. She was almost breathless from agitation; but when
the door opened, and she saw the beautiful maid of honor, she felt
partially relieved.
“Ah! it is you, mademoiselle,” she exclaimed joyfully. “Pardon me for not
having divined it immediately, but I did not know this morning the name of
her who received me so kindly.”
It now occurred to Fleurange that the maid of honor had been sent by the
empress sooner than she expected with the favorable reply promised, but
the visitor’s pale face and silence struck her and checked the words on
her lips.
“You were unaware of my name this morning, but did you never hear it
before?”
Fleurange blushed. “Never would be incorrect,” replied she.—And she
stopped.
“No matter,” continued Vera. “I do not care to know when or how you heard
it. I can imagine they did not say much to you about me. But allow me to
ask you in my turn if you have not another name besides that under which I
had the honor of presenting you to her majesty!”
“My name is Fleurange,” replied the young girl simply, “but it is not the
one I habitually bear.”
“And your other name?” asked Vera, with a trembling voice.
Fleurange was astonished at the manner in which this question was asked,
and still more so at the effect of her reply, which produced a frightful
change in the listener’s face.
“Gabrielle!” repeated she. “I guessed rightly, then.”
An embarrassing silence followed this exclamation. Fleurange did not know
what to say. She awaited an explanation of the scene which appeared more
and more strange. But while she was looking at Vera with increased
surprise during this long silence, a sudden apprehension seized her, and a
faint glimpse of the truth flashed across her mind. Nothing could have
been more vague than the remembrance of the name mentioned before her but
once, but that time it was in a conversation respecting George, and she
bethought herself that she understood it to be a question of a marriage
the princess desired for her son. Was it with reluctance Vera had now
brought the permission for another to accompany him? Such was the question
Fleurange asked herself. Approaching Vera, therefore, she said to her
softly:
“If you have come with a message, how can I thank you sufficiently,
mademoiselle, for taking the trouble of bringing it yourself!”
Vera hastily withdrew her hand, and retreated several steps; then, as if
suffering from an emotion she could not overcome, she fell into an arm‐
chair beside the table, and for some moments remained pale and breathless,
with a gloomy, forbidding air, wiping away from time to time with an
abrupt gesture the tears which, in spite of all her efforts, escaped from
her eyes.
Fleurange, motionless with surprise, looked at her with mingled interest
and astonishment, but, the frank decision of her character prevailing over
her timidity, she came at once to the point.
“Countess Vera,” said she, “if I have not guessed the motive that brings
you here, tell me the real one; there is something in all this which I do
not understand. Be frank; I will be likewise. Let us not remain thus
towards one another. Above all, do not look at me as if we were not only
strangers, but enemies.”
At this word, Vera raised her head. “Enemies!” she said. “Well, yes, at
present we are.”
What did she mean? Fleurange crossed her arms, and looked at her
attentively, trying to guess the meaning of her enigmatical words, and the
still more obscure enigma of her face, which expressed by turns the most
contradictory sentiments; the enigma of her eyes, which sometimes gazed at
her with hatred, and then with sweetness and a humble, beseeching look. At
length Vera seemed decided to continue. “You are right,” she said; “I must
put an end to your suspense, and explain my strange conduct; but I need
courage to do this. To come here as I have, to appeal to you as I am going
to do, I must—I must, without knowing why—”
“Well,” said Fleurange with a faint smile, “continue. You must what?”
Vera went on in a low tone, as if affected: “I must have had a secret
instinct that you were kind and generous.”
This result of so much hesitation did not throw any light on the subject,
but only made it more obscure.
“There has been preamble enough,” said Fleurange, with a calm accent of
firmness. “Speak clearly now, Countess Vera, tell me everything without
reservation. You may believe nothing to fear. Though your words do me an
injury I can neither foresee nor comprehend, speak, I insist upon it.
Hesitate no longer.”
“Well, here,” said Vera, suddenly throwing on the table a paper till now
concealed.
Fleurange took it, looked at it, and blushed at first, then turned pale.
“My petition!” she said. “You have brought it back? It has been refused,
then?”
“No; it was not sent.”
“You mean that the empress, after showing me so much kindness, changed her
mind and refused to present it?”
“No; on the contrary, she ordered me to forward your petition, and to add
her recommendation.”
“Well?”
“I disobeyed her orders.”
“I await the explanation you doubtless intend giving me. Go on without any
interruption; I am listening.”
“Well, first, did you know that George de Walden was the husband promised
me—to whom my father destined me from infancy?”
“Who was promised you!—from infancy! No, I did not know that. No matter;
go on.”
“No matter, indeed; that is not the point, though it is proper to inform
you of it. Neither is it a question of his misfortune, or his frightful
sentence, or that terrible Siberia where you wished to accompany him and
participate in a lot the severities of which you could neither alleviate
nor perhaps endure. This is the point: to preserve him from that destiny,
to save him, to enable him to regain life, honor, and liberty—in a word,
all he has lost. His property, name, and rank can all be restored to him.
It is this I have come to tell you and ask you to second.”
“All can be restored to him?” repeated Fleurange, in a strange voice. “By
what means?—what authority?”
“The emperor’s. I have appealed to his clemency, and my prayers have
prevailed, but on two conditions, one of which is imposed on George, and
the other depends on me. To these two conditions, there is a third which
depends on you—you alone!”
Fleurange’s large eyes fastened on Vera with an expression of profound
astonishment and anguish.
“Finish, I conjure you, if you are not mad in speaking to me so, or I in
listening to you—if we are not both deprived of our reason!”
Vera clasped her hands, and passionately exclaimed: “Oh! I beg you to have
pity on him!” She stopped, choked with emotion.
Fleurange continued to gaze at her with the same expression, and, without
speaking, made a sign for her to continue. She seemed to concentrate her
attention in order to comprehend the words addressed her.
“I am waiting,” she said at last. “I am listening attentively and calmly;
speak to me in the same manner.”
Vera resumed in a calmer tone: “Well, this morning just as I had finished
reading your petition and learned for the first time who the exile was you
wished to accompany—at that very moment the emperor arrived at the palace
and sent for me.”
“The emperor!” said Fleurange, with surprise.
“Yes, and can you imagine what he wished to say to me? You could not, and
I am not surprised, for you are not aware how earnestly I had solicited
George’s pardon, and, to this end, how zealously I had sought out every
circumstance calculated to conciliate his sovereign. Well, what the
emperor wished to inform me was that this pardon would be granted me—_me_,
do you understand?—but on two conditions.”
“His pardon!” exclaimed Fleurange. “Go on, I am listening.—”
“The first, that he should pass four years on his estates in Livonia
without leaving them.—” Vera stopped.
“I hear; and next?” said Fleurange, raising her eyes.
“Next,” said Vera slowly and anxiously, “that the will of my father and
his should be fulfilled before his departure.”
Fleurange shuddered. An icy chill struck to her heart, and her head swam
as if with dizziness. But she remained perfectly motionless.
“His pardon is at this price?” said she in a low voice.
“Yes; the emperor has taken an interest in me from my childhood; he loved
my father, and it has pleased him to make this act of clemency depend on
the accomplishment of my father’s wish.”
There was a long silence. Vera herself trembled at seeing Fleurange’s pale
lips, and colorless cheeks, and her eyes looking straightforward, lost in
space.
“And he?”—she said at last. “He accepts his pardon on this
condition—without hesitation?”
“Without hesitation!” repeated Vera, blushing with new emotion. “That is
what I cannot say. It is this doubt that humiliates and alarms me, for the
emperor would regard the least hesitation as fresh ingratitude, and
perhaps would annul his pardon.”
“But why should he hesitate?” said Fleurange, in an almost inaudible tone.
“Fleurange,” said Vera, in that passionate tone she had used two or three
times during this interview, “let us rend each other’s hearts, if need be,
but let us go on to the end. Have you had permission to see George since
you came?”
“No.”
“But he expects you; he knows you have arrived, and the devotedness that
has brought you here?”
“No, he is still ignorant of all this; he was to be informed of it to‐
morrow.”
A flash of joy lit up Vera’s black eyes. “Then it depends on you whether
he hesitates or not—whether he is saved.—Yes, Fleurange, let him remain
ignorant of your arrival, let him not see you again—let him never behold
you again,” she continued, looking at her with a jealous terror she could
not conceal, “and his life will again become brilliant and happy—as it
was—as it always should be—and the remembrance of the last few months will
disappear like a dream!”
“Like a dream!” repeated Fleurange mechanically, passing her hand over her
brow.
“I have told you everything now,” said Vera. “I have done you an injury I
can understand better than any one else. But,” she continued, with an
accent that resounded in the depths of the listener’s soul, “I wished to
save George, I wished to win him back to me! And I thought, I know not
why, for I am generally distrustful—yes, I thought I could induce you to
aid me against yourself!”
Fleurange, with her hands clasped on her knees, and her eyes gazing before
her with a fixed expression, seemed for some moments insensible to
everything. She was listening, however—she was listening to that clear,
distinct voice which resounded in her soul in a tone so pure—a voice she
had never failed to recognize and obey.
If George were free, if he recovered his name, rank, and former position,
would she not still be in the same position as before? In that case, could
she treacherously usurp the consent obtained from his mother, and that to
the detriment of the one before her—the wife chosen from his infancy?
Would it not be treachery to him to present herself before him at the
moment of recovering his liberty, and thereby endanger its loss with the
momentary favor that conferred it?
She placed her icy hand on Vera’s, and turned towards her with a sweet
expression of resolution. “That is enough,” she said, in a calm tone. “You
have done right. Be easy, I understand it all.”
Vera, astonished at her expression and accent, looked at her with
surprise.
“Do not be afraid,” continued Fleurange, in the same tone. “Act as if I
were far away—as if I had never come.” And, taking the petition lying on
the table, she tore it in pieces, and threw it into the fire! There was a
momentary blaze, which died away, and she looked at the ashes as they
flew.
Vera, with an irresistible impulse, pressed her lips to the hand she
seized, then remained mute and confounded. She had come determined to
prevail over her rival, to convince her, to use every means of contending
if she failed in her first efforts, but her victory suddenly assumed an
aspect she had not anticipated. It had certainly been an easy one, and yet
Vera felt it had left a bleeding wound. She experienced for a moment more
uneasiness than joy, and her attitude expressed no more of triumph than
that of Fleurange of defeat. While one remained with her head and eyes
cast down, the other had risen. A passing emotion colored Fleurange’s
cheek, the struggle of the sacrifice gave animation and an unusual
brilliancy to her face.
“I think,” said she, “you have nothing more to say to me.”
“No—for what I would like to say I cannot, dare not.”
Vera rose and turned towards the door. A thought occurred to her. She
approached Fleurange. “Excuse my forgetfulness,” said she; “here is the
bracelet you lost this morning. I was commissioned to restore it to you.”
At the sight of the talisman, Fleurange started; her momentary color faded
away, she became deadly pale, and, as she looked at it silently, some
tears, the only ones she shed during the interview, ran down her cheeks.
But it was only for an instant. Before Vera realized what she was doing,
Fleurange clasped the bracelet around her rival’s arm.
“This talisman was a present from the Princess Catherine to her son’s
betrothed. She said it would bring her good luck. It no longer belongs to
me. I return it to you; it is yours.”
Fleurange held out her hand. “We shall never see each other again,” she
continued; “let us not bear away any bitter remembrance of each other.”
Vera took her hand without looking at her. She had never felt touched and
humiliated to such a degree; gratitude itself was wounding to her pride.
But Fleurange’s sweet, grave voice was now irresistible, and spoke to her
heart in spite of herself. She hesitated between these two feelings.
Fleurange resumed: “You are right. It is not my place to wait for you at
this time—you have nothing more to forgive me for, I believe, and I
forgive you everything.”
And as Vera still remained motionless with her head bent down, Fleurange
leaned forward and embraced her.
LX.
The Marquis Adelardi often declared he had witnessed so many extraordinary
and unexpected events that he was seldom surprised at anything that
happened. But the day that now dawned brought a surprise of the liveliest
kind, and even a second one in the course of a few hours. He rose late,
according to his custom, and was breakfasting beside the fire when a note
was brought him which put a premature end to the repast just begun. After
reading it, he fell into deep thought, then rose and strode around his
room. Finally he went to the window, and read the following note a second
time.
“MY KIND FRIEND: I have changed my mind. I earnestly beg you when you see
Count George not to mention my name, and, above all, to take the greatest
precaution to keep him for ever ignorant of the plans I formed and the
journey I have made. This will be easy, for no one knows I am here, and
tomorrow, before night, I shall have left St. Petersburg. Everything will
be explained to you, but I only write now what is most essential for you
to know without any delay.”
In vain he read and re‐read. Such were the words, signed _Fleurange_,
which he held in his hands. For once the marquis was completely at a loss.
Nothing—absolutely nothing—could account for this sudden change. The
success of her petition presented the empress the day before was certain.
He recalled every detail of his recent interview with her, during which,
having nothing more to conceal, she naïvely revealed all the depth and
sincerity of her sentiments towards George. He had long been aware of her
firmness and courage, and the idea of her drawing back at the last moment
in view of the trial never occurred to him. There was, then, an
impenetrable mystery, and he impatiently awaited the hour he could go for
the promised explanation. But he must first keep his engagement with
George. Poor George! he inspired him now with fresh pity, though he had
doubted, the evening before, if he was worthy of the consolation in store
for him. It seemed now as if he could not live without it, and that a new
and more frightful sentence had been pronounced against him. The marquis
was about to start for the fortress to fulfil more sadly than ever the
painful duty of his powerless friendship, when another letter was brought
him. The mere sight of this second missive made him start, and he examined
with extreme astonishment the address and the very envelope that bore it,
the impression on the seal, and the slight perfume it gave out. All this
was a source of surprise, and, for once, it was not unreasonable, as it
generally is, to dwell on these exterior signs before solving the mystery
by opening the letter. The reader may judge, after learning that the
Marquis Adelardi recognized his friend’s writing in the address. Since
George’s imprisonment, he had neither had permission to write, nor the
means. In the second place, the paper, the arms on the seal, the
perfume—all these things belonged to a different condition, for certainly
none of these elegances had been allowed him in prison. The mere exterior
of the letter, therefore, had something inexplicable, and, when he opened
it to solve the enigma, he read as follows:
“MY VERY DEAR FRIEND: Perhaps the very sight of this letter has given you
a suspicion of its contents. If not, know that I am free, or, at least, I
shall be so to‐morrow! Meanwhile, I have left the frightful cell where you
found me yesterday, and now, thanks to the governor of the fortress, am
established in his own apartment and surrounded once more by all the
delightful accessories of civilized life of which I thought myself for
ever deprived—accessories which are only a dawn of the delightful day
before me. Yes, Adelardi, free! by the favor of the emperor, against whom
I eagerly pledge myself never to enter into a conspiracy as long as I
live. Free on two conditions: one to live at my home in Livonia four
years; the other—guess what it is! It is not more severe than the first:
it is to return to my first love—to her to whom I owe my pardon. In a
word, to end where I began, by marrying Vera de Liningen! What do you say
to that? Is not this a _dénoûment_ worthy of a romance? You predicted it
once, do you remember it? ‘You will renounce this folly which tempts you,
and keep the promise you made.’ I was far from believing it then, and
perhaps it is well even now that that beautiful siren is seven hundred
leagues off, for I know not what would be the result were I subjected to
the fascination of those eyes which turned my head, whereas I am now
wholly absorbed in the happiness that awaits me. Vera still loves me. She
is also beautiful in her way, and, above all, possesses a charm which
makes me forget all others. She has the beautiful eyes of liberty which I
owe her. Therefore I am not tempted to refuse the hand she is ready to
accept, or even my heart, though somewhat _blasé_, but now filled with
gratitude strong enough to sufficiently resemble the love she has a right
to expect.
“_Au revoir_, Adelardi! Come when you please; I am no longer a prisoner,
though I have pledged myself not to leave here till I go to the empress’
chapel to meet her who is to accompany me into the mitigated exile to
which _we_ are condemned.”
It would be difficult to describe the strange effect of this letter,
coming so soon after the other, upon the person to whom they were both
addressed. It would be impossible to say whether he was glad or sorry,
indignant or affected, relieved or overwhelmed, by such sudden news; and,
though only imperfectly enlightened respecting some of the circumstances
he wished to know, he felt that somehow Fleurange had been informed of
George’s pardon before himself, and the conditions attached to it. This
was the evident meaning of her note, which now seemed to the marquis so
generous, so touching, and even so sublime, that his whole interest
centred, with a kind of passion, in this charming, noble girl. Her letter,
which lay beside George’s before him, displayed the greatest contrast
imaginable to the cold, selfish levity of the latter. At all events, he
had no reason now to be anxious about him on whom everything seemed to
smile, but rather about her who was immolating herself to‐day as much as
yesterday—unsuspected by the object—and with a devotedness a thousand
times more disinterested and more generous than before.
At that moment the door opened, and the marquis uttered an exclamation of
joy and welcome at hearing Clement announced. He was just thinking of him,
and wishing he could see him at once. As soon as he looked at him he
perceived he was unaware of what had occurred. Clement returned home at a
late hour the night before, and had not seen Fleurange since their return
from the hospital. He now came from the burial of his unfortunate cousin
in a distant, obscure spot, to beg the marquis to use his influence to
obtain permission to place a simple stone cross on his forlorn grave. But
he could not find any opportunity of introducing the subject, the marquis
was so eager to enter on that which absorbed him. He informed Clement of
George’s pardon and the conditions on which it was granted; but in his
eagerness he did not at first perceive the effect of the news on his
listener. The latter remained motionless, and for moments his excessive
surprise prevented him from replying. The aspect of everything was so
changed by the intelligence that his mind refused to take it in. He looked
at the marquis with so singular an expression that he was struck by it,
and clearly saw he had unguardedly touched a deeper and more vital point
than he supposed.
“Pardon me, Dornthal, I have excited you more than I wished or expected.”
“Yes,” said Clement, in a strange voice, “I acknowledge it; but does she
know what you have just informed me of?”
The marquis in reply gave him Fleurange’s note. He read it with a still
more lively emotion than he had just experienced; but he succeeded better
in controlling it.
“Poor Gabrielle! This is evidently a generous, spontaneous impulse, worthy
of her. But,” continued he, in quite a different accent, in which trembled
an indignation he repressed with difficulty, “I cannot comprehend how
this—how Count George can unhesitatingly consent to the conditions
_proposed_, for really I can never believe them rigorously _imposed_ by
the emperor, still less that they could be accepted if he appreciates as
he ought the sentiments which I should suppose would prevent him from
accepting them.”
The marquis hesitated a moment, and then said: “Here, Dornthal, time
presses; it is better you should know everything without delay.” And he
gave him George’s letter.
As Clement read it, contempt and anger were so clearly displayed in his
face that the marquis was confounded at the flash of indignation with
which he crushed the letter and threw it on the table. “That is exactly
what I should have expected from the man you told me of yesterday. Poor
Gabrielle!” he continued, in a voice trembling with emotion and
tenderness, “it is thus that the precious treasures of thy heart have been
lavished and wasted!”
He leaned on the table, and hid his face in his hands. For some instants
there was a silence neither sought to break. At length Clement returned to
himself. “Once more pardon me, M. le Marquis. I really do not know what
you will think of me after the weakness I have shown before you. But no
matter, it is not a question of myself, but of her. There is one point I
recommend to you which there is no need of insisting upon: she must remain
ignorant of the contents of this letter. She must never know—_never_, do
you understand?—what kind of a love she thought worthy of hers.”
The marquis looked at him with astonishment. “And it is you, Dornthal, who
are so anxious as to your cousin’s remembrance of Count George!”
This total absence of vulgar triumph and selfish hope added another
notable surprise to those of the morning. Clement neither noticed
Adelardi’s tone nor the kind, affectionate expression of regard which
accompanied the words he had just uttered.
“I wish her to suffer as little as possible,” said he briefly; “that is my
only aim and thought.”
He rose to go out. The marquis pressed his hand with a cordiality he
rarely manifested, and after Clement’s departure he remained a long time
thoughtful. Perhaps at that moment he was thinking how much more
satisfaction there was in meeting and studying such a noble heart than
most of those whose acquaintance he had hitherto sought and cultivated
with so much eagerness.
LXI.
At Clement’s return, he learned that his cousin had asked for him several
times. He immediately went up to the room she occupied. His emotion at
seeing her again, though less sudden than that he had just experienced,
was deeper than he anticipated, for he was unprepared for the change
wrought within so short a time. She was, however, as calm and resolute as
the night before, though she had passed through what might be called the
agony of sacrifice—that hour of inexpressible suffering, not when the
sacrifice of one’s self is decided upon, not even that in which it is
consummated, but the intermediate hour in which repugnance still struggles
against the will. It was this hour endured by our common Master in the
order of his sufferings after he took upon himself our likeness.
Fleurange had only taken a short hour of repose before day. The remainder
of the night she passed wholly in conflict with suffering. She then
allowed the repressed sobs that filled her breast during her interview
with Vera to burst forth without restraint as soon as she was alone for
the night; she gave herself up to the poor solace of tasting at leisure
the bitterness of sacrifice, repelling every consoling thought—almost
allowing the waves of despair to gather round her, and, if not to break
over her, at least to threaten her.
The chamber she occupied was more spacious and sumptuous than Mademoiselle
Josephine’s, being that of the Princess Catherine herself. It was lighted
only by a lamp which burned before the holy images enshrined in gold and
silver in one corner, according to the Russian custom. Fleurange threw
herself on a couch, and there, with her head buried in the cushions, her
long hair dishevelled, and her hands clasped to her face inundated with
tears, she gave vent to her grief for a long time without any attempt to
moderate it.
Once before in her life she had abandoned herself to a similar transport
of grief, though certainly with much less reason. It was when she left
Paris two years before, and it seemed as if she was alone in the world,
and all the joys of life had come to an end. Those who have not forgotten
the beginning of this story may remember that on that occasion the sight
of a star suddenly appearing in the clear sky brought her a message of
peace. God knows, when it pleaseth him, how to give a voice to everything
in nature, and to speak to his creatures by the work of his hands, and
even of theirs. An impression of such a nature now infused the first ray
of calmness into the tempest that completely overwhelmed her soul.
Suddenly raising her head from the attitude in which she had so long
remained, her eyes naturally turned towards the light diffused by the lamp
before the images in the corner of the chamber, the richest of which
sparkled in its ray. In these Greek paintings, as we are aware, the heads
alone on the canvas stand out from the gold and precious stones that
surround them. That which now attracted Fleurange’s attention was the
image of Christ—that sacred face of the well‐known type common to all the
representations of Byzantine art. That long, grave face, those mild eyes,
with their calmness and depth, have a thrilling, mysterious effect which
surpasses a thousand times every reproduction of human beauty. This
impression, which a pious love of art enables every one to comprehend, was
associated with a tender remembrance of Fleurange’s childhood. She had
often prayed before a face of similar aspect in the chapel of Santa Maria
al Prato. She now looked steadfastly into those divine eyes gazing at her,
and it seemed as if that sweet penetrating look pierced to the depths of
her soul, and infused a sudden, marvellous, inexpressible consolation.
Changing gradually her previous attitude, she remained for some time
seated with clasped hands, transfixed. At last, her eyes still fastened on
the holy face, she fell on her knees, bent down her head, and remained a
long time buried in profound recollection. Her immoderate grief seemed to
diminish and change its character. Her tears, without ceasing to flow,
lost their bitterness and changed their object; for in the mildness of
that majestic look she read a reproach which she comprehended!—
“O my Saviour and my God! pardon me!” exclaimed she, with fervor, bending
down till her forehead touched the floor.
Pardon!—Yes, in spite of her purity, her piety, and the uprightness of her
soul, it was a word Fleurange was likewise obliged to utter. In it she
felt lay solace and peace for her heart. She perceived it now for the
first time. A new light began to rise in her soul, like the faint flush of
aurora which precedes day, and her grief seemed a punishment merited for
forgetfulness, her tears an expiation. These thoughts were still confused;
but their influence was already beneficent, and she soon felt really
springing up within her the courage and fortitude which she outwardly
manifested during her interview with Vera. She had always been capable of
action in spite of suffering, and she now sought it, realizing its
benefit. The night was far advanced, but she did not feel the need of
repose, and before seeking it she would give her heart and mind, even more
fatigued than her body, the relief they needed. Under the impression of
all the incidents and varied emotions of the day, she wrote the Madre
Maddalena a letter which was the faithful transcript of all she had passed
through. The joy of the morning, the sacrifice of the evening, her despair
scarcely subsided, nothing was concealed or suppressed, not even a fresh
ardent aspiration towards the cloister which she thought could no longer
be shut against her, and which now seemed the only refuge of her broken
heart.
There is a certain art in reading the hearts of others; but it is as great
a one to be able to read one’s own, and this art Fleurange possessed in
the highest degree when in the presence of that great soul which afar off
as well as near watched over hers. This outpouring soothed her. She
afterwards slept awhile, and, on awaking, courageously despatched the
letter which we have just seen the Marquis Adelardi read and communicate
to Clement.
But such a night leaves its traces. Fleurange’s swollen eyes, her
contracted features, her pale, trembling lips, and her sad expression
indicated suffering which was an insupportable torture to Clement. He
would have spared her this at the expense of his life, as it is allowable
to say he had proved. But now that the arduous duty of earnestly desiring
her happiness through the affection of another was no longer required of
him, the impetuous cry of his own heart became almost irresistible in its
power, and Clement never manifested more self‐control than this morning in
subduing the impulse which prompted him a thousand times to throw himself
at his cousin’s feet, and passionately tell her she loved and regretted an
ungrateful man, and that she herself was even more ungrateful than he! But
instead of that, he silently pressed her hand. Fleurange saw he was aware
of everything, and it was a relief to have nothing to tell. In a few words
they made arrangements for their departure, and Clement promised her to
start within twenty‐four hours.
Meanwhile, Mademoiselle Josephine appeared, and Clement, too preoccupied
to use any circumlocution, simply announced the change in his cousin’s
intentions, without giving her any explanation. But when, in the height of
her joy, mademoiselle exclaimed, “She is going back with us!—O mon Dieu!
what happiness!” Clement frowned and pressed her hand in so expressive a
manner that the poor demoiselle stopped short and, according to her
custom, buried her joy in utter silence, saying to herself that the day
would perhaps come when she would understand all these inexplicable
things, and, among others, why, when she wept at Gabrielle’s leaving them,
it was necessary to conceal her sorrow; and now she was to remain, it was
not permitted to manifest her joy.
“All this is very singular—I always seem to take aim at the wrong moment.
And yet, Clement allow me to say that I suspect that, as to this Monsieur
le Comte, it was I—and I alone—who was right.”
This last reflection did not escape her, it is reasonable to suppose, till
later, at one of those seasons of special unburdening her mind to Clement
which she sought now and then, and we should add that the smile in return
amply repaid her for the frown we have just noted.
The evening passed away almost in silence. The Marquis Adelardi spent it
with them. The frightful alteration in Fleurange’s features did not allow
him to mistake the extent of her sufferings; and her calm, simple manner
redoubled the enthusiasm she had always inspired him with—an enthusiasm
which gradually ripened into solid friendship, and ultimately wrought a
durable, beneficent effect on his life.
Before Clement and his cousin separated for the night, they spoke of
Felix’s sad burial, and its lack of any religious ceremony. The marquis
had promised to obtain the last favor Clement asked—that a cross should
mark the spot where he reposed. The following morning Mass was to be
celebrated for him in the Catholic church.
“We will attend this Mass together,” said Fleurange.
“Yes, Gabrielle, that was my expectation.”
The next morning, at an early hour, Fleurange and her cousin were
prostrate at the foot of the altar in the large Catholic church on the
Nevskoi Prospekt. After all the sorrow that had overwhelmed the young
girl’s soul since the night before, this was an hour of sad consolation
and repose. Her long journey, after all, in spite of the bitter deception,
in spite of the grief and sacrifice at the end, had not been made in vain.
He whose last hours she had consoled, and for whom they were now praying,
had carried away with him the blessed influence of her presence into those
regions to which repentance opens the door! Repentance! the salvation of
the soul that feels it, the benediction of the soul that seconds it, the
mysterious joy of the angels that inspire it and rejoice over it as one of
the delights of their eternal beatitude!
They left the church, and slowly descended the long avenue bordered by
trees called the Nevskoi Prospekt. They found their way impeded by a
numerous crowd in front of the gate of the Anitschkoff Palace, which they
had to pass. Fleurange, lost in thought, was walking slowly along without
looking around, and Clement also was absorbed in his own reflections, when
they were both startled as if by an electric shock.
“The newly married pair are coming out,” said a voice.
“Married!—condemned, you mean,” replied another, laughing. “You know they
are both going into exile.”
They heard no more. Clement’s sudden effort to lead Fleurange away was
powerless. She resisted it, and, leaving his arm without his being able to
prevent it, she swiftly made her way to the front, and leaned against a
tree. She saw the _grille_ open—the carriage appeared; it drew near; at
last she saw him! Yes; she saw Count George’s noble features, his smiling
face, his radiant look, and she caught a glimpse of the black eyes and
golden locks of the bride. Then it seemed to grow dark around her, and
everything vanished from her thoughts as well as from her sight!
Epilogue.
—“No, my Fior Angela, I once more say no, as when you made the same
request at Santa Maria that lovely evening in May while we were gazing at
the setting sun over the cloisters. What has been changed? And why should
God call you now to this retreat if he did not call you then?—Because you
suffer still more? But, my poor child, you were suffering then. Life, you
said, seemed ‘empty and cheerless, unsatisfactory and imperfect.’ And,
indeed, you were not wrong. That is its real aspect when we compare it
with the true life that awaits us. From that point of view nothing truly
can give it the least attraction; but with this kind of disgust there is
no sadness mingled. We are not sad when an object seems poor and valueless
compared with another object wonderful and divine of which we are sure. As
I have already told you, this is the disgust of the world whence springs
the irresistible call to the cloister; but, as I likewise said, this
divine voice, when it speaks to the soul, resounds alone, to the exclusion
of all earthly voices. A flame is kindled that absorbs and extinguishes
all others, even those earthly lights that are attractive and pure. That
divine call has not been made to you. The earthly happiness you dreamed of
has failed you, that is all. And this disappointment for the second time
has inspired you with the same wish as before; but, as on that occasion, I
believe if God claimed your life he would not have permitted such a heart
as that of my Fleurange to be divided for a day!
“This time, it is true, everything is at an end, and without remedy. You
are irrevocably separated from him to whom you gave your heart—allow me to
say now, to whom you gave it unreasonably!—You shudder, my poor child, you
find me cruel, and all the false brilliancy which fascinated you, now
lights up anew the image still present and still dear to your imagination;
nevertheless, I will go on.
“There is an earthly love which, if it lengthens the road that leads to
God, does not, however, turn one from it—which, by the very virtues it
requires, the sacrifices it imposes, and the sufferings that spring from
it, often seconds the noblest impulses of the soul.
“Do you not feel now, Fleurange, that the foundation of such a love was
wanting to yours? I perceived it at Santa Maria as soon as I heard your
story to the end, and looked into the most secret recesses of your heart.
I then understood why God had placed obstacles in your way, and imposed a
sacrifice on you. Your sufferings appeared to me the expiation of an
idolatry you did not realize the extent of.
“If you had shown any doubt or hesitation as to the course to be pursued,
if you had been weakly desirous of sparing yourself and escaping the
sacrifice imposed, perhaps I should at that time have expressed myself
more severely. But you acted with firmness and uprightness, and I deferred
revealing to you the secret malady of your heart till, with time, peace
should be restored to you. Till then, what you suffered seemed to me a
sufficient punishment.
“But it was not to be so. The temptation was to be renewed, and under a
form impossible for my poor child to resist. She yielded to the generous,
passionate impulse of her heart, and found in the very excess of her
devotedness a means of satisfying her conscience which she confusedly felt
the need of. But something more was essential: she must suffer still
more—more than before. In short, the idol must be shattered, and this
destruction seemed to involve the very breaking of her own heart!—
“But it is not so, Fleurange. Across the distance that separates us I
would make my voice heard, and wish it possessed a divine power when I say
to you: ‘Rise up and walk.’ Yes; resume your course through the life God
gives you, and courageously bless him for having snatched you from the
snare of a love not founded on him, which must have proved hollow sooner
or later. Then look around, see whom you can console and aid; see also
whom you can love; especially notice who loves you, and banish from your
heart the thought, equivalent to blasphemy, which you express in saying,
‘My life is stripped of all that made it desirable!’—
“Some day, my Fior Angela, you will again recall these bitter, ungrateful
words, and will, I assure you, see their falsity. If God did not create
you to love him to the exclusion of those lawful affections which reflect
a ray of his love, you were still less created to find rest in a love
deprived of that light—a love whose sudden rending and keen anguish
preserved you from proving its perishable nature and spared you the pain
of irreparable deception!
“Once more, Fleurange, prostrate yourself before God, and give thanks:
then rise up and act. No lingering pity over yourself, no dwelling
regretfully on your deceived hopes and the pain you have suffered.
Courage! Your heart has been weak, it yielded to fascination; but your
volition as yet has never ceased to be strong. However rough the path of
duty, it was enough for you to see it in order to walk in it without
faltering. Courage, I say! You will live. You will do better than live—you
will recover from all this, and recall the time that seemed so dark as
that which preceded the real day that is to illumine your life.
“At first this letter will add to your sadness. You will feel yourself
deprived of everything, even of the consolation you expected of me; but do
not yield to the temptation of burning this letter after reading it. Keep
it to read over again, and be sure that sooner or later the day will come
when a sweet promise of happiness will respond at the bottom of your heart
at reading it. You will then comprehend what were the prayers of your
Madre Maddalena for you, dear Fleurange, for they will on that day have
been heard!—”
This reply to the letter Fleurange wrote during the night of agitation
which followed her interview with Vera we lay before our readers at its
arrival at Rosenheim after her return from her sad journey; but one summer
evening, two years after, the young girl, seated on a bench overlooking
the river, read it over the second time. She was in her old seat, but her
appearance was somewhat changed. A severe illness, resulting from the
emotion and fatigue endured two years before, endangered her life, and to
her convalescence had succeeded a malady slower, deeper, and more
difficult to heal, against which all remedies, though energetically
seconded by a resolute will, long remained ineffectual.
During this period of weakness Fleurange had never known before, life
assumed a new and formidable aspect. For a long time she was unable to
struggle actively against the double languor of illness and depression;
she had to endure inaction without making it an additional torture to
herself and others; in short, she was obliged to be constantly and
silently on her guard against herself. She succeeded, however, accepting
with grateful docility all the care that surrounded her. She did not repel
her friends from her crushed heart, but, on the contrary, endeavored to
convince them that their affection was sufficient, and that, once more
with them, nothing was wanting. By degrees, it required no effort to say
this. As the sun in spring‐time melts away the snow, then warms the earth
and covers it with flowers, so, under the influence of their beneficent
tenderness, everything began to revive in her heart and soul. Was it not
delightful, as she lay half asleep on her _chaise longue_ for long hours,
to hear around her, like the warblings of birds, Frida’s caressing voice
mingled with the tones of her cousin’s little children whom she loved to
hold in her arms and caress when they awoke her? Was it not a consolation
to rest her weary head on a bosom almost maternal? Was it not salutary to
converse with her Uncle Ludwig when he wheeled his chair near the young
invalid, and spoke of so many things worthy of her attention without ever
turning it away from the highest of all? And Hilda? And Clara? And Julian
and Hansfelt? Did they not all come with their constant affectionate
interest, each one bringing, as it were, a flower to add its perfume to
the air she breathed? Finally, was it nothing when she opened her eyes to
meet the kind glance of her old friend who, after fearing to lose her, was
never weary of gazing at her now she was again restored to life?
And what shall we say of him whom we have not yet named—him whose
solicitude for her was not apparently greater than that of his parents and
sisters, but who, during her long convalescence, ended by taking a place
beside her which no one thought of disputing? Clement’s character has been
badly delineated if, after the unexpected occurrence that restored freedom
to his hopes, it is supposed he was prompt to admit them, and especially
to express them. Nevertheless, since it was no longer an absolute duty to
maintain a strong, constant control over himself; since the fear of
betraying himself no longer obliged him to a restraint with his cousin
which had extended to every subject, and ended by frequently obliging him
to partially conceal from her the superiority of his mind and the rare
nature of his intelligence, a change was wrought in him which he did not
realize himself, and now gave to his physiognomy, the tone of his voice,
and his whole person a wholly different character than before in the eyes
of her to whom he thus appeared for the first time. She noticed it with
surprise, and, when he stopped reading to express the thoughts that sprang
spontaneously from his heart when moved, or his mind unimpeded in its
flight, and touched on a thousand subjects hitherto deemed forbidden, she
became thoughtful, and, in spite of herself, compared his eloquence of
soul, whose source was so profound, and whose flight was sometimes so
elevated, with the eloquence of another which once dazzled her, the only
charm of which sprang from his carefully cultivated mind, and his mind
alone. Every day she impatiently awaited this hour for reading or
conversation. She already appreciated her cousin’s devotedness, the
incomparable kindness of his heart, his trustworthiness, his energy, and
his courage. She had given him credit for all these qualities before, and
yet, all at once, it seemed as if she had never known him. She even asked
herself one day if she had ever looked at him, so completely did the
expression of his countenance—which beamed with what is most divine here
on earth—a double nobleness of mind and soul—so fully did his look and
smile atone for the imperfections already alluded to in Clement’s
features, but which time had greatly modified to his advantage. She soon
felt that, though she had always cherished a strong regard for her cousin,
she had been unjust to him and never appreciated his real worth.
But the day, the hour, the moment when she discovered she had been not
only unjust, but ungrateful, and even cruel, we cannot state, and perhaps
she did not know herself. Was it the day when, after reading in a
tremulous tone a passage that expressed what he dared not utter, he
suddenly raised his eyes and looked at her as he had never done before?
Was it on another occasion, when, playing one tune after another on his
violin, he ended with that song without words which Hansfelt called
_Hidden Love_, and suddenly stopped, incapable of continuing? Or was it
when, towards the end of the second spring after their return, she had
fully recovered, and he saw her for the first time in the open air
standing near a rose‐bush with her hands full of flowers? Was it when he
knelt to pick up one that had fallen at her feet, and remained in that
position till she extended her hand and blushingly bade him rise? No
matter. That day came, and not long before the one when we find her seated
on the bench by the river‐side, attentively reading over the letter Madre
Maddalena had written her two years before.
The young girl, as we have said, had changed somewhat since we last saw
her. Her long illness had left some traces, but those traces which are an
additional charm in youth, betokening the complete return of brilliant
health. Fleurange’s form was more slender and supple; her complexion more
transparent; her long hair, cut off during her illness, and now growing
out again, encircled her youthful face with thick, silky curls—all this
gave her something of the grace of childhood, and when she stood beside
her cousin, whose tall stature and manly, energetic expression added the
appearance of several years to his real age, it would never have been
supposed she was not the younger of the two.
Motionless and absorbed, from time to time as she read her face colored
and expressed a variety of emotions. But when she came to her own words:
“My life is now stripped of all that made it desirable,” and what follows,
“Some day, my Fior Angela, you will recall these bitter, ungrateful words,
and will, I assure you, see their falsity,” she stopped short, and,
raising her eyes full of tears to heaven, she said:
“Yes, Madre mia, you were right!” She covered her face with her hands, and
remained a long time absorbed and overpowered by a flood of thoughts. In
the depths of her memory, there were vague recollections of the past
traced as if by lightning; and some almost forgotten scenes now rose
before her like a confused dream.
That violent outburst of grief; the sobs he could not repress when he
learned she was determined to go to George; and, later on, the words
murmured on the ice when he thought the last hour of his life had come,
scarcely heard at the time, and then speedily forgotten, came back to‐day
like invisible writing brought out by the application of heat. The
sentiments she had discovered only within a few days perhaps had long been
experienced by Clement, if not always—and, if so, oh! then, how great had
been his love and constancy, and what sufferings had he not endured for
her sake! Alas! what had she not inflicted on that noble, faithful soul!
“Oh!” cried she aloud, “was there ever a person more blind, more
ungrateful, more cruel than I?”
She stopped, started, and raised her head; she thought she heard her
cousin’s step. She was not mistaken. He sought her in her favorite seat,
and now stood before her in the same place where, three years before, she
unwittingly caused him so much suffering as he looked at her. It was the
same place, and the same season, and also the same hour. Daylight was
fading away, and now, as then, the rising moon cast a silver ray over the
charming face which he was again seeking to read. But this time his
questioning look was comprehended, and the silent response of her
beautiful eyes, as expressive as words, imparted to the heart that
understood it one of those human joys reserved here below for those alone
who are capable of a pure, constant, peculiar love—a love only worthy of
being named after that for God.
We might now end this story, and lay down our pen, without attempting to
describe the joy of the family when, as night came on, they saw the two
absent ones return, and each one divined from their looks the nature of
the conversation which tonight had detained them so long on the banks of
the river. But towards the end of an evening so happy, Mademoiselle
Josephine unintentionally made an exclamation it may not be useless to
add:
“See! see!” she cried, in the exultation of her happiness, mingled with
secret pride at her penetration, “how right I was in thinking Count
George!—” She stopped confounded, suddenly recalling all past precautions,
and fearing she had been imprudent in neglecting them.
But Fleurange unhesitatingly exclaimed: “Go on, dear mademoiselle, go on
without any fear, and boldly pronounce a name I now neither shrink from
nor seek to hear.” And, as she spoke, the remembrance of his past tortures
crossed Clement’s memory, giving him a keener sense of his present
happiness. She asked him, in a calm tone, “Is he still in exile, or has he
been pardoned?”
Clement replied with a smile: “No, he has not been pardoned; he is still
undergoing his sentence to the full extent.” After a moment’s silence, he
added: “I had a letter from Adelardi this very morning which speaks of
him.—Would you like to read it?”
At an affirmative nod from her, he took out his pocket‐book to find the
letter. As he opened it, a little sprig of myrtle fell out. Fleurange
immediately recognized it. “What! you still keep that?” said she,
blushing.
Clement made no reply. He looked at it with emotion; it was a part of a
carefully hoarded treasure, and for a long time the only joy of his hidden
love! “Never, no never!” murmured he. “That was my reply that evening,
Gabrielle, when you promised me a beautiful bride. Do you remember it?”
“Yes, for I had said the same words an hour before, and the coincidence
struck me.”
“What can we think of it, now you are really the _fiancée_ I dreamed of as
impossible?”
“That our presentiments are often illusory—and our sentiments also,
Clement,” added she, turning towards him her eyes veiled with tears which
seemed to implore his pardon.
We will not say what Clement’s reply was; only, that it made them both
completely forget Adelardi’s letter. We will, however, lay it before our
readers, who may be less indifferent to its contents than he to whom it
was addressed was for the moment. It was dated at Florence. The marquis,
whose visits at Rosenheim had become annual, announced his speedy arrival,
after which he continued:
“The poor Princess Catherine, after whom you inquire, has had a return of
her malady, so many times cured, and it is now increased by
dissatisfaction and annoyance more than by age. No one succeeds in taking
care of her so well as she whom she still remembers. Each new attack
renews her regrets, which have found no compensation in the gratification
of her wishes. I have often remarked, however, that there is nothing like
the realization of a desire to efface the remembrance of the ardor with
which it was sought, and even the transport that hailed its fulfilment. It
is certain the princess’ actual relations with her son are by no means
satisfactory; they are affected by the ill‐humor of both parties. George’s
exile would seem enviable to many; for the place he inhabits has
everything to make it delightful excepting the liberty of leaving it, and
this mars the whole. He can enjoy nothing, he says, because everything is
forced upon him. There is reason, therefore, to fear the future he is
preparing for himself and his wife is very ominous.
“The Countess Vera is a beautiful, noble woman, capable of self‐sacrifice
to a certain point, but haughty, high‐tempered, and jealous to the last
degree. She thought the sacrifice she made in marrying George in the
position he was then in, would secure his unsteady heart, and bind him
faithfully to her through gratitude. She saw only too soon it was not so,
and that the comparative liberty he had regained was soon regarded as a
weary bondage. Thence resulted scenes which more than once have disturbed
the life whose monotony they are not allowed to break. Will you credit it?
In one of them, Vera, in the height of her irritation and jealousy,
betrayed the secret hitherto so well guarded, and declared in her anger
that _she regretted not having left him to the fate another was so ready
to share with him_. She afterwards had reason to regret her imprudence,
for George exacted a complete revelation, and the remembrance thus
suddenly revived and clad with the double charm of the past and the
unattainable caused him in his turn to overwhelm her with the most bitter
reproaches. I am not sure but he had the cruelty to tell her he should a
thousand times have preferred the fate she saved him from to that he now
had to endure with her!—There can only be one opinion as to this mirage of
his imagination; but, after all this, you will not be surprised to hear
that they both long with equal ardor for their liberty, which they must
wait for two years longer. According to appearances, it will be as
dangerous for one as for the other. The princess has realized and
predicted this since her visit to Livonia last summer, where I accompanied
her.
“During her stay, George did not spare her any reproaches, and they were
the more keenly felt because she had for a long time seen that the result
of her wishes had been a sacrifice of her own comfort and happiness
through her opposition to what had at once deprived her of her son and the
only companion that had ever satisfied her. And when she is dissatisfied,
she must always vent her anger on some one besides herself. Whom do you
think she reproached the other day before me for all her troubles?
Gabrielle!—who, she said, did not know how to avail herself of her
ascendency three years ago as she should, and to retain it!
“Since she has seen that I by no means sympathize in her regrets—which
will not be shared by you either, I suppose, nor, I like to think, by her
who inspires them—she is offended with me in my turn, and declares in a
melancholy tone that all friends are unfeeling and all children
ungrateful!—”
Clement’s reply to this letter hastened the marquis’ arrival. He had seen
his young friend’s hopes spring up and develop, and would not for the
world have been absent from Rosenheim on the day of their realization.
William and Bertha, the discreet confidant who knew how to console Clement
in his sufferings without questioning him, were the only friends, besides
the marquis, who were admitted that day into this happy family. The
wedding was as gay as Clara’s, but the newly married pair were graver and
more thoughtful. They had both passed through severe trials, which now
gave a certain completeness to their happiness, often wanting here below
in the most joyful of festivals.
And they also, in their turn, set off for Italy, and it may be imagined
that, among the places they visited together, the first to which their
hearts led them was that where awaited the Madre Maddalena’s welcome and
blessing. At their return, Mademoiselle Josephine’s house, improved and
embellished, became their home, on the condition imposed by their old
friend that she should dwell under their roof the remainder of her days.
Was their destiny a happy one? We can safely reply in the affirmative. Was
it exempt from pains, sufferings, and sacrifices? We can deny that still
more positively. But it was, however, enviable; for of all earthly
happiness, they possessed what was most desirable, without ever forgetting
that “life can never be perfectly happy because it is not heaven, nor
wholly unhappy because it is the way thither.”(231)
American Catholics And Partisan Newspapers.
To Catholics, as such, the political discussions of a Presidential
campaign have no special significance. Thus far no issues between the two
chief parties have particularly affected us. Both have generally been
careful not to offend us; and although in local elections questions
touching our schools and charities have sometimes become prominent, in the
larger contest our votes have been fairly divided between the Republican
and the Democratic candidates. If there ever unfortunately arise a
distinctively Catholic party in American politics, it will not be because
Catholics are unwilling to co‐operate freely with their Protestant fellow‐
citizens in secular affairs, but because we have been thrown upon the
defensive by some combination directly and designedly hostile to our
religious interests. None know better than we do that there is no excuse
in this country for uniting religious with political issues. Our
constitution gives equal liberty and protection to all, and we should be
sorry to have it otherwise, for we know that the church makes all the more
rapid progress in the United States by reason of her absolute
independence. Asking nothing of the state but fair play, she gives no
excuse to her enemies for making any discrimination against her children.
Her position has been generally understood and approved; and although
there are fiery bigots at all times who rave about the dangerous designs
of the papists, and affect to dread a crusade with torch and sword as soon
as we get to be a little stronger, the good sense of the American people
has usually treated these sectaries with the indifference they deserve.
We have intimated, however, in former numbers of THE CATHOLIC WORLD, that
the chronic anti‐Catholic agitation might assume a new character which
would require on our part a new attitude of resistance. A few years ago,
when the settlement of the issues of the war first seemed to menace the
dissolution of the Republican party, the most active leaders of that party
began to cast about for a “new departure,” and one of their favorite plans
for keeping the organization alive was the scheme of compulsory education
by the general government. Of this project the Hon. Henry Wilson was a
prominent advocate. It has not yet been formally brought into politics,
for the party has been able to get along without it; but it has not been
abandoned, and we need not be surprised if it be strongly pushed within
the next few years. Now, Catholics look upon the question of religious
education as one of paramount importance. They will not surrender the
teaching of their children into the hands of Protestants and infidels;
they will not consent, so far as _their_ young people are concerned, to
the separation of religious and secular instruction. Any party which seeks
directly or indirectly to limit the usefulness or hamper the operations of
Catholic schools, must prepare to encounter in Catholics a united and
determined resistance.
Thus far no such conflict has arisen. We may hope that it never will
arise. And yet, during the canvass that has recently closed, two of the
leading organs of Republican opinion have opened a bitter and apparently
concerted warfare upon the Catholics of the United States which we cannot
help regarding as highly significant. In the midst of a Presidential
campaign, political organs never make such attacks except for political
reasons. The papers to which we refer are in close relations with the
party leaders. _The New York Times_ became for a time, when _The Tribune_
abandoned orthodoxy, the principal Republican newspaper of the principal
state in the Union. It is known to have reflected with tolerable accuracy
the sentiments of the Republican managers in New York, and it has always
said what it assumed to be acceptable at the White House. For a long time
it has been notoriously unfriendly to Catholics. It has amused itself, in
its heavy, witless way, laughing at what they hold sacred and abusing all
that they respect. Until a few months ago, its offensive utterances seemed
to be merely the occasional vulgarities of a bigotry that, did not know
enough to hold its tongue. But when Mr. Francis Kernan was nominated for
Governor of the State of New York, its assaults became more methodical,
more vehement, and apparently more malicious. Mr. Kernan is a Catholic; so
_The Times_ instantly denounced him as “a bigot.” An utterly untrue
pretence was made that Democrats were asking Irishmen to vote for him on
account of his religion, and thus the point was insinuated rather than
openly pressed that on account of his religion Protestants ought to vote
against him. For the first time, to our knowledge, since Know‐Nothing
days, the question of religious belief was dragged into the dirty arena of
politics. Happily, the Catholics as a body kept their temper and their
judgment during these infamous proceedings. They refused to be drawn into
the discussion which _The Times_ wanted to provoke, and even when that
paper surpassed all its former disreputable acts by reproducing in its
columns a forged handbill, showing the name of Francis Kernan surrounding
a huge black cross, and told the public that such were the devices by
which the Democratic candidate sought to inflame the fanatical zeal of his
followers, the Catholics contented themselves with one word of indignant
denial. It would have been a rash display of political courage to which we
do not believe _The Times_ capable of rising, if an open attack had been
made upon the Catholic faith or Catholic morals. _The Times_ was even
frightened at its own frankness in scolding at Mr. Kernan for a bigot. It
professed to be shocked at the introduction of religious affairs into the
discussions of the campaign, and carried on a cowardly anti‐Catholic
warfare under cover of repelling purely imaginary assaults. Of course this
subterfuge was well understood by all parties. The Catholics knew that
they had done nothing to draw this fire; the Protestants also knew it, and
a great many of them were indignant at the transaction. Was _The Times_
itself deceived? That is a question which perhaps we should not attempt to
answer. In its wild bigotry, it is capable of believing almost any
preposterous falsehood against us; but it is equally capable of inventing
one. Some familiarity with the course of political controversies in the
United States has convinced us that in a fight _The Times_ sticks at
nothing. It would rather stab an enemy in the back than kill him in open
battle. It never gives fair‐play; it never makes amends for a wrong‐doing;
it never withdraws a calumny. Everybody who has had a controversy with it
will bear witness that it is not in the habit of telling the truth about
its adversaries. That it is in the habit of consciously, or, to speak more
correctly, deliberately, lying we do not go so far as to say. But there is
a kind of falsehood very common with people of strong prejudices to which
_The Times_ is greatly addicted. It bears about the same relation to truth
that hyperbole bears to historical statement. Let us suppose that _The
Times_ really imagines the Catholic Church to be a dangerous and immoral
organization, and its bishops and supporters in this country to be engaged
in an enterprise which ought to be resisted; with this conviction of the
general wickedness of Catholic principles, it imagines itself justified in
charging upon individual Catholics a variety of specific crimes for which
it has no evidence whatever. Catholics are none too good to commit murder,
we can imagine it saying; therefore let us accuse Francis Kernan of
killing his grandmother. The Pope is an impostor; therefore it cannot be
wrong to call Archbishop McCloskey a thief. Indeed, men who would blush to
tell an untruth in private intercourse with their fellow‐men have no
hesitation in publishing slanderous accusations which they suppose may
“help their party”; and, if we should say that their conduct in doing so
was to the last degree infamous, they would affect to be shocked by our
strong language. The editor of _The Times_ would think twice before he
went into a club parlor, and publicly accused some prominent citizen of a
criminal action, unless he had the strongest possible proof of the
commission of the offence. But he makes such accusations every day in his
newspaper, without knowing, and we presume without caring, whether they
are true or not. Anybody whom he dislikes he regards as an outlaw. Anybody
who comes in his way is a fit subject for the penitentiary. We saw a
striking illustration of his entire insensibility to the demands of truth
and honor in his behavior towards a rival newspaper a few weeks ago. At
the close of the year, _The Times_ made great efforts to secure the old
subscribers of _The Tribune_, who were supposed to be dissatisfied with
that paper’s recent declaration of political independence, and the means
which it took to secure them was one which in any other business would
have resulted in a suit for slander and a verdict in very heavy damages.
_The Times_ first circulated a report that _The Tribune_ had sold itself
to one of the most disreputable stock‐gamblers in Wall Street, and then
assured the public that the circulation of its competitor had fallen away
more than half, and was rapidly going down to nothing at all. Both these
stories were well known to be entirely untrue, and, if the editor of _The
Times_ was not conscious of their falsity when he penned them, he might
easily have learned the truth by a moment’s inquiry. But he did not want
the truth. He wanted to say something damaging, and these were the most
damaging things he could think of.
How much he succeeded in damaging Mr. Kernan by his campaign slanders
against Catholics, we can guess from the figures of the election. Mr.
Kernan received about 5,000 more votes for Governor than Mr. Greeley
received in this State for President; but he received 5,000 fewer than the
candidate for Lieutenant‐Governor on the same ticket. This loss is
probably attributable directly to the anti‐Catholic feeling, for Mr.
Kernan is a gentleman to whom no personal objection could possibly be made
except on religious grounds. No doubt an equally large number of voters
were repelled, by the bigotry _The Times_ fostered, from supporting the
Democratic and Liberal ticket at all; so that we shall not pass the bounds
of probability if we estimate the fruit of prejudice and falsehood in this
case as equivalent to ten thousand votes.
Catholics are used to injustice, and they are not quick to resent it. In
America, the church has prospered under every sort of obstacle and
discouragement short of the direct hostility of the government, and it is
not likely that her course will be stayed by _The New York Times_. But it
is well for us to look at the situation carefully, and judge who are our
friends. If any political party is to make bigotry part of its stock in
trade, we cannot help taking notice of such a declaration of hostilities,
and we shall govern ourselves accordingly.
We have said that _The Times_ and _Harper’s Weekly_ appear in this matter
to have acted in concert. Perhaps it is unfair to hold the party managers
fully responsible for the utterances of these two violent newspapers; but
we cannot forget that both journals are in close communion with the
Republican administration, and that both have been governed during the
campaign by the judgment of the Republican leaders. The editor of _The
Times_ enjoys the most intimate association with the federal organization
popularly known as the “Custom‐house faction” in New York City; the editor
of _Harper’s Weekly_ is the personal friend of the President, and speaks
the mind of the President’s chief advisers in Washington. If, then, these
two papers have made a systematic assault upon the Catholic Church in the
midst of a sharp political controversy, and have taken pains to give their
furious Protestantism a direct political bearing, the party for which they
speak must be prepared to face the responsibility. It should be observed,
however, in justice to the sensible and unprejudiced members of the party,
that _Harper’s Weekly_, though it may have been encouraged in its
bitterness by partisan considerations, did not draw from such motives its
first anti‐Catholic inspiration. It has always been our enemy. A spirit,
of commercial fanaticism, the hatred of a religion which it will pay to
abuse, has distinguished the firm of the Harpers ever since the public has
known anything about them. The political campaign of 1872 made no
difference in the tone of their paper; it merely gave force, and
concentration, and regularity to the attacks which had previously been
spasmodic.
How coarsely it attempted to turn to political account the religious
bigotry upon which it had always traded may be seen in an article entitled
“Our Foreign Church,” published in _Harper’s Weekly_ of the 14th of
September last. The writer starts with the assumption that all religious
denominations in this country, except “the Romish Church,” patriotically
renounced the authority of their European rulers when the American
republic was founded. The Methodists “rejected the control in political
and ecclesiastical matters of their founders”; the Presbyterians
repudiated the General Assembly of Scotland; Episcopalians revolted from
the Archbishop of Canterbury; the Jews “threw themselves boldly into the
tide of American progress”; while the Catholic Church alone stood aloof,
and “refused to separate itself from its European masters,” and conform
its organization to the Declaration of Independence and the constitution
of the United States. Ridiculous as this complaint sounds, it is no
burlesque, but a faithful synopsis of the nonsense which Mr. Eugene
Lawrence is permitted to print in _Harper’s Weekly_. A church of divine
origin, according to this preposterous person, is to change its divine
laws to conform to the requirements of temporary human institutions; and
the political theories of Thomas Jefferson are to govern the ordinances of
Jesus Christ. It is the glory of the true church that she is above all
secular constitutions. She has seen the rise and fall of countless
dynasties and states; she will survive the ruin, if every form of
government now known upon earth shall be eventually overthrown. Empires,
kingdoms, republics, are all alike to her. She was founded for all ages
and all climes; she was not created, as Mr. Eugene Lawrence seems to think
she ought to have been, for the exclusive benefit of the United States of
America. This is a great country; but we presume that our constitution,
amendments and all, occupies but an insignificant place in the divine
order of the universe.
Obeying its heaven‐appointed head, who did not see fit to choose either
Europe or America for the place of his human birth, the Roman Catholic
Church in America, according to _Harper’s Weekly_, is a foreign body, and,
therefore, dangerous (as all foreigners are) to the peace of society. “It
is loud in its denunciations of American civilization;” it “furnishes
three‐fourths of the criminals and the paupers who prey upon the
Protestant community”; it never intermits its “attacks upon the principles
of freedom”; and “its great mass of ignorant voters have been the chief
source of our political ills.” Moreover, “the unpatriotic conduct of the
Romish population in our chief cities during the rebellion is well known.
They formed a constant menace and terror to the loyal citizens; they
thronged the ‘peace meetings’; they strove to divide the Union; and when
the war was over they placed in office their corrupt leaders, and
plundered the impoverished community.” We are almost ashamed to copy, even
for the purpose of denouncing it, this insult to the memory of our dead
Catholic soldiers. There is not a man in the United States who does not
know of the noble share of these outraged “Romish” troops in the terrible
struggles of the civil war; not a man who is ignorant of the splendid
record of the Irish regiments under the Union flag on every hard‐fought
field from the first Bull Run to the last conflict before Richmond. “The
Romish population of our chief cities” furnished the bone and sinew of
more than one gallant army during those four sad years. They gave up their
lives for the country of their birth or their adoption with a heroism that
stirs every sensitive heart. Their priests followed the army on the march
and into the fight. Their Sisters of Charity nursed the wounded and the
sick. The greatest of their prelates, aided by another bishop who is still
living, spent the last remains of his strength in defending the cause of
the Union in hostile foreign capitals. Nothing, in fine, could be more
magnificent than the patriotism with which the adherents of this “foreign
church” sacrificed life and fortune for their country during its hour of
need; and we have no language to define the infamy of endeavoring to make
capital for Gen. Grant by maligning the devoted men whom he led to death
at Shiloh and in the wilderness, and whose bravery, we are sure, he would
be the last man to depreciate.
And now, continues the writer in the _Weekly_, as the Presidential
election approaches, “our foreign church has assumed more openly than ever
before the form of a political faction.” “Romish priests” and “Romish
bishops” have taken the field as the partisans of Mr. Greeley, “the
candidate of disunion _and of religious bigotry_”!—the italics are
ours—and the church is engaged in an attempt “to place the fallen
slaveholders once more in power.” For these statements we deliberately
declare that there is no justification whatever. Mr. Eugene Lawrence
invented them out of his own bigotry and malice; and when he had the folly
and insolence to threaten us, as he did at the close of his article, with
“the vengeance of the people,” he added to his untruthfulness a degree of
hypocrisy which we have rarely seen equalled even in the publications of
the house of Harper & Brothers. We say hypocrisy; but perhaps that is
unfair. Mr. Lawrence may be silly enough to tremble at the bogies of his
own devising. He may imagine that the rest of the world is as much afraid
of the Pope as he is. He may fancy that the whole party of which he is
such a hard‐working member is burning with desire to take the Jesuits by
the throat and hang them on the nearest lamp‐post. If he did not suppose
that a profitable market could be found for his sensational wares, he
probably would not be at the trouble of the manufacture. If the “vengeance
of the people” do not menace the Jesuits, it will certainly not be the
fault of Mr. Lawrence. In the issue of the _Weekly_ for Oct. 12, he had a
furious narrative of “The Jesuit Crusade against Germany,” the points of
which are substantially these: The Jesuits, with the aid of the
Inquisition (of which they are the directors) and of a hired band of
convicts and brigands, obtained the absolute mastery of the city of Rome
and the papal government. The wretched people “cowered before their Jesuit
rulers,” and within the crumbling walls of the guilty capital “priests and
cardinals perpetrated their enormities unchecked and unseen.” They then,
by means of their “lawless police,” overpowered the Œcumenical Council,
and forced it, “by intimidation and bribes,” to accept the doctrine of
infallibility, to curse liberty and education, and to set on foot a bloody
crusade against political and intellectual freedom. This was in accordance
with the Jesuits’ time‐honored policy. “The fierce and fanatical Loyola”
used to burn heretics in Spain and Italy, and taught his followers that no
mercy should be shown to such offenders. It was the Jesuits who set on
foot the persecutions under Charles V. and Philip II., and “excited the
unparalleled horrors of the Thirty Years’ War.” In 1870, they were getting
ready for a new religious war. Napoleon III. was their chief backer. In
fact, the attack upon Germany in 1870 was the result of a conspiracy
between Rome and Paris, concluded at the council, and the purpose of the
war was nothing less than the establishment of the Jesuit Order on the
ruins of prostrate Germany! For this scheme _the Irish Catholics of
Dublin, London, and New York __“__furnished men, sympathy, and possibly
money.__”_ And now that the conspiracy has failed, and that the papists of
France have been beaten (in spite of all the sinews of war so lavishly
furnished by the Irish laborers and servant‐girls of New York), the
Jesuits are getting, up another European convulsion. “The Romish Church,
organized into a vast political faction, is stirring up war in Europe,
calls upon France to lead another religious crusade, and promises the aid
of all the chivalry of Catholicism in avenging the fall of Napoleon upon
the German Empire.” It purposes to involve all the great states of Europe
in a common ruin, “and erect the Romish See upon the wrecks of the
temporal empires.” The pilgrimage of Lourdes is a part of this scheme. The
Catholic Union is another. The International Society of Workingmen (of
which the Jesuits are the secret instigators!) is another. Mr. Lawrence
exhibits the venerable fathers in the unfamiliar garb of communists, and
substitutes the red cap for the beretta with all the effrontery and
_nonchalance_ in the world. The Order which in one column is the detested
safeguard of absolutism becomes in the next the raving propagandist of
social anarchy, revolution, and universal democracy. Can any rational
person after this condescend to dispute with Mr. Lawrence?
As in the other cases to which we have referred, there was a political
moral to this story also. If we would avert this horrible era of blood and
fire, said _Harper’s Weekly_, we must vote for General Grant, and stand up
for the straight Republican ticket. Grant is the firm ally of Germany
against Jesuitism. Grant is the champion of public schools against
religious education. Grant is the enemy of all manner of Romish fraud and
violence. Greeley is the friend of priests and persecutors, the foe of the
Bible and education, the accomplice of that infamous “Jesuit faction”
which “would rejoice to tear the vitals of American freedom, and rend the
breast that has offered it a shelter”; and if he should be elected the
“Jesuit Society” would celebrate the victory “like a new S. Bartholomew,
with bells, cannon, processions, prayers at the Vatican,” and hasten “the
rising of the Catholic chivalry ... in their sanguinary schemes against
the peace and independence of Germany.” Such was the wicked nonsense with
which _Harper’s Weekly_ in the autumn of 1872 attempted to make political
capital out of the ignorance and bigotry of its readers.
But this was not the worst. The Jesuits were not only conspirators against
political and mental freedom, they were the principal enemies of the freed
people of the South. Their society (_risum teneatis, amici_) had “allied
itself with the Ku‐klux of Georgia and Mississippi”! And so infatuated was
the _Weekly_ with the monstrous folly of this tale that week after week it
returned to the same slander. On Oct. 26 it printed a portrait of the Most
Reverend Father‐General, accompanied with one of the most outrageous pages
of falsehood and defamation ever put into type. “In our country,” says the
author of the article, “the Jesuit faction has allied itself with the Ku‐
klux.” “The Jesuit Society assumes the guise of liberalism, and cheers on
the rebel and Ku‐klux in their plots against the Union.” “In America the
Jesuits link themselves with the Ku‐klux.” They do this because they hate
the republic. They denounce, “with maledictions and threatenings, the
course of modern civilization.”
“The world is in danger from the mad schemes of the triumphant
society; it is rousing France to a new crusade with omens and
pilgrimages; it threatens the German Empire with a war more
disastrous and destructive than Europe has ever seen. It summons
its adherents to the polls in Italy; it guides the elections of
Ireland, terrifies Spain, and even disturbs the repose of London;
and in our own country, so recently torn by civil war, the papal
crusaders, linked by the tie of perfect obedience, stand ready to
profit by our misfortunes, and to stimulate our internal
dissensions; to crush those institutions that have ever reproached
their own despotism, and destroy that freedom which is the chief
obstacle to their perpetual sway.”
The picture which the _Weekly_ draws of these dangerous brethren is
horrible enough to throw a child into fits:
“A dreadful mystery still hangs over them. Their proceedings are
secret, their purposes unknown. At the command of an absolute
master, they wander swiftly among the throngs of their fellow‐men,
eager only to obey his voice. Obedience is to the Jesuit the first
principle of his faith, instilled into his mind in youth,
perfected by the labors of his later years; he hears in the
slightest intimations of his chief at Rome the voice of his God,
the commands from heaven; and in the long catalogue of fearful
deeds which history ascribes to the disciples of Loyola, the first
impulse to crime must always have come from the absolute head of
the Order, and its single aim has always been to advance the power
of the Romish Church. Scarcely had its founder gained the favor of
the Pope, and fixed his seat at Rome, when he revived the
Inquisition. Italy trembled before the spectacle of ceaseless
_autos‐da‐fe_; the tortures and the cries of dying heretics, the
ruin of countless families, the flight of terrified and hopeless
throngs from their native land to the friendly shelter of Germany
and Switzerland, were the earliest fruits of the relentless
teachings of Loyola. The Jesuits led the armies of the persecutors
into the beautiful Vaudois valleys, and the worst atrocities of
that mournful example of human wickedness are due to their brutal
fanaticism. Soon they spread from Italy through all the kingdoms
of Europe; everywhere they brought with them their fierce and
cruel hatred of religious freedom, their cunning, their moral
degradation, their bold and desperate policy. They ruled in
courts; they terrified the people into submission; they were the
most active politicians of their time; their wealth was enormous;
their schools and colleges spread from Paris to Japan; and for
three centuries the name of the Jesuits, covered with the infamy
of the massacres of the Vaudois, the Huguenots, the Hollanders,
and the Germans, surrounded by its terrible mystery, the symbol of
a dark and dreadful association, has filled mankind with horror
and affright.”
The practical conclusion to be drawn from all this rhetoric was that
everybody, and especially every German, ought to vote for Gen. Grant and
the straight Republican anti‐Jesuit ticket. It was the Jesuits who
“nominated Mr. Greeley, a person known to be in friendly connection with
the Romish leaders and closely linked to the Papal Church.” The Jesuits
“cover Grant with monstrous calumnies, and celebrate the erratic Greeley.”
“Let every German beware lest he lend aid to the enemies of his country.
Let him shrink from the support of any candidate who is maintained by the
influence of the Jesuits.” “We trust every sincere Protestant ... will
labor ceaselessly to defeat the schemes of the Jesuits, and drive their
candidate back to a merited obscurity.” And in the same number we find the
following wicked paragraph:
“A Jesuit, the Rev. Mr. Renaud, was appointed some time ago by
Archbishop McCloskey to superintend the Romish interest in our
city charities. The result was at once apparent. The Jesuits
excited a revolt in the House of Refuge. One of the keepers was
murdered. One of the convicts was sent to the State prison. The
rebellion was subdued; but the Jesuits still defend the murderer,
and assail with calumnies the House of Refuge, one of the most
valuable and successful of our city institutions. This is a
curious confirmation of that dangerous character of the Jesuit
Society which is painted upon a larger scale in our article in the
present number on ‘The Jesuits.’ ”
The next slander of the _Weekly_ was to identify Tweed with the Jesuits.
“When the Romish priests,” says this astonishing journal (Nov. 2, 1872),
“at the command of their foreign master, began their assaults upon the
public schools, they found a ready ally in the Tammany Society.... Tammany
became the representative of a foreign influence and a foreign church. It
was European rather than American. It teemed with the coarse prejudices,
the dull ignorance, the intense moral blindness that to American sentiment
are so repulsive, with that mental and moral feebleness that belongs to
populations racked by the despot and oppressed by the priest.” An infamous
compact was now struck between Tammany and the Papal Church. The
“Romanists” supported the political leaders in riotous license, gross
vices, and indecent corruption; while an enormous debt was laid upon the
city “to satisfy the demands of the Romish priests.” Thus Tammany, by the
aid of its foreign allies, became despotic master of New York.
“Covered with the ineffaceable stains of treason and of public
robbery, its members attempted to rule by force, and in the spring
of 1871 New York lay at the mercy of rebels, peculators, and
foreign priests. The press was threatened, whenever it complained,
with violence, lawsuits, and the frowns of infamous courts. The
Common Council was imported from Ireland, and foreign assassins
threatened the lives of those ardent citizens who planned reform.”
The overthrow of the Tweed and Connolly Ring was a stunning defeat for the
Pope and his agents. The nomination of Greeley and Kernan (the one openly,
the other secretly; a slave of the Jesuits and the Inquisition) was a
desperate attempt of the Jesuits to recover what they had lost. And then
followed the usual homily, “Vote for Grant,” etc.
In this bitter political campaign against the church the writers for
_Harper’s Weekly_ were zealously assisted by their artist, Mr. Thomas
Nast. This individual has done more to degrade his profession than any
other draughtsman we know of, except, perhaps, the makers of lascivious
pictures for some of the flash newspapers. He has made a practice of
ridiculing the religious belief of hundreds of thousands of honest people
who came to America, as he did, from a foreign land, because America
offers to all immigrants the fullest measure of political equality and
religious freedom. It has been his pleasure to depict the priest
invariably as a sleek, sensual, brutal, and repulsive rogue; the bishop as
a grim, overbearing, and cunning despot, or now and then as a crocodile
crawling with open jaws towards a group of children. In the _Weekly_ of
Oct. 12, he represents Brother Jonathan attempting to sever the tie which
binds an American bishop to the Pope, holding out, as he does so, a
naturalization paper inscribed “This ends the foreign allegiance.” The
Pope has his arms full of papers: “Orders to all state officials that are
Roman Catholics”; “Down with the American public schools”; “The promised
land, U. S.,” etc.; and the bishop carries similar documents: “Orders from
the Pope of Rome to the Catholics in America”; “Vote for Horace Greeley”;
“Vote for Kernan; he is a Roman Catholic, and will obey the orders of the
church.” Another picture, entitled “Swinging around the circle,” was
intended to represent all the disreputable supporters of Mr. Greeley in
company. “Free love and Catholicism” were side by side, in the persons of
Theodore Tilton and a priest, and “Mass and S. C.” figured as a
conventional Irishman with one of the Ku‐klux. Mr. Kernan was drawn (Nov.
2) kneeling, in an abject attitude, at the feet of the Pope (“Our Foreign
Ruler”), and swearing, “I will do your bidding, as you are infallible”; in
the background stood a priest loaded with papal orders against the public
schools; and on the wall was a copy of the forged handbill, with the
legend, “For governor, Francis Kernan,” surrounding a black cross. In a
picture of the “Pirates under False Colors,” a priest with a cross held
aloft in one hand, and a tomahawk half hidden in the other, is a
conspicuous figure in a gang of ruffians. In another cartoon a vulgar‐
looking priest is seen sprinkling the ruins of Tammany Hall with holy‐
water.
Now, we know very well that from one point of view the introduction of
these calumnies into politics was fraudulent. Mr. Greeley certainly had no
leaning towards the Catholic Church and no affiliations with Catholic
leaders, and Gen. Grant, we venture to affirm, is insensible to the
bigotry which his unworthy followers brought up as a reason for his re‐
election. We have nothing to ask of any President, and we give our votes
according to our individual preferences. But while we do not purpose
acting as a religious body in any political movement, we do not purpose
either to be set aside by any political party as an outlawed and degraded
people, upon whom venal pamphleteers and ignorant politicians may trample
at pleasure. If party organs take pains to attack us, and pour out, day
after day, and week after week, their filthy libels upon us, the party
which sanctions such a warfare and tries to reap the fruits of it shall
bear the responsibility. The Catholics of the United States are too
numerous, too intelligent, and too public‐spirited to be treated with
contempt by any faction, whether that faction call itself Liberal, or
Republican, or Democratic. We prefer, as we have often said before, to let
the politicians alone, and go our various ways in quiet, some after one
leader, some after another. But it may as well be understood that, if any
of these parties invite an irrepressible conflict with us, they will find
out, we trust, that we are not disposed to flinch from the defence of our
rights, which are identical with the rights of all other American
citizens.
Brussels.
“There was a sound of revelry by night,
And Belgium’s capital had gather’d then
Her beauty and her chivalry, and bright
The lamps shone o’er fair women and brave men.
A thousand hearts beat happily; and when
Music arose with its voluptuous swell,
Soft eyes look’d love to eyes which spoke again,
And all went merry as a marriage bell;
But hush! hark! a deep sound strikes like a rising knell!”
_Childe Harold._
The roar of cannon that ushered in the day of Waterloo—the deadly
Waterloo, big with the fate of empires—the fatal Waterloo, that sealed the
doom of the mighty conqueror, that hurled him on the prison‐island in the
far‐distant ocean, where expiation could be the only consolation of the
proud, haughty heart that knew no law but the iron will, which,
irresistible to all else, was shivered on the Rock of Peter—was not the
first, and may not be the last, sound of fearful strife there heard, as
Belgium has ever been the chosen battlefield of Europe.
And so well is the fact recognized, that the sole condition on which she
now exists as an independent state, is that of perfect neutrality. No
matter what may be her sympathies, what may be her interests, she cannot
take the sword: she can only defend her frontier, and prevent the entrance
of either friend or foe. This it is that gives her importance; her central
position, which makes her the key of the Continent, causes England to
watch over her with tender interest, gives the mistress of the seas a
_pied‐à‐terre_ in case of a general war—a contingency which may arise at
any moment.
The late King Leopold I., the Nestor of the European sovereigns, held an
exceptional position; the head of one of the smallest states, he had
perhaps the largest personal influence. His sagacity and experience made
his advice sought and respected by all. When, in the revolution of 1848,
thrones were tumbling down, and kings flying in every direction, of course
Brussels had to follow the prevailing fashion, and, without knowing
exactly what was wanted, the Bruxellois assembled around the palace; but
before they could state their grievances, Leopold appeared upon the
balcony, told them there was no necessity of any demonstration; he had
come to Brussels at their invitation, and was ready to leave, if his
departure would make them happier. Whereupon they reconsidered the
question, and concluded to let well enough alone.
After the separation of Holland and Belgium, Brussels increased rapidly,
and is now one of the pleasantest capitals in Europe. The new part of the
city, the Quartier Leopold, is a beautiful faubourg, and the boulevards
that encircle the city with a belt of green verdure, furnish a delightful
promenade. The park, a portion of the forest of Soignes, is charming; the
great trees meet in arches, and shade the crowds of ladies and children,
who live in the open air on fine days. On Sundays, the military bands play
from 2 to 3 P.M.; and every summer evening, from the 1st of June to the
1st of September, the orchestra of the Grand Opera gives concerts in the
kiosk of the _Quinconce_, the flower‐garden of the park.
Life in Brussels is very pleasant, easy, and independent; all the
appliances of modern civilization are within reach, botanical and
zoological gardens, picture galleries, theatres; the opera is a permanent
fact, at a reasonable rate; the orchestra led by Hanssens (recently
departed for another world) was admirable; numbered among the violinists
De Beriot, blind, but playing always with rare skill, and the other
artists were of equal merit. Of late years Brussels has become a _foyer_
for discontented spirits—
“Black spirits and white,
Red spirits and gray.
Mingle, mingle, mingle,
You that mingle may.”
And mingle they do without fear of _mouchards_, and air their opinions, no
matter how wild and dangerous. If they go a little too far, the government
or persons attacked interchange a few diplomatic notes with the Belgian
authorities, and then the police politely request them either to be silent
or try another dwelling‐place. Prim was for a long time resident, but one
fine morning was advised to take his departure, as his intrigues were
becoming too open and dangerous, but had been kept secret long enough to
lay the mine that exploded and blew the Queen of Spain into France; and
Henri Rochefort, driven from France, issued his _Lanterne_, which threw
light on many facts then thought to be false, but which events proved to
have been only too true.
Brussels is a paradise for women of taste; for where else can be found
such laces and fairy webs, such garnitures of _point de Bruxelles_, of
Valenciennes, of Malines, of Duchesse? A morning stroll down the Montagne
de la Cour and the Madeleine is a feast for the eye, for lace‐making is
one of the fine arts; the large houses employ three or four first‐class
artists to draw the designs, and, as the competition is great, the efforts
to surpass are immense. In making up a bride’s trousseau, it is etiquette
for the mother of the bride to give the white laces, the happy bridegroom
the black; and the prices where the parties are wealthy run up to an
enormous amount.
The gold embroideries are equally beautiful; in one _fabrique_ we saw a
set of vestments just finished for the Cathedral of Tournai; they were for
Lent, and were violet, with the instruments of the Passion exquisitely
done in raised embroidery. The effect was admirable; on the back of the
chasuble was the cross with the spear and the sponge, and so perfect was
the sponge it seemed as though it could be grasped. The column was on the
front of the vestment. It was a complete set for priest, deacon, and sub‐
deacon, with five copes, so that the artist had full opportunity for the
display of his talent. The same house had recently sent off the dresses
for the Empress of Austria and the ladies of her court, to be worn when
they walked in the procession on the Feast of Corpus Christi. Specimens of
the embroidery, which was of silver on white satin, were shown us, and,
judging by what we saw, the effect of the whole must have been charming.
The Musée Ancien is devoted to the artists of the past. Hubert and Jean
Van Eyck, whose discovery of the use of oil in mixing colors
revolutionized art, are represented by the “Adam and Eve” and the
“Adoration of the Magi.” Holbein’s portrait of Sir Thomas More is worthy
of the subject and the artist. Crayer’s Saints and Martyrdoms abound; one,
the “Apparition of Our Lord to S. Julien,” illustrates the beautiful
legend of S. Julien and his wife, S. Basilisse, who founded a hospital,
where they received and tended the sick poor. One winter night, hearing
sighs and groans at the door, S. Julien went out, and found a man nearly
frozen to death. He carried him in, warmed him before the fire, restored
him to consciousness, and then laid him in his own bed. The next morning
the holy couple went in to see their guest. The bed was empty, and, as
they approached it, Jesus, for it was he who had taken the form of the
poor sick man to try their charity, appeared to them, and said, “Julien, I
am your Lord and Saviour, who announces to you that ere long you and your
wife will repose in God.”
The “Martyrdom of S. Peter,” by Van Dyck, is terrible. The saint is
fastened to the cross, and three men are placing it in the ground. One,
kneeling, is endeavoring to push the end of the cross into the hole
prepared to receive it, another supports the cross on his shoulders, the
third steadies it. Meanwhile, all the blood in S. Peter’s body seems to
have descended into his head and face, which is brick‐dust color, and
looks as though it would burst. Altogether it is a fearful picture, so
lifelike that one waits to hear the thump the cross will give when finally
placed. Such pictures make us appreciate our feather‐bed Christianity, the
comfortable way we try to gain heaven and at the same time keep up an
agreeable acquaintance with the world, and perhaps its friend, the devil.
The finest Rubens in this Musée is “Christ ascending Calvary.” It is when
he is met by S. Veronica and some other women, who are magnificently
dressed, thus making the contrast greater between them and the exhausted,
blood‐stained figure of Our Lord, who is sinking beneath the weight of the
cross, and the agonized face of his blessed Mother, who, supported by S.
John, is advancing with outstretched hands to the assistance of her
beloved One.
The flower‐pieces by Seghers, the famous Jesuit painter, are exquisite;
interiors by Cuyp and Teniers, displaying their delicate care and finish,
are numerous; pictures by Rembrandt, with all his wonderful effects of
light and shade; some charming faces by Velasquez—two lovely little girls
hand‐in‐hand, who look as if they would step out of the frame and speak;
two splendid half‐lengths of Albert and Isabella, by Rubens, whose
portraits are always admirable; and some very good specimens of the
Italian school, among which are a Madonna of Sassoferrato, and a portrait
of a young woman, by Guercina, which is very beautiful.
The Musée Moderne is a collection of the modern Belgian school, which
deservedly ranks among the first. “Hagar in the Desert,” by Navez, is as
touchingly beautiful as any of the masterpieces of the great past; Leys,
Wiertz, Gallait, Portaels, whose “Fuite en Egypte” is found everywhere,
are men whose genius is recognized by all Europe; Van Schendel has
produced effects of light as remarkable as Rembrandt; Willems and Stevens
in finish rival Cuyp and Teniers; and Verboekhoven’s cattle‐pieces are
unsurpassed. Art is encouraged and fostered by the government; every year
there is a grand competition for the “Prix de Rome”; a committee is
appointed by the crown to decide upon the merit of the pictures, and the
successful one receives the Prix de Rome, which is four thousand francs, a
sum sufficient to maintain a student in Rome, in artist style, three
years, while he continues his studies.
Brussels is comparatively modern; it was a mere village when Malines,
Louvain, and other towns had acquired importance. In 1005, it passed by
marriage into the possession of the Comtes de Louvain, under whom it
rapidly increased; in 1040, it was surrounded by massive walls, of which
some portions still remain in the garden of the Curé of S. Gudule. In
1106, Comte Godfrey le Barbu acquired the title of Duc de Brabant, but
Louvain continued the most important town in the duchy, and preserved the
title of capital until the time of Albert and Isabella, who preferred
Brussels on account of its healthful climate and the vicinity of the well‐
stocked forest of Soignies.
The Grande Place of Brussels is unique; any change is forbidden by law; as
it has been for generations, so it must remain; and when one descends
suddenly from the park and boulevards, brilliant and gay with all the
sparkle of modern life, into the Grande Place, it is like another world.
The Hôtel de Ville is on one side; opposite is the Maison du Roi, adorned
with a statue of the Blessed Virgin, beneath which is the legend, _A
Feste, Fame et Bello, libera nos, Maria Pacis_, placed there in 1625 by
Isabella in gratitude to our Lady of Peace, for having delivered the city
from plague, famine, and war. In the place immediately below, is the noble
monument erected in reparation to the memory of the unfortunate Comtes
d’Egmont and de Hornes, on the spot on which, as the inscription runs,
“they were unjustly executed by the decree of the cruel Duc d’Albe.”
It was unjust and cruel, but still we cannot judge the past by the
present. Then, principles were positive facts, not vagaries expected to
give way at any moment to expediency, but realities plain and palpable,
upon which depended not only this perishable present, but the never‐ending
future, with its eternity of weal or woe. As men were expected to live up
to their principles, so were they expected to die for them. It is a high
standard by which to live, but it is the safest. We fancy nowadays that
the cruelty then dealt out for thoughts and opinions was abominable, but
we forget that those ideas, those thoughts, produced the frightful effects
of the ravages of the Gueux, of the orgies of John of Leyden; that from
religious they degenerated into social excesses of the lowest
kind—excesses which, if prolonged, would have reduced Christian Europe to
Vandal barbarism.
And so the brave, unfortunate Comte d’Egmont, the hero, whose valor
contributed so signally to the brilliant victory of Philip II. at St.
Quentin, lost his life for having tampered with the political sectaries,
or rather by being led into the snare by the Prince of Orange; when too
late, he saw his error, which was only political; his faith he ever kept
pure and untarnished. The Prince of Orange, on the eve of leaving Brussels
to join the enemy in Germany, urged him to go, but Egmont refused; the
prince told him if he remained he would be lost; that he was a fool to run
the risk. Friends until then, they parted in anger. Egmont spurned him,
and said, “Adieu, prince sans terre”; the prince replied, “Adieu, comte
sans tête”—words which were too fatally verified soon after. The Maison du
Roi is now occupied by the Cercle Artistique et Littéraire, and it was in
a small room in the second story that Comte d’Egmont passed the night
preceding his death, and wrote those touching farewell letters to his wife
and the King of Spain which reveal the nobleness of his character. The
famous picture by Gallait, “La tête d’un supplicié,” is a portrait of
Egmont. We have seen the original in the _atelier_ of Gallait, and he
assured us it was an accurate resemblance. _Requiescat in pace._
The Hôtel de Ville on the Grande Place is the finest of the municipal
palaces found in almost every city of Belgium. It is built round a
quadrangle, and the oldest part is the wing to the east of the tower,
commenced in 1402, at the angles of which are elegant turrets; the façade
consists of a gallery of open arches, surmounted by the Grande Brétèque, a
balcony from whence proclamations were made; above this are two rows of
windows, and an enormous battlemented roof, pierced with thirty‐seven
dormer windows.
The tower is 330 feet high; the lower half, from the basement to the
summit of the roof, is square; the upper part, built in 1444, is
octagonal, surmounted by a magnificent spire of open‐work, remarkable for
its lightness and delicacy; on its apex is fixed a table of stone, twelve
feet in circumference, and on this stone a globe of copper, supporting a
colossal figure of S. Michael trampling on the devil, thirteen feet high,
made of a number of thin plates of copper‐gilt, in 1454, which serves as a
weathercock, and turns with the least breath of wind. There is a shocking
tradition, currently reported, but not positively confirmed, that the
architect of the beautiful tower hung himself on its completion, because
he had not placed it exactly in the centre of the façade; which certainly
did not remedy the evil, as putting himself out of the world did not put
the tower in the right place.
The first story of the Hôtel de Ville contains a gallery in which are
magnificent full‐length portraits of Philippe le Beau, Charles V., Philip
II., Albert and Isabella, and other dignitaries; the council‐room,
audience‐chamber, and all the other apartments are splendidly ornamented,
the walls hung with Gobelin tapestry, representing scenes in the life of
Clovis and Clotilda. The ceiling of the council‐chamber is a masterpiece
of Janssens, in which the most extraordinary effects of light and shade
are produced; it represents an assembly of the gods, and their majesties
vary in their positions as they are seen from different points.
The remainder of the Grande Place is lined with venerable old houses,
terminating in fantastic gables, most of which were originally the halls
of various guilds and corporations; their façades pierced with numerous
odd little windows and covered with quaint designs, bas‐reliefs,
pilasters, balustrades, and inscriptions; some of the houses are gilded,
which adds to the picturesque appearance of the place, and on the summit
of the Brewers’ Guild is a fine equestrian statue of Prince Charles of
Lorraine—the good prince, as he is still affectionately called. In
mediæval times, the Grande Place was the ordinary scene of tournaments and
executions; here the Knights of the Golden Fleece held their brilliant
_réunions_, and Philip l’Asseuré and Charles V. gave splendid fêtes, which
in the reign of Philip II. were succeeded by very different scenes, under
the stern rule of the Duc d’Albe.
Just behind the Hôtel de Ville, at the corner of the Rue du Chêne and the
Rue de l’Etuve, is the beloved little statue of the “Premier Bourgeois de
Bruxelles.” The present bronze statue, after a model by Duquesnoy, was
made in 1619, and this replaced an old stone statue which is said to have
existed in the IXth century. Its origin is not known, but the favorite
tradition is that it represents a youthful Duc de Brabant, whose father
dying left him an infant of three years under the regency of his mother,
the Duchesse Lutgarde. The neighboring Comte de Malines coveted the fair
inheritance, declared war against the boy‐duc, and approached Brussels,
determined to take it by force of arms. The Brabançons flew to defend the
rightful heir, and, when the decisive day arrived, they besought the
duchesse to let them carry the little fellow in his cradle, and suspend it
from a great oak‐tree that overlooked the battle‐field. The duchesse in
tears consented, accompanied them to the field of Ransbeek, and remained
by the tree, from the highest branch of which the cradle was suspended.