Act. 7

Felonies. 2 2 2

Injury to

property. 4 9 7 20 5

Larcenies. 4 4 4

Misdemeanors.3 12 15 15

Murders.

Petty

Thefts. 1 1 10

Trespasses. 1 2 2 5

Riding

improperly

thro' the

streets.

Total 33 41 76 150 25 61

_Signed_, Richard S. Wickham,

_Superintendent of Police_.

* * * * *

_Superintendent's office_,

_Antigua, July 6th_, 1836.

"SIR,--I have the honor to submit for your information, a general

return of all offences reported during the last month, by which your

Honor will perceive, that no increase of 'breach of contract' has

been recorded.

While I congratulate your Honor on the successful maintenance of

general peace, and a reciprocal good feeling among all classes of

society, I beg to assure you, that the opinion which I have been

able to form in relation to the behavior of the laboring population,

differs but little from my late observations.

At a crisis like this, when all hopes of the ultimate success of so

grand and bold an experiment, depends, almost entirely, on a cordial

co-operation of the community, I sincerely hope, that no obstacles

or interruptions will now present themselves, to disturb that

general good understanding so happily established, since the

adoption of unrestricted freedom."

* * * * *

_Superintendent's office_,

_St. John's, Sept. 4th_, 1836.

"SIR--I have the honor to enclose, for the information of your

Excellency, the usual monthly return of offences reported for

punishment.

It affords me very great satisfaction to report, that the internal

peace and tranquillity of the island has remained uninterrupted

during the last month; the conduct of all classes of the community

has been orderly and peaceable, and strictly obedient to the laws of

their country.

The agricultural laborers continue a steady and uniform line of

conduct, and with some few exceptions, afford a general satisfaction

to their several employers.

Every friend to this country, and to the liberties of the world,

must view with satisfaction the gradual improvement in the character

and behavior of this class of the community, under the constant

operation of the local enactments.

The change must naturally be slow, but I feel sure that, in due

time, a general amelioration in the habits and industry of the

laborers will be sensibly experienced by all grades of society in

this island, and will prove the benign effects and propitious

results of the co-operated exertions of all, for their general

benefit and future advancement.

Complaints have been made in the public prints of the robberies

committed in this town, as well as the neglect of duty of the police

force, and as these statements must eventually come under the

observation of your Excellency, I deem it my duty to make a few

observations on this point.

The town of St. John's occupies a space of one hundred and sixty

acres of land, divided into fourteen main, and nine cross streets,

exclusive of lanes and alleys--with a population of about three

thousand four hundred persons.

The numerical strength of the police force in this district, is

eleven sergeants and two officers; five of these sergeants are on

duty every twenty-four hours. One remains in charge of the premises,

arms, and stores; the other four patrole by day and night, and have

also to attend to the daily duties of the magistrates, and the

eleventh is employed by me (being an old one) in general patrole

duties, pointing out nuisances and irregularities.

One burglary and one felony alone were reported throughout the

island population of 37,000 souls in the month of July; and no

burglary, and three felonies, were last month reported.

The cases of robbery complained of, have been effected without any

violence or noise, and have principally been by concealment in

stores, which, added to the great want of a single lamp, or other

light, in any one street at night, must reasonably facilitate the

design of the robber, and defy the detection of the most active and

vigilant body of police."

_Signed, &c._

* * * * *

_Superintendent's office,_

_Antigua, January 4th, 1837._

"SIR--It is with feelings of the most lively gratification that I

report, for your notice the quiet and peaceable termination of

Christmas vacation, and the last year, which were concluded without

a single serious violation of the governing laws.

I cannot refrain from cordially congratulating your Excellency on

the regular and steady behavior, maintained by all ranks of society,

at this particular period of the year.

Not one species of crime which can be considered of an heinous

nature, has yet been discovered; and I proudly venture to declare my

opinion, that in no part of his Majesty's dominions, has a

population of thirty thousand conducted themselves with more strict

propriety, at this annual festivity, or been more peaceably obedient

to the laws of their country."

_Signed, &c._

* * * * *

In connection with the above quotation from the monthly reports, we

present an extract of a letter from the superintendent of the police,

addressed to us.

_St. John's, 9th February, 1837._

"MY DEAR SIRS--In compliance with your request, I have not any

hesitation in affording you any information on the subject of the

free system adopted in this island, which my public situation has

naturally provided me with.

The opinion which I have formed has been, and yet remains, in favor

of the emancipation; and I feel very confident that the system has

and continues to work well, in almost all instances. The laborers

have conducted themselves generally in a highly satisfactory manner

to all the authorities, and strikingly so when we reflect that the

greater portion of the population of the island were at once removed

from a state of long existing slavery, to one of unrestricted

freedom. Unacquainted as they are with the laws newly enacted for

their future government and guidance, and having been led in their

ignorance to expect incalculable wonders and benefits arising from

freedom, I cannot but reflect with amazement on the peace and good

order which have been so fortunately maintained throughout the

island population of thirty thousand subjects.

Some trifling difficulties sprang up on the commencement of the new

system among the laborers, but even these, on strict investigation,

proved to originate more from _an ignorance of their actual

position_, than from any bad feeling, or improper motives, and

consequently _were of short duration_. In general the laborers are

peaceable orderly, and civil, not only to those who move in higher

spheres of life than themselves, but also to each other.

The crimes they are generally guilty of, are petty thefts, and other

minor offences against the local acts; but crimes of an heinous

nature are very rare among them; and I may venture to say, that

petty thefts, _breaking sugar-canes to eat_, and offences of the

like description, _principally_ swell the calendars of our quarterly

courts of sessions. _Murder_ has been a stranger to this island for

many years; no execution has occurred among the island population

for a very long period; the only two instances were two

_Irish_ soldiers.

The lower class having become more acquainted with their governing

laws, have also become infinitely more obedient to them, and I have

observed _that particular care is taken among most of them to

explain to each other the nature of the laws_, and to point out in

their usual style the ill consequences attending any violation of

them. ==> _A due fear of, and a prompt obedience to, the

authority of the magistrates, is a prominent feature of the lower

orders_, and to this I mainly attribute the successful maintenance

of rural tranquillity.

Since emancipation, the agricultural laborer has had to contend with

two of the most obstinate droughts experienced for many years in the

island, which has decreased the supply of his accustomed vegetables

and ground provisions, and consequently subjected him and family to

very great privations; but this even, I think, has been submitted to

with becoming resignation.

To judge of the past and present state of society throughout the

island, I presume that _the lives and properties of all classes are

as secure in this, as in any other portion of his Majesty's

dominions_; and I sincerely hope that the future behavior of all,

will more clearly manifest the correctness of my views of this

highly important subject.

I remain, dear sirs, yours faithfully, RICHARD S. WICKHAM,

_Superintendent of police_."

* * * * *

This testimony is pointed and emphatic; and it comes from one whose

_official business it is to know_ the things whereof he here affirms. We

have presented not merely the opinions of Mr. W., relative to the

subordination of the emancipated negroes in Antigua, but likewise the

_facts_ upon which be founded his opinion.

On a point of such paramount importance we cannot be too explicit. We

therefore add the testimony of planters as to the actual state of crime

compared with that previous to emancipation.

Said J. Howell, Esq., of T. Jarvis's estate, "I do not think that

aggressions on property, and crime in general, have increased since

emancipation, but rather decreased. They _appear_ to be more frequent,

because they are made _more public_. During slavery, all petty thefts,

insubordination, insolence, neglect of work, and so forth, were punished

summarily on the estate, by order of the manager, and not even so much

as the rumor of them ever reached beyond the confines of the property.

Now all offences, whether great or trifling, are to be taken cognizance

of by the magistrate or jury, and hence they become notorious. Formerly

each planter knew only of those crimes which occurred on his own

property; now every one knows something about the crimes committed on

every other estate, as well as his own."

It will be remembered that Mr. H. is a man of thorough and long

experience in the condition of the island, having lived in it since the

year 1800, and being most of that time engaged directly is the

management of estates.

"Aggression on private property, such as breaking into houses, cutting

canes, &c., are decidedly fewer than formerly. It is true that crime is

made more _public_ now, than during slavery, when the master was his own

magistrate."--_Dr. Daniell_.

"I am of the opinion that crime in the island has diminished rather than

increased since the abolition of slavery. There is an _apparent_

increase of crime, because every misdemeanor, however petty, floats to

the surface."--_Hon. N. Nugent_.

We might multiply testimony on this point; but suffice it to say that

with very few exceptions, the planters, many of whom are also civil

magistrates, concur in these two statements; that the amount of crime is

actually less than it was during slavery; and that it _appears_ to _be

greater_ because of the publicity which is necessarily given by legal

processes to offences which were formerly punished and forgotten on the

spot where they occurred.

Some of the prominent points established by the foregoing evidence are,

1st. That most of the crimes committed are petty misdemeanors such as

turning out to work late in the morning, cutting canes to eat, &c. _High

penal offences_ are exceedingly rare.

2d. That where offences of a serious nature do occur, or any open

insubordination takes place, they are founded in ignorance or

misapprehension of the law, and are seldom repeated a second time, if

the law be properly explained and fully understood.

3d. That the above statements apply to no particular part of the island,

where the negroes are peculiarly favored with intelligence and religion,

but are made with reference to tire island generally. Now it happens

that in one quarter of the island the negro population are remarkably

ignorant and degraded. We were credibly informed by various

missionaries, who had labored in Antigua and in a number of the other

English islands, that they had not found in any colony so much

debasement among the people, as prevailed in the part of Antigua just

alluded to. Yet they testified that the negroes in that quarter were as

peaceable, orderly, and obedient to law, as in any other part of the

colony. We make this statement here particularly for the purpose of

remarking that in the testimony of the planters, and in the police

reports; there is not a single allusion to this portion of the island as

forming an exception to the prevailing state of order and subordination.

After the foregoing facts and evidences, we ask, what becomes of the

dogma, that slaves cannot be immediately placed under the government of

_equitable laws_ with safety to themselves and the community?

Twelfth proposition.--The emancipated negroes have shown _no disposition

to roam from place to place._ A tendency to rove about, is thought by

many to be a characteristic of the negro; he is not allowed even an

ordinary share of local attachment, but must leave the chain and staple

of slavery to hold him amidst the graves of his fathers and the society

of his children. The experiment in Antigua shows that such sentiments

are groundless prejudices. There a large body of slaves were "_turned

loose_;" they had full liberty to leave their old homes and settle on

other properties--or if they preferred a continuous course of roving,

they might change employers every six weeks, and pass from one estate to

another until they had accomplished the circuit of the island. But, what

are the facts? "The negroes are not disposed to leave the estates on

which they have formerly lived, unless they are forced away by bad

treatment. I have witnessed many facts which illustrate this remark. Not

unfrequently one of the laborers will get dissatisfied about something,

and in the excitement of the moment will notify me that he intends to

leave my employ at the end of a month. But in nine cases out of ten such

persons, before the month has expired, beg to be allowed to remain on

the estate. The strength of their _local attachment_ soon overcomes

their resentment and even drives them to make the most humiliating

confessions in order to be restored to the favor of their employer, and

thus be permitted to remain in their old homes."--_H. Armstrong, Esq._

"Nothing but bad treatment on the part of the planters has ever caused

the negroes to leave the estates on which they were accustomed to live,

and in such cases a _change of management_ has almost uniformly been

sufficient to induce them to return. We have known several instances of

this kind."--_S. Bourne, Esq., of Millar's, and Mr. Watkins, of

Donavan's_.

"The negroes are remarkably attached to their homes. In the year 1828,

forty-three slaves were sold from the estate under my management, and

removed to another estate ten miles distant. After emancipation, the

whole of these came back, and plead with me to employ them, that they

might live in their former houses."--_James Howell, Esq._

"Very few of my people have left me. The negroes are peculiar for their

attachment to their homes."--_Samuel Barnard, Esq., of Green Castle_.

"Love of home is very remarkable in the negroes. It is a passion with

them. On one of the estates of which I am attorney, a part of the

laborers were hired from other proprietors. They had been for a great

many years living on the estate, and they became so strongly attached to

it, that they all continued to work on it after emancipation, and they

still remain on the same property. The negroes are loth to leave their

homes, and they very seldom do so unless forced away by ill

treatment."--_Dr. Daniell_.

On a certain occasion we were in the company of four planters, and among

other topics this subject was much spoken of. They all accorded

perfectly in the sentiment that the negroes were peculiarly sensible to

the influence of local attachments. One of the gentlemen observed that

it was a very common saying with them--"_Me nebber leave my bornin'

ground_,"--i.e., birth-place.

An aged gentleman in St. John's, who was formerly a planter, remarked,

"The negroes have very strong local attachments. They love their little

hut, where the calabash tree, planted at the birth of a son, waves over

the bones of their parents. They will endure almost any hardship and

suffer repeated wrongs before they will desert that spot."

Such are the sentiments of West India planters; expressed, in the

majority of cases, spontaneously, and mostly in illustration of other

statements. We did not hear a word that implied an opposite sentiment.

It is true, much was said about the emigration to Demerara, but the

facts in this case only serve to confirm the testimony already quoted.

In the first place, nothing but the inducement of very high wages[A]

could influence any to go, and in the next place, after they got there

they sighed to return, (but were not permitted,) and sent back word to

their relatives and friends not to leave Antigua.

[Footnote A: From fifty cents to a dollar per day.]

Facts clearly prove, that the negroes, instead of being indifferent to

local attachments, are peculiarly alive to them. That nothing short of

cruelty can drive them from their homes--that they will endure even

that, as long as it can be borne, rather than leave; and that as soon as

the instrument of cruelty is removed, they will hasten back to their

"_bornin' ground._"

THIRTEENTH PROPOSITION.--"The gift of unrestricted freedom, though so

suddenly bestowed, has not made the negroes more insolent than they were

while slaves, but has rendered them _less so_."--_Dr. Daniell_.

Said James Howell, Esq.--"A short time after emancipation, the negroes

showed some disposition to assume airs and affect a degree of

independence; but this soon disappeared, and they are now respectful and

civil. There has been a mutual improvement in this particular. The

planters treat the laborers more like fellow men, and this leads the

latter to be respectful in their turn."

R.B. Eldridge, Esq., asked us if we had not observed the civility of the

lower classes as we passed them on the streets, both in town and in the

country. He said it was their uniform custom to bow or touch their hat

when they passed a white person. They did so during slavery, and he had

not discovered any change in this respect since emancipation.

Said Mr. Bourne--"The negroes are decidedly less insolent now than they

were during slavery."

Said Mr. Watkins, of Donovan's--"The negroes are now all _cap in hand_;

as they know that it is for their interest to be respectful to their

employers."

Said Dr. Nugent--"Emancipation has not produced insolence among the

negroes."

During our stay in Antigua, we saw no indications whatsoever of

insolence. We spoke in a former part of this work of the uncommon

civility manifested in a variety of ways on the road-sides.

A trifling incident occurred one day in St. John's, which at first

seemed to be no small rudeness. As one of us was standing in the

verandah of our lodging house, in the dusk of the evening, a brawny

negro man who was walking down the middle of the street, stopped

opposite us, and squaring himself, called out. "Heigh! What for you

stand dare wid your arms so?" placing his arms akimbo, in imitation of

ours. Seeing we made no answer, he repeated the question, still standing

in the same posture. We took no notice of him, seeing that his supposed

insolence was at most good-humored and innocent. Our hostess, a colored

lady, happened to step out at the moment, and told us that the man had

mistaken us for her son, with whom he was well acquainted, at the same

time calling to the man, and telling him of his mistake. The negro

instantly dropped his arms, took off his hat, begged pardon, and walked

away apparently quite ashamed.

FOURTEENTH PROPOSITION.--Emancipation in Antigua has demonstrated that

GRATITUDE _is a prominent trait of the negro character_. The conduct of

the negroes on the first of August, 1834, is ample proof of this; and

their uniform conduct since that event manifests an _habitual_ feeling

of gratitude. Said one, "The liberty we received from the king, we can

never sufficiently thank God for; whenever we think of it, our hearts go

out in gratitude to God." Similar expressions we heard repeatedly from

the negroes.--We observed that the slightest allusion to the first of

August in a company of freed persons, would awaken powerful emotions,

accompanied with exclamations of "tank de good Lord," "bless de Savior,"

"praise de blessed Savior," and such like.

It was the remark of Mr. James Howell, manager of Thibou Jarvis's--"That

the negroes evinced very little gratitude to their _masters_ for

freedom. Their gratitude all flowed toward God and the king, whom they

regarded as the sole authors of their liberty."

Mr. Watkins observed that "the negroes' motto was God and the king. This

feeling existed particularly at the time of emancipation, and shortly

after it. They have since become more attached to their former masters."

It is by no means strange that the negroes should feel little gratitude

toward their late masters, since they knew their opposition to the

benevolent intentions of the English government. We were informed by Dr.

Daniell and many others, that for several months before emancipation

took place, the negroes had an idea that the king had sent them 'their

free papers,' and that _their masters were keeping them back._ Besides,

it was but two years before that period, that they had come into fierce

and open hostility with the planters for abolishing the Sunday market,

and giving them no market-day instead thereof. In this thing their

masters had shown themselves to be their enemies.

That any good thing could come from such persons the slaves were

doubtless slow to believe. However, it is an undeniable fact, that since

emancipation, kind treatment on the part of the masters, has never

failed to excite gratitude in the negroes. The planters understand fully

how they may secure the attachment and confidence of their people. A

_grateful_ and _contented_ spirit certainly characterizes the negroes of

Antigua. They do not lightly esteem what they have got, and murmur

because they have no more. They do not complain of small wages, and

strike for higher. They do not grumble about their simple food and their

coarse clothes, and flaunt about, saying '_freemen ought to live

better_.' They do not become dissatisfied with their lowly,

cane-thatched huts, and say we ought to have as good houses as massa.

They do not look with an evil eye upon the political privileges of the

whites, and say we have the majority, and we'll rule. It is the common

saying with them, when speaking of the inconveniences which they

sometimes suffer, "Well, we must be satify and conten."

FIFTEENTH PROPOSITION.--The freed negroes of Antigua have proved that

_they are able to take care of themselves_. It is affirmed by the

opponents of emancipation in the United States, that if the slaves were

liberated, they could not take care of themselves. Some of the reasons

assigned for entertaining this view are--1st, "The negro is naturally

improvident." 2d, "He is constitutionally indolent." 3d, "Being of an

inferior race, he is deficient in that shrewdness and management

necessary to prevent his being imposed upon, and which are indispensable

to enable him to conduct any business with success." 4th, "All these

natural defects have been aggravated by slavery. The slave never

provides for himself, but looks to his master for everything he needs.

So likewise he becomes increasingly averse to labor, by being driven to

it daily, and flogged for neglecting it. Furthermore, whatever of mind

he had originally has been extinguished by slavery." Thus by nature and

by habit the negro is utterly unqualified to take care of himself. So

much for theory; now for testimony. First, what is the evidence with

regard to the _improvidence_ of the negroes?

"During slavery, the negroes squandered every cent of money they got,

because they were sure of food and clothing. Since their freedom, they

have begun to cultivate habits of carefulness and economy".--_Mr.

James Howell_.

Facts--1st. The low wages of the laborers is proof of their providence.

Did they not observe the strictest economy, they could not live on fifty

cents per week.

2d. That they buy small parcels of land to cultivate, is proof of

economy and foresight. The planters have to resort to every means in

their power to induce their laborers not to purchase land.

3d. The Friendly Societies are an evidence of the same thing. How can we

account for the number of these societies, and for the large sums of

money annually contributed in them? And how is it that these societies

have trebled, both in members and means since emancipation, if it be

true that the negroes are thus improvident, and that freedom brings

starvation?

4th. The weekly and monthly contributions to the churches, to benevolent

societies, and to the schools, demonstrate the economy of the negroes;

and the _great increase_ of these contributions since August, 1834,

proves that emancipation has not made them less economical.

5th. The increasing attention paid to the cultivation of their private

provision grounds is further proof of their foresight. For some time

subsequent to emancipation, as long as the people were in an unsettled

state, they partially neglected their grounds. The reason was, they did

not know whether they should remain on the same estate long enough to

reap their provisions, should they plant any. This state of uncertainty

very naturally paralyzed all industry and enterprise; and their

neglecting the cultivation of their provision grounds, _under such

circumstances_, evinced foresight rather than improvidence. Since they

have become more permanently established on the estates, they are

resuming the cultivation of their grounds with renewed vigor.

Said Dr. Daniell--"There is an increasing attention paid by the negroes

to cultivating their private lands, since they have become more

permanently settled."

6th. The fact that the parents take care of the wages which their

children earn, shows their provident disposition. We were informed that

the mothers usually take charge of the money paid to their children,

especially their daughters, and this, in order to teach them proper

subordination, and to provide against casualties, sickness, and the

infirmities of age.

7th. The fact that the negroes are able to support their aged parents,

is further proof.

As it regards the second specification, viz., _constitutional

indolence_, we may refer generally to the evidence on this subject under

a former proposition. We will merely state here two facts.

1st. Although the negroes are not obliged to work on Saturday, yet they

are in the habit of going to estates that are weak-handed, and hiring

themselves out on that day.

2d. It is customary throughout the island to give two hours (from 12 to

2) recess from labor. We were told that in many cases this time is spent

in working on their private provision grounds, or in some active

employment by which a pittance may be added to their scanty earnings.

What are the facts respecting the natural _inferiority_ of the negro

race, and their incompetency to manage their own affairs?

Said Mr. Armstrong--"The negroes are exceedingly quick _to turn a

thought_. They show a great deal of shrewdness in every thing which

concerns their own interests. To a stranger it must be utterly

incredible how they can manage to live on such small wages. They are

very exact in keeping their accounts with the manager."

"The negroes are very acute in making bargains. A difficulty once arose

on an estate under my charge, between the manager and the people, in

settling for a job which the laborers had done. The latter complained

that the manager did not give them as much as was stipulated in the

original agreement. The manager contended that he had paid the whole

amount. The people brought their complaint before me, as attorney, and

maintained that there was one shilling and six-pence (about nineteen

cents) due each of them. I examined the accounts and found that they

were right, and that the manager had really made a mistake to the very

amount specified."--_Dr. Daniell_.

"The emancipated people manifest as much cunning and address in

business, as any class of persons."--_Mr. J. Howell_.

"The capabilities of the blacks for education are conspicuous; so also

as to mental acquirements and trades."--_Hon. N. Nugent_.

It is a little remarkable that while Americans fear that the negroes, if

emancipated, could not take care of themselves, the West Indians fear

lest they _should_ take care of themselves; hence they discourage them

from buying lands, from learning trades, and from all employments which

might render them independent of sugar cultivation.

SIXTEENTH PROPOSITION.--Emancipation has operated at once to elevate and

improve the negroes. It introduced them into the midst of all relations,

human and divine. It was the first formal acknowledgment that they were

MEN--personally interested in the operations of law, and the

requirements of God. It laid the corner-stone in the fabric of their

moral and intellectual improvement.

"The negroes have a growing self-respect and regard for character. This

was a feeling which was scarcely known by them during slavery."--_Mr.

J. Howell_.

"The negroes pay a great deal more attention to their personal

appearance, than they were accustomed to while slaves. The _women_ in

particular have improved astonishingly in their dress and

manners."--_Dr. Daniell_.

Abundant proof of this proposition may be found in the statements

already made respecting the decrease of licentiousness, the increased

attention paid to marriage, the abandonment by the mothers of the

horrible practice of selling their daughters to vile white men, the

reverence for the Sabbath, the attendance upon divine worship, the

exemplary subordination to law, the avoidance of riotous conduct,

insolence, and intemperance.

SEVENTEENTH PROPOSITION--Emancipation promises a vast improvement in the

condition of woman. What could more effectually force woman from her

sphere, than slavery has done by dragging her to the field, subjecting

her to the obscene remarks, and to the vile abominations of licentious

drivers and overseers; by compelling her to wield the heavy hoe, until

advancing pregnancy rendered her useless then at the earliest possible

period driving her back to the field with her infant swung at her back,

or torn from her and committed to a stranger. Some of these evils still

exist in Antigua, but there has already been a great abatement of them,

and the humane planters look forward to their complete removal, and to

the ultimate restoration of woman to the quiet and purity of

domestic life.

Samuel Bourne, Esq., stated, that there had been a great improvement in

the treatment of mothers on his estate. "Under the old system, mothers

were required to work half the time after their children were six weeks

old; but now we do not call them out for _nine months_ after their

confinement, until their children are entirely weaned."

"In those cases where women have husbands in the field, they do not turn

out while they are nursing their children. In many instances the

husbands prefer to have their wives engaged in other work, and I do not

require them to go to the field."--_Mr. J Howell_.

Much is already beginning to be said of the probability that the women

will withdraw from agricultural labor. A conviction of the impropriety

of females engaging in such employments is gradually forming in the

minds of enlightened and influential planters.

A short time previous to emancipation, the Hon. N. Nugent, speaker of

the assembly, made the following remarks before the house:--"At the

close of the debate, he uttered his fervent hope, that the day would

come when the principal part of the agriculture of the island would be

performed by males, and that the women would be occupied in keeping

their cottages in order, and in increasing their domestic comforts. The

desire of improvement is strong among them; they are looking anxiously

forward to the instruction and advancement of their children, and even

of themselves."--_Antigua Herald, of March_, 1834.

In a written communication to us, dated January 17, 1837, the Speaker

says: "Emancipation will, I doubt not, improve the condition of the

females. There can be no doubt that they will ultimately leave the

field, (except in times of emergency,) and confine themselves to their

appropriate domestic employments."

EIGHTEENTH PROPOSITION.--Real estate has risen in value since

emancipation; mercantile and mechanical occupations have received a

fresh impulse; and the general condition of the colony is decidedly more

flourishing than at any former period.

"The credit of the island has decidedly improved. The internal

prosperity of the island is advancing in an increased ratio. More

buildings have been erected since emancipation, than for twenty years

before. Stores and shops have multiplied astonishingly; I can safely say

that their number has more than quintupled since the abolition of

slavery."--_Dr. Ferguson_.

"Emancipation has very greatly increased the value of, and consequently

the demand for, real estate. That which three years ago was a drug

altogether unsaleable by private bargain; has now many inquirers after

it, and ready purchasers at good prices. The importation of British

manufactured goods has been considerably augmented, probably one fourth."

"The credit of the planters who have been chiefly affected by the

change, has been much improved. And _the great reduction of expense in

managing the estates_, has made them men of more real wealth, and

consequently raised their credit both with the English merchants and our

own."--_James Scotland, Sen., Esq._

"The effect of emancipation upon the commerce of the island _must needs_

have been beneficial, as the laborers indulge in more wheaten flour,

rice, mackerel, dry fish, and salt-pork, than formerly. More lumber is

used in the superior cottages now built for their habitations. More dry

goods--manufactures of wool, cotton, linen, silk, leather, &c., are also

used, now that the laborers can better afford to indulge their

propensity for gay clothing."--_Statement of a merchant and agent

for estates_.

"Real estate has risen in value, and mercantile business has greatly

improved."--_H. Armstrong, Esq._

A merchant of St. John's informed us, that real estate had increased in

value at least fifty per cent. He mentioned the fact, that an estate

which previous to emancipation could not be sold for £600 current,

lately brought £2000 current.

NINETEENTH PROPOSITION--Emancipation has been followed by the

introduction of labor-saving machinery.

"Various expedients for saving manual labor have already been

introduced, and we anticipate still greater improvements. Very little

was thought of this subject previous to emancipation."--_S.

Bourne, Esq._

"Planters are beginning to cast about for improvements in labor. My own

mind has been greatly turned to this subject since emancipation."--_H.

Armstrong, Esq._

"The plough is beginning to be very extensively used."--_Mr. Hatley_.

"There has been considerable simplification in agricultural labor

already, which would have been more conspicuous, had it not been for

the excessive drought which has prevailed since 1834. The plough is

more used, and the expedients for manuring land are less

laborious."--_Extract of a letter from Hon. N. Nugent_.

TWENTIETH PROPOSITION.--Emancipation has produced the most decided

change in the views of the _planters_.

"Before emancipation took place, there was the bitterest opposition to

it among the planters. But after freedom came, they were delighted with

the change. I felt strong opposition myself, being exceedingly unwilling

to give up my power of command. But I shall never forget how differently

I felt when freedom took place I arose from my bed on the first of

August, exclaiming with joy, 'I am free, I am free; I _was the greatest

slave on the estate_, but now I am free.'"--_Mr. J. Howell_.

"We all resisted violently the measure of abolition, when it first began

to be agitated in England. We regarded it as an outrageous interference

with our rights, with our property. But we are now rejoiced that slavery

is abolished."--_Dr. Daniell_.

"I have already seen such decided benefits growing out of the free labor

system, that for my part I wish never to see the face of slavery again."

--_Mr. Hatley_.

"I do not know of a single planter who would be willing to return to

slavery. We all feel that it was a great curse."--_D. Cranstoun, Esq._

The speaker of the assembly was requested to state especially the

advantages of freedom both to the master and the slave; and he kindly

communicated the following reply:

"The benefits to the master are conspicuous--he has got rid of the

cark and care, the anxiety and incessant worry of managing slaves;

all the trouble and responsibility of rearing them from infancy, of

their proper maintenance in health, and sickness, and decrepitude,

of coercing them to labor, restraining, correcting, and punishing

their faults and crimes--settling all their grievances and disputes.

He is now entirely free from all apprehension of injury, revenge, or

insurrection, however transient and momentary such impression may

have formerly been. He has no longer the reproach of being a

_slaveholder_; his property has lost all the _taint_ of slavery, and

is placed on as secure a footing, in a moral and political point of

view, as that in any other part of the British dominions.

As regards the _other_ party, it seems almost unnecessary to point

out the advantages of being a free man rather than a slave. He is no

longer liable to personal trespass of any sort; he has a right of

self-control, and all the immunities enjoyed by other classes of his

fellow subjects--he is enabled to better his condition as he thinks

proper--he can make what arrangements he likes best, as regards his

kindred, and all his domestic relations--he takes to his _own_ use

and behoof, all the wages and profits of his own labor; he receives

money wages instead of weekly allowances, and can purchase such

particular food and necessaries as he prefers--_and so on_! IT WOULD

BE ENDLESS TO ATTEMPT TO ENUMERATE ALL THE SUPERIOR ADVANTAGES OF A

STATE OF FREEDOM TO ONE OF SLAVERY!"

The writer says, at the close of his invaluable letter, "I was born in

Antigua, and have resided here with little interruption since 1809.

Since 1814, I have taken an active concern in plantation affairs." He

was born heir to a large slave property, and retained it up to the hour

of emancipation. He is now the proprietor of an estate.

We have, another witness to introduce to the reader, Ralph Higinbothom,

Esq., the UNITED STATES CONSUL!--_Hear him_!--

"Whatever may have been the dissatisfaction as regards emancipation

among the planters at its commencement, there are few, indeed, if any,

who are not _now_ well satisfied that under the present system, their

properties are better worked, and their laborers more contented and

cheerful, than in the time of slavery."

In order that the reader may see the _revolution_ that has taken place

since emancipation in the views of the highest class of society in

Antigua, we make a few extracts.

"There was the most violent opposition in the legislature, and

throughout the island, to the anti-slavery proceedings in Parliament.

The anti-slavery party in England were detested here for their

_fanatical and reckless course_. Such was the state of feeling previous

to emancipation, that it would have been certain disgrace for any

planter to have avowed the least sympathy with anti-slavery sentiments.

The humane might have their hopes and aspirations, and they might

secretly long to see slavery ultimately terminated; but they did not

dare to make such feelings public. _They would at once have been branded

as the enemies of their country!"--Hon. N. Nugent_.

"There cannot be said to have been any _anti-slavery party_ in the

island before emancipation. There were some individuals in St. John's,

and a very few planters, who favored the anti-slavery views, but they

dared not open their mouths, because of the bitter hostility which

prevailed."--_S. Bourne, Esq._

"The opinions of the clergymen and missionaries, with the exception of,

I believe, a few clergymen, were favorable to emancipation; but neither

in their conduct, preaching, or prayers, did they declare themselves

openly, until the measure of abolition was determined on. The

missionaries felt restrained by their instructions from home, and the

clergymen thought that it did not comport with their order 'to take part

in politics!' I never heard of a single _planter_ who was favorable,

until about three months before the emancipation took place; when some

few of them began to perceive that it would be advantageous to their

_interests_. Whoever was known or suspected of being an advocate for

freedom, became the object of vengeance, and was sure to suffer, if in

no other way, by a loss of part of his business. My son-in-law[A], my

son[B], and myself, were perhaps the chief marks for calumny and

resentment. The first was twice elected a member of the Assembly, and as

often put out by scrutinies conducted by the House, in the most

flagrantly dishonest manner. Every attempt was made to deprive the

second of his business, as a lawyer. With regard to myself, I was thrown

into prison, without any semblance of justice, without any form of

trial, but in the most summary manner, simply upon the complaint of one

of the justices, and without any opportunity being allowed me of saying

one word in my defence. I remained in jail until discharged by a

peremptory order from the Colonial Secretary, to whom I

appealed."--_James Scotland, Sen., Esq._

[Footnote A: Dr. Ferguson, physician in St. John's.]

[Footnote B: James Scotland, Jun., Esq., barrister, proprietor, and

member of Assembly.]

Another gentleman, a white man, was arrested on the charge of being in

the interest of the English Anti-Slavery party, and in a manner equally

summary and illegal, was cast into prison, and confined there for

one year.

From the foregoing statements we obtain the following comparative view

of the past and present state of sentiment in Antigua.

Views and conduct of the planters previous to emancipation:

1st. They regarded the negroes as an inferior race, fit only for slaves.

2d. They regarded them as their rightful property.

3d. They took it for granted that negroes could never be made to work

without the use of the whip; hence,

4th. They supposed that emancipation would annihilate sugar cultivation;

and,

5th. That it would lead to bloodshed and general rebellion.

6th. Those therefore who favored it, were considered the "_enemies of

their country_"--"TRAITORS"--and were accordingly persecuted in various

ways, not excepting imprisonment in the common jail.

7th. So popular was slavery among the higher classes, that its morality

or justice could not be questioned by a missionary--an editor--or a

_planter_ even, without endangering the safety of the individual.

8th. The anti-slavery people in England were considered detestable men,

intermeddling with matters which they did not understand, and which at

any rate did not concern them. They were accused of being influenced by

selfish motives, and of designing to further their own interests by the

ruin of the planters. They were denounced as _fanatics, incendiaries,

knaves, religious enthusiasts_.

9th The abolition measures of the English Government were considered a

gross outrage on the rights of private property, a violation their

multiplied pledges of countenance and support, and a flagrant usurpation

of power over the weak.

Views and conduct of the planters subsequent to emancipation:

1st. The negroes are retarded as _men_--equals standing on the same

footing as fellow-citizens.

2d. Slavery is considered a foolish, impolitic, and wicked system.

3d. Slaves are regarded as an _unsafe_ species of property, and to hold

them disgraceful.

4th. The planters have become the _decided enemies_ of slavery. The

worst thing they could say against the apprenticeship, was, that "it was

only another name for _slavery_."

5th. The abolition of slavery is applauded by the planters as one of the

most noble and magnanimous triumphs ever achieved by the British

government.

6th. Distinguished abolitionists are spoken of in terms of respect and

admiration. The English Anti-slavery Delegation[A] spent a fortnight in

the island, and left it the same day we arrived. Wherever we went we

heard of them as "the respectable gentlemen from England," "the worthy

and intelligent members of the Society of Friends," &c. A distinguished

agent of the English anti-slavery society now resides in St. John's, and

keeps a bookstore, well stocked with anti-slavery books and pamphlets.

The bust of GEORGE THOMPSON stands conspicuously upon the counter of the

bookstore, looking forth upon the public street.

[Footnote A: Messrs. Sturge and Harvey.]

7th. The planters affirm that the abolition of slavery put an end to all

danger from insurrection, rebellion, privy conspiracy, and sedition, on

the part of the slaves.

8th. Emancipation is deemed an incalculable blessing, because it

released the planters from an endless complication of responsibilities,

perplexities, temptations and anxieties, and because it _emancipated

them from the bondage of the whip_.

9th. _Slavery--emancipation--freedom_--are the universal topics of

conversation in Antigua. Anti-slavery is the popular doctrine among all

classes. He is considered an enemy to his country who opposes the

principles of liberty. The planters look with astonishment on the

continuance of slavery in the United States, and express their strong

belief that it must soon terminate here and throughout the world. They

hailed the arrival of French and American visitors on tours of inquiry

as a bright omen. In publishing our arrival, one of the St. John's

papers remarks, "We regard this as a pleasing indication that the

American public have their eyes turned upon our experiment, with a view,

we may hope, of ultimately following our excellent example." (!) All

classes showed the same readiness to aid us in what the Governor was

pleased to call "the objects of our philanthropic mission."

Such are the views now entertained among the planters of Antigua. What a

complete change[B]--and all in less than three years, and effected by

the abolition of slavery and a trial of freedom! Most certainly, if the

former views of the Antigua planters resemble those held by pro-slavery

men in this country, their present sentiments are a _fac simile_ of

those entertained by the immediate abolitionists.

[Footnote B: The following little story will further illustrate the

wonderful revolution which has taken place in the public sentiment of

this colony. The facts here stated all occurred while we were in

Antigua, and we procured them from a variety of authentic sources. They

were indeed publicly known and talked of, and produced no little

excitement throughout the island. Mr. Corbett was a respectable and

intelligent planter residing on an estate near Johnson's Point. Several

months previous to the time of which we now speak, a few colored

families (emancipated negroes) bought of a white man some small parcels

of land lying adjacent to Mr. C.'s estate. They planted their lands in

provisions, and also built them houses thereon, and moved into them.

After they had become actively engaged in cultivating their provisions,

Mr. Corbett laid claim to the lands, and ordered the negroes to leave

them forthwith.

They of course refused to do so. Mr. C. then flew into a violent rage,

and stormed and swore, and threatened to burn their houses down over

their heads. The terrified negroes forsook their property and fled. Mr.

C. then ordered his negroes to tear down their huts and burn up the

materials--which was accordingly done. He also turned in his cattle upon

the provision grounds, and destroyed them. The negroes made a complaint

against Mr. C., and he was arrested and committed to jail in St. John's

for trial on the charge of _arson_.

We heard of this circumstance on the day of Mr. C.'s commitment, and we

were told that it would probably go very hard with him on his trial, and

that he would be very fortunate if he escaped the _gallows_ or

_transportation_. A few days after this we were surprised to hear that

Mr. C. had died in prison. Upon inquiry, we learned that he died

literally from _rage and mortification_. His case defied the, skill and

power of the physicians. They could detect the presence of no disease

whatever, even on a minute post-mortem examination. They pronounced it

as their opinion that he had died from the violence of his

passions--excited by being imprisoned, together with his apprehensions

of the fatal issue of the trial.

Not long before emancipation, Mr. Scotland was imprisoned for

_befriending_ the negroes. After emancipation, Mr. Corbett was

imprisoned for wronging them.

Mr. Corbett was a respectable planter, of good family and moved in the

first circles in the island]

TWENTY-FIRST PROPOSITION.--Emancipation has been followed by a manifest

diminution of "_prejudice against color_," and has opened the prospect

off its speedy extirpation.

Some thirty years ago, the president of the island, Sir Edward Byam,

issued an order forbidding the great bell in the cathedral of St. John's

being tolled at the funeral of a colored person; and directing a

_smaller_ bell to be hung up in the same belfry, and used on such

occasions. For twenty years this distinction was strictly maintained.

When a white person, however _vile_, was buried, the great bell was

tolled; when a colored person, whatever his moral worth, intelligence,

or station, was carried to his grave, the little bell was tinkled. It

was not until the arrival of the present excellent Rector, that this

"prejudice bell" was silenced. The Rev. Mr. Cox informed us that

prejudice had greatly decreased since emancipation. It was very common

for white and colored gentlemen to be seen walking arm in arm an the

streets of St. John's.

"Prejudice against color is fast disappearing. The colored people have

themselves contributed to prolong this feeling, _by keeping aloof from

the society of the whites_."--_James Howell, of T. Jarvis's_.

How utterly at variance is this with the commonly received opinion, that

the colored people are disposed to _thrust_ themselves into the society

of the whites!

"_Prejudice against color_ exists in this community only to a limited

extent, and that chiefly among those who could never bring themselves to

believe that emancipation would really take place. Policy dictates to

them the propriety of confining any expression of their feelings to

those of the same opinions. Nothing is shown of this prejudice in their

intercourse with the colored class--it is '_kept behind the

scenes_.'"--_Ralph Higginbotham, U. S. Consul._

Mr. H. was not the only individual standing in "high places" who

insinuated that the whites that still entertained prejudice were ashamed

of it. His excellency the Governor intimated as much, by his repeated

assurances for himself and his compeers of the first circles, that there

was no such feeling in the island as prejudice against _color_. The

reasons for excluding the colored people from their society, he said,

were wholly different from that. It was chiefly because of their

_illegitimacy_, and also because they were not sufficiently refined, and

because their _occupations_ were of an inferior kind, such as mechanical

trades, small shop keeping, &c. Said he, "You would not wish to ask your

tailor, or your shoemaker, to dine with you?" However, we were too

unsophisticated to coincide in his Excellency's notions of social

propriety.

TWENTY-SECOND PROPOSITION.--The progress of the anti-slavery discussions

in England did not cause the masters to treat their slaves worse, but on

the contrary restrained them from outrage.

"The treatment of the slaves during the discussions in England, was

manifestly milder than before."--_Dr. Daniell._

"The effect of the proceedings in parliament was to make the planters

treat their slaves better. Milder laws were passed by the assembly, and

the general condition of the slave was greatly ameliorated."--_H.

Armstrong, Esq._

"The planters did not increase the rigor of their discipline because of

the anti-slavery discussions; but as a general thing, were more lenient

than formerly."--_S. Bourne. Esq._

"We pursued a much milder policy toward our slaves after the agitation

began in England."--_Mr. Jas. Hawoil_.

"The planters did not treat their slaves worse on account of the

discussions; but were more lenient and circumspect."--_Letter of Hon.

N. Nugent._

"There was far less cruelty exercised by the planters during the

anti-slavery excitement in gland. They were always on their guard to

escape the notice of the abolitionists. _They did not wish to have their

names published abroad, and to be exposed as monsters of

cruelty!_"--_David Cranstoun, Esq._

We have now completed our observations upon Antigua. It has been our

single object in the foregoing account to give an accurate statement of

the results of IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION. We have not taken a single step

beyond the limits of testimony, and we are persuaded that testimony

materially conflicting with this, cannot be procured from respectable

sources in Antigua. We now leave it to our readers to decide, whether

emancipation in Antigua has been to all classes in that island a

_blessing_ or a _curse_.

We cannot pass from this part of our report without recording the

kindness and hospitality which we everywhere experienced during our

sojourn in Antigua. Whatever may have been our apprehensions of a cool

reception from a community of ex-slaveholders, none of our forebodings

were realized. It rarely Falls to the lot of strangers visiting a

distant land, with none of the contingencies of birth, fortune, or fame,

to herald their arrival, and without the imposing circumstance of a

popular mission to recommend them, to meet with a warmer reception, or

to enjoy a more hearty confidence, than that with which we were honored

in the interesting island of Antigua. The very _object_ of our visit,

humble, and even odious as it may appear in the eyes of many of our own

countrymen, was our passport to the consideration and attention of the

higher classes in that free colony. We hold in grateful remembrance the

interest which all--not excepting those most deeply implicated in the

late system of slavery--manifested in our investigations. To his

excellency the Governor, to officers both civil and military, to

legislators and judges, to proprietors and planters, to physicians,

barristers, and merchants, to clergymen, missionaries, and teachers, we

are indebted for their uniform readiness in furthering our objects, and

for the mass of information with which they were pleased to furnish us.

To the free colored population, also, we are lasting debtors for their

hearty co-operation and assistance. To the emancipated, we recognise our

obligations as the friends of the slave, for their simple-hearted and

reiterated assurances that they should remember the oppressed of our

land in their prayers to God. In the name of the multiplying hosts of

freedom's friends, and in behalf of the millions of speechless but

grateful-hearted slaves, we render to our acquaintances of every class

in Antigua our warmest thanks for their cordial sympathy with the cause

of emancipation in America. We left Antigua with regret. The natural

advantages of that lovely island; its climate, situation, and scenery;

the intelligence and hospitality of the higher orders, and the

simplicity and sobriety of the poor; the prevalence of education,

morality, and religion; its solemn Sabbaths and thronged sanctuaries;

and above _all_, its rising institutions of liberty--flourishing so

vigorously,--conspire to make Antigua one of the fairest portions of the

earth. Formerly it was in our eyes but a speck on the world's map, and

little had we checked if an earthquake had sunk, or the ocean had

overwhelmed it; but now, the minute circumstances in its condition, or

little incidents in its history, are to our minds invested with

grave interest.

None, who are alive to the cause of religious freedom in the world, can

be indifferent to the movements and destiny of this little colony.

Henceforth, Antigua is the morning star of our nation, and though it

glimmers faintly through a lurid sky, yet we hail it, and catch at every

ray as the token of a bright sun which may yet burst gloriously upon us.

BARBADOES

CHAPTER I.

PASSAGE

Barbadoes was the next island which we visited. Having failed of a

passage in the steamer,[A] (on account of her leaving Antigua on the

Sabbath,) we were reduced to the necessity of sailing in a small

schooner, a vessel of only seventeen tons burthen, with no cabin but a

mere _hole_, scarcely large enough to receive our baggage. The berths,

for there were two, had but one mattress between them; however, a

foresail folded made up the complement.

[Footnote A: There are several English steamers which ply between

Barbadoes and Jamaica, touching at several of the intermediate and

surrounding islands, and carrying the mails.]

The being for the most part directly against us, we were seven days in

reaching Barbadoes. Our aversion to the sepulchre-like cabin obliged us

to spend, not the days only, but the nights mostly on the open deck.

Wrapping our cloaks about us, and drawing our fur caps over our faces,

we slept securely in the soft air of a tropical clime, undisturbed save

by the hoarse voice of the black captain crying "ready, bout" and the

flapping of the sails, and the creaking of the cordage, in the frequent

tackings of our staunch little sea-boat. On our way we passed under the

lee of Guadaloupe and to the windward of Dominica, Martinique and St.

Lucia. In passing Guadaloupe, we were obliged to keep at a league's

distance from the land, in obedience to an express regulation of that

colony prohibiting small English vessels from approaching any nearer.

This is a precautionary measure against the escape of slaves to the

English islands. Numerous small vessels, called _guarda costas_, are

stationed around the coast to warn off vessels and seize upon all slaves

attempting to make their escape. We were informed that the eagerness of

the French negroes to taste the sweets of liberty, which they hear to

exist in the surrounding English islands, is so great, that

notwithstanding all the vigilance by land and sea, they are escaping in

vast numbers. They steal to the shores by night, and seizing upon any

sort of vessel within their reach, launch forth and make for Dominica,

Montserrat, or Antigua. They have been known to venture out in skiffs,

canoes, and such like hazardous conveyances, and make a voyage of fifty

or sixty miles; and it is not without reason supposed, that very many

have been lost in these eager darings for freedom.

Such is their defiance of dangers when liberty is to be won, that old

ocean, with its wild storms, and fierce monsters, and its yawning deep,

and even the superadded terrors of armed vessels ever hovering around

the island, are barriers altogether ineffectual to prevent escape. The

western side of Guadaloupe, along which we passed, is hilly and little

cultivated. It is mostly occupied in pasturage. The sugar estates are on

the opposite side of the island, which stretches out eastward in a low

sloping country, beautifully situated for sugar cultivation. The hills

were covered with trees, with here and there small patches of cultivated

grounds where the negroes raise provisions. A deep rich verdure covered

all that portion of the island which we saw. We were a day and night in

passing the long island of Guadaloupe. Another day and night were spent

in beating through the channel between Gaudaloupe and Dominica: another

day in passing the latter island, and then we stood or Martinique. This

is the queen island of the French West Indies. It is fertile and

healthful, and though not so large as Guadaloupe, produces a larger

revenue. It has large streams of water, and many of the sugar mills are

worked by them. Martinique and Dominica are both very mountainous. Their

highest peaks are constantly covered with clouds, which in their varied

siftings, now wheeling around, then rising or falling, give the hills

the appearance of smoking volcanoes. It was not until the eighth day of

the voyage, that we landed at Barbadoes. The passage from Barbadoes to

Antigua seldom occupies more than three days, the wind being mostly in

that direction.

In approaching Barbadoes, it presented an entirely difference appearance

from that of the islands we had passed on the way. It is low and level,

almost wholly destitute of trees. As we drew nearer we discovered in

every direction the marks of its extraordinary cultivation. The cane

fields and provision grounds in alternate patches cover the island with

one continuous mantle of green. The mansions of the planters, and the

clusters of negro houses, appear at shore intervals dotting the face of

the island, and giving to it the appearance of a vast village

interspersed with verdant gardens.

We "rounded up" in the bay, off Bridgetown, the principal place in

Barbadoes, where we underwent a searching examination by the health

officer; who, after some demurring, concluded that we might pass muster.

We took lodgings in Bridgetown with Mrs. M., a colored lady.

The houses are mostly built of brick or stone, or wood plastered. They

are seldom more than two stories high, with flat roofs, and huge window

shutters and doors--the structures of a hurricane country. The streets

are narrow and crooked, and formed of white marle, which reflects the

sun with a brilliancy half blinding to the eyes. Most of the buildings

are occupied as stores below and dwelling houses above, with piazzas to

the upper story, which jut over the narrow streets, and afford a shade

for the side walks. The population of Bridgetown is about 30,000. The

population of the island is about 140,000, of whom nearly 90,000 are

apprentices, the remainder are free colored and white in the proportion

of 30,000 free colored and 20,000 whites. The large population exists on

an island not more than twenty miles long, by fifteen broad. The whole

island is under the most vigorous and systematic culture. There is

scarcely a foot of productive land that is not brought into requisition.

There is no such thing as a forest of any extent in the island. It is

thus that, notwithstanding the insignificance of its size, Barbadoes

ranks among the British islands next to Jamaica in value and importance.

It was on account of its conspicuous standing among the English

colonies, that we were induced to visit it, and there investigate the

operations of the apprenticeship system.

Our principal object in the following tales is to give an account of the

working of the apprenticeship system, and to present it in contrast with

that of entire freedom, which has been described minutely in our account

of Antigua. The apprenticeship was designed as a sort of preparation for

freedom. A statement of its results will, therefore, afford no small

data for deciding upon the general principle of _gradualism_!

We shall pursue a plan less labored and prolix than that which it seemed

necessary to adopt in treating of Antigua. As that part of the testimony

which respects the abolition of slavery, and the sentiments of the

planters is substantially the same with what is recorded in the

foregoing pages, we shall be content with presenting it in the sketch of

our travels throughout the island, and our interviews with various

classes of men. The testimony respecting the nature and operations of

the apprenticeship system, will be embodied in a more regular form.

VISIT TO THE GOVERNOR.

At an early day after our arrival we called on the Governor, in

pursuance of the etiquette of the island, and in order to obtain the

assistance of his Excellency in our inquiries. The present Governor is

Sir Evan John Murray McGregor, a Scotchman of Irish reputation. He is

the present chieftain of the McGregor clan, which figures so

illustriously in the history of Scotland. Sir Evan has been

distinguished for his victory in war, and he now bears the title of

Knight, for his achievements in the British service. He is

Governor-General of the windward islands, which include Barbadoes,

Grenada, St. Vincent's, and Tobago. The government house, at which he

resides, is about two miles from town. The road leading to it is a

delightful one, lined with cane fields, and pasture grounds, all verdant

with the luxuriance of midsummer. It passes by the cathedral, the king's

house, the noble residence of the Archdeacon, and many other fine

mansions. The government house is situated in a pleasant eminence, and

surrounded with a large garden, park, and entrance yard. At the large

outer gate, which gives admittance to the avenue leading to the house,

stood a _black_ sentinel in his military dress, and with a gun on his

shoulder, pacing to and fro. At the door of the house we found another

black soldier on guard. We were ushered into the dining hall, which

seems to serve as ante-chamber when not otherwise used. It is a spacious

airy room, overhung with chandeliers and lamps in profusion, and bears

the marks of many scenes of mirth and wassail. The eastern windows,

which extend from the ceiling to the floor, look out upon a garden

filled with shrubs and flowers, among which we recognised a rare variety

of the floral family in full bloom. Every thing around--the extent of

the buildings, the garden, the park, with deer browsing amid the tangled

shrubbery--all bespoke the old English style and dignity.

After waiting a few minutes, we were introduced to his Excellency, who

received us very kindly. He conversed freely on the subject of

emancipation, and gave his opinion decidedly in favor of unconditional

freedom. He has been in the West Indies five years, and resided at

Antigua and Dominica before he received his present appointment; he has

visited several other islands besides. In no island that he has visited

have affairs gone on so quietly and satisfactorily to all parties as in

Antigua. He remarked that he was ignorant of the character of the black

population of the United States, but from what he knew of their

character in the West Indies, he could not avoid the conclusion that

immediate emancipation was entirely safe. He expressed his views of the

apprenticeship system with great freedom. He said it was vexatious to

all parties.

He remarked that he was so well satisfied that emancipation was safe and

proper, and that unconditional freedom was better than apprenticeship,

that had he the power, he would emancipate every apprentice to-morrow.

It would be better both for the planter and the laborer.

_He thought the negroes in Barbadoes, and in the windward islands

generally, now as well prepared for freedom as the slaves of Antigua._

The Governor is a dignified but plain man, of sound sense and judgement,

and of remarkable liberality. He promised to give us every assistance,

and said, as we arose to leave him, that he would mention the object of

our visit to a number of influential gentlemen, and that we should

shortly hear from him again.

A few days after our visit to the Governor's, we called on the Rev.

Edward Elliott, the Archdeacon at Barbadoes, to whom we had been

previously introduced at the house of a friend in Bridgetown. He is a

liberal-minded man. In 1812, he delivered a series of lectures in the

cathedral on the subject of slavery. The planters became

alarmed--declared that such discourses would lead to insurrection, and

demanded that they should lie abandoned. He received anonymous letters

threatening him with violence unless he discontinued them. Nothing

daunted, however, he went through the course, and afterwards published

the lectures in a volume.

The Archdeacon informed us that the number of churches and clergymen had

increased since emancipation; religious meetings were more fully

attended, and the instructions given had manifestly a greater influence.

Increased attention was paid to _education_ also. Before emancipation

the planters opposed education, and as far as possible, prevented the

teachers from coming to the estates. Now they encouraged it in many

instances, and where they do not directly encourage, they make no

opposition. He said that the number of marriages had very much increased

since the abolition of slavery. He had resided in Barbados for twelve

years, during which time he had repeatedly visited many of the

neighboring islands. He thought the negroes of Barbadoes _were as well

prepared for freedom in 1834, as those of Antigua_, and that there would

have been no bad results had entire emancipation been granted at that

time. He did not think there was the least danger of insurrection. On

this subject he spoke the sentiments of the inhabitants generally. He

did not suppose there were five planters on the island, who entertained

any fears on this score _now_.

On one other point the Archdeacon expressed himself substantially thus:

The planters undoubtedly treated their slaves better during the

anti-slavery discussions in England.

The condition of the slaves was very much mitigated by the efforts which

were made for their entire freedom. The planters softened down, the

system of slavery as much as possible. _They were exceedingly anxious to

put a stop to discussion and investigation._

Having obtained a letter of introduction from an American merchant here

to a planter residing about four miles from town, we drove out to his

estate. His mansion is pleasantly situated on a small eminence, in one

of the coolest and most inviting retreats which is to be seen in this

clime, and we were received by its master with all the cordiality and

frankness for which Barbados is famed. He introduced us to his family,

consisting of three daughters and two sons, and invited us to stop to

dinner. One of his daughters, now here on a visit, is married to an

American, a native of New York, but now a merchant in one of the

southern states, and our connection as fellow countrymen with one dear

to them, was an additional claim to their kindness and hospitality.

He conducted us through all the works and out-buildings, the mill,

boiling-house, caring-house, hospital, store-houses, &c. The people were

at work in the mill and boiling-house, and as we passed, bowed and bade

us "good mornin', massa," with the utmost respect and cheerfulness. A

white overseer was regulating the work, but wanted the insignia of

slaveholding authority, which he had borne for many years, the _whip_.

As we came out, we saw in a neighboring field a gang of seventy

apprentices, of both sexes, engaged in cutting up the cane, while others

were throwing it into carts to be carried to the mill. They were all as

quietly and industriously at work as any body of our own farmers or

mechanics. As we were looking at them, Mr. C., the planter, remarked,

"those people give me more work than when slaves. This estate was never

under so good cultivation as at the present time."

He took us to the building used as the mechanics' shop. Several of the

apprentices were at work in it, some setting up the casks for sugar,

others repairing utensils. Mr. C. says all the work of the estate is

done by the apprentices. His carts are made, his mill kept in order, his

coopering and blacksmithing are all done by them. "All these buildings,"

said he, "even to the dwelling-house, were built after the great storm

of 1831, by the slaves."

As we were passing through the hospital, or sick-house, as it is called

by the blacks, Mr. C. told us he had very little use for it now. There

is no skulking to it as there was under the old system.

Just as we were entering the door of the house, on our return, there was

an outcry among a small party of the apprentices who were working near

by. Mr. C. went to them and inquired the cause. It appeared that the

overseer had struck one of the lads with a stick. Mr. C. reproved him

severely for the act, and assured him if he did such a thing again he

would take him before a magistrate.

During the day we gathered the following information:--

Mr. C. had been a planter for thirty-six years. He has had charge of the

estate on which he now resides ten years. He is the attorney for two

other large estates a few miles from this, and has under his

superintendence, in all, more than a thousand apprenticed laborers. This

estate consists of six hundred and sixty-six acres of land, most of

which is under cultivation either in cane or provisions, and has on it

three hundred apprentices and ninety-two free children. The average

amount of sugar raised on it is two hundred hogsheads of a ton each, but

this year it will amount to at least two hundred and fifty

hogsheads--the largest crop ever taken off since he has been connected

with it. He has planted thirty acres additional this year. The island

has never been under so good cultivation, and is becoming better

every year.

During our walk round the works, and during the day, he spoke several

times in general terms of the great blessings of emancipation.

Emancipation is as great a blessing to the master as to the slave.

"Why," exclaimed Mr. C., "it was emancipation to me. I assure you the

first of August brought a great, _great_ relief to me. I felt myself,

for the first time, a freeman on that day. You cannot imagine the

responsibilities and anxieties which were swept away with the extinction

of slavery."

There were many unpleasant and annoying circumstances attending slavery,

which had a most pernicious effect on the master. There was continual

jealousy and suspicion between him and those under him. They looked on

each other as sworn enemies, and there was kept up a continual system of

plotting and counterplotting. Then there was the flogging, which was a

matter of course through the island. To strike a slave was as common as

to strike a horse--then the punishments were inflicted so unjustly, in

innumerable instances, that the poor victims knew no more why they were

punished than the dead in their graves. The master would be a little

ill--he had taken a cold, perhaps, and felt irritable--something were

wrong--his passion was up, and away went some poor fellow to the

whipping post. The slightest offence at such a moment, though it might

have passed unnoticed at another time, would meet with the severest

punishment. He said he himself had more than once ordered his slaves to

be flogged in a passion, and after he became cool he would have given

guineas not to have done it. Many a night had he been kept awake in

thinking of some poor fellow whom he had shut up in the dungeon, and had

rejoiced when daylight came. He feared lest the slave might die before

morning; either cut his throat or dash his head against the wall in his

desperation. He has known such cases to occur.

The apprenticeship will not have so beneficial an effect as he hoped it

would, on account of an indisposition on the part of many of the

planters to abide by its regulations. The planters generally are doing

very little to prepare the apprentices for freedom; but some are doing

very much to unprepare them. They are driving the people from them by

their conduct.

Mr. C. said he often wished for emancipation. There were several other

planters among his acquaintance who had the same feelings, but did not

dare express them. Most of the planters, however, were violently

opposed. Many of them declared that emancipation could not and should

not take place. So obstinate were they, that they would have sworn on

the 31st of July, 1831, that emancipation could not happen. _These very

men now see and acknowledge the benefits which have resulted from the

new system_.

The first of August passed off very quietly. The people labored on that

day as usual, and had a stranger gone over the island, he would not have

suspected any change had taken place. Mr. C. did not expect his people

would go to work that day. He told them what the conditions of the new

system were, and that after the first of August, they would be required

to turn out to work at six o'clock instead of five o'clock as before. At

the appointed hour every man was at his post in the field. Not one

individual was missing.

The apprentices do more work in the nine hours required by law, than in

twelve hours during slavery.

His apprentices are perfectly willing to work for him during their own

time. He pays them at the rate of twenty-five cents a day. The people

are less quarrelsome than when they were slaves.

About eight o'clock in the evening, Mr. C. invited us to step out into

the piazza. Pointing to the houses of the laborers, which were crowded

thickly together, and almost concealed by the cocoa-nut and calabash

trees around them, he said, "there are probably more than four hundred

people in that village. All my own laborers, with their free children,

are retired for the night, and with them are many from the neighboring

estates." We listened, but all was still, save here and there a low

whistle from some of the watchmen. He said that night was a specimen of

every night now. But it had not always been so. During slavery these

villages were oftentimes a scene of bickering, revelry, and contention.

One might hear the inmates reveling and shouting till midnight.

Sometimes it would be kept up till morning. Such scenes have much

decreased, and instead of the obscene and heathen songs which they used

to sing, they are learning hymns from the lips of their children.

The apprentices are more trusty. They are more faithful in work which is

given them to do. They take more interest in the prosperity of the

estate generally, in seeing that things are kept in order, and that the

property is not destroyed.

They are more open-hearted. Formerly they used to shrink before the eyes

of the master, and appear afraid to meet him. They would go out of their

way to avoid him, and never were willing to talk with him. They never

liked to have him visit their houses; they looked on him as a spy, and

always expected a reprimand, or perhaps a flogging. Now they look up

cheerfully when they meet him, and a visit to their homes is esteemed a

favor. Mr. C. has more confidence in his people than he ever had before.

There is less theft than during slavery. This is caused by greater

respect for character, and the protection afforded to property by law.

For a slave to steal from his master was never considered wrong, but

rather a meritorious act. He who could rob the most without being

detected was the best fellow. The blacks in several of the islands have

a proverb, that for a thief to steal from a thief makes God laugh.

The blacks have a great respect for, and even fear of law. Mr. C.

believes no people on earth are more influenced by it. They regard the

same punishment, inflicted by a magistrate, much more than when

inflicted by their master. Law is a kind of deity to them, and they

regard it with great reverence and awe.

There is no insecurity now. Before emancipation there was a continual

fear of insurrection. Mr. C. said he had lain down in bed many a night

fearing that his throat would be cut before morning. He has started up

often from a dream in which he thought his room was filled with armed

slaves. But when the abolition bill passed, his fears all passed away.

He felt assured there would be no trouble then. The motive to

insurrection was taken away. As for the cutting of throats, or insult

and violence in any way, he never suspects it. He never thinks of

fastening his door at night now. As we were retiring to bed he looked

round the room in which we had been sitting, where every thing spoke of

serenity and confidence--doors and windows open, and books and plate

scattered about on the tables and sideboards. "You see things now," he

said, "just as we leave them every night, but you would have seen quite

a different scene had you come here a few years ago."

_Mr. C. thinks the slaves of Barbadoes might have been entirely and

immediately emancipated as well as those of Antigua._ The results, he

doubts not, would have been the same.

He has no fear of disturbance or insubordination in 1840. He has no

doubt that the people will work. That there may be a little unsettled,

excited, _experimenting_ feeling for a short time, he thinks

probable--but feels confident that things generally will move on

peaceably and prosperously. He looks with much more anxiety to the

emancipation of the non-praedials in 1838.

There is no disposition among the apprentices to revenge their wrongs.

Mr. C. feels the utmost security both of person and property.

The slaves were very much excited by the discussions in England. They

were well acquainted, with them, and looked and longed for the result.

They watched every arrival of the packet with great anxiety. The people

on his estate often knew its arrival before he did. One of his daughters

remarked, that she could see their hopes flashing from their eyes. They

manifested, however, no disposition to rebel, waiting in anxious but

quiet hope for their release. Yet Mr. C. had no doubt, that if

parliament had thrown out the emancipation bill, and all measures had

ceased for their relief, there would have been a general

insurrection.--While there was hope they remained peaceable, but had

hope been destroyed it would have been buried in blood.

There was some dissatisfaction among the blacks with the apprenticeship.

They thought they ought to be entirely free, and that their masters were

deceiving them. They could not at first understand the conditions of the

new system--there was some murmuring among them, but they thought it

better, however, to wait six years for the boon, than to run the risk of

losing it altogether by revolt.

The expenses of the apprenticeship are about the same as during slavery.

But under the free system, Mr. C. has no doubt they will be much less.

He has made a calculation of the expenses of cultivating the estate on

which he resides for one year during slavery, and what they will

probably be for one year under the free system. He finds the latter are

less by about $3,000.

Real estate has increased in value more than thirty per rent. There is

greater confidence in the security of property. Instances were related

to us of estates that could not be sold at any price before

emancipation, that within the last two years have been disposed of at

great prices.

The complaints to the magistrates, on the part of the planters, were

very numerous at first, but have greatly diminished. They are of the

most trivial and even ludicrous character. One of the magistrates says

the greater part of the cases that come before him are from old women

who cannot get their coffee early enough in the morning! and for

offences of equal importance.

Prejudice has much diminished since emancipation. The discussions in

England prior to that period had done much to soften it down, but the

abolition of slavery has given it its death blow.

Such is a rapid sketch of the various topics touched upon during our

interview with Mr. C. and his family.

Before we left the hospitable mansion of Lear's, we had the pleasure of

meeting a company of gentlemen at dinner. With the exception of one, who

was provost-marshal, they were merchants of Bridgetown. These gentlemen

expressed their full concurrence in the statements of Mr. C., and gave

additional testimony equally valuable.

Mr. W., the provost-marshal, stated that he had the supervision of the

public jail, and enjoyed the best opportunity of knowing the state of

crime, and he was confident that there was a less amount of crime since

emancipation than before. He also spoke of the increasing attention

which the negroes paid to neatness of dress and personal appearance.

The company broke up about nine o'clock, but not until we had seen ample

evidence of the friendly feelings of all the gentlemen toward our

object. There was not a single dissenting voice to any of the statements

made, or any of the sentiments expressed. This fact shows that the

prevailing feeling is in favor of freedom, and that too on the score of

policy and self-interest.

Dinner parties are in one sense a very safe pulse in all matters of

general interest. They rarely beat faster than the heart of the

community. No subject is likely to be introduced amid the festivities of

a fashionable circle, until it is fully endorsed by public sentiment.

Through the urgency of Mr. C., we were induced to remain all night.

Early the next morning, he proposed a ride before breakfast to Scotland.

Scotland is the name given to an abrupt, hilly section, in the north of

the island. It is about five miles from Mr. C.'s, and nine from

Bridgetown. In approaching, the prospect bursts suddenly upon the eye,

extorting an involuntary exclamation of surprise. After riding for

miles, through a country which gradually swells into slight elevations,

or sweeps away in rolling plains, covered with cane, yams, potatoes,

eddoes, corn, and grass, alternately, and laid out with the regularity

of a garden; after admiring the cultivation, beauty, and skill exhibited

on every hand, until almost wearied with viewing the creations of art;

the eye at once falls upon a scene in which is crowded all the wildness

and abruptness of nature in one of her most freakish moods--a scene

which seems to defy the hand of cultivation and the graces of art. We

ascended a hill on the border of this section, which afforded us a

complete view. To describe it in one sentence, it is an immense basin,

from two to three miles in diameter at the top, the edges of which are

composed of ragged hills, and the sides and bottom of which are

diversified with myriads of little hillocks and corresponding

indentations. Here and there is a small sugar estate in the bottom, and

cultivation extends some distance up the sides, though this is at

considerable risk, for not infrequently, large tracts of soil, covered

with cane or provisions, slide down, over-spreading the crops below, and

destroying those which they carry with them.

Mr. C. pointed to the opposite side of the basin to a small group of

stunted trees, which he said were the last remains of the Barbadoes

forests. In the midst of them there is a boiling spring of considerable

notoriety.

In another direction, amid the rugged precipices, Mr. C. pointed out the

residences of a number of poor white families, whom he described as the

most degraded, vicious, and abandoned people in the island--"very far

below the negroes." They live promiscuously, are drunken, licentious,

and poverty-stricken,--a body of most squalid and miserable

human beings.

From the height on which we stood, we could see the ocean nearly around

the island, and on our right and left, overlooking the basin below us,

rose the two highest points of land of which Barbadoes can boast. The

white marl about their naked tops gives them a bleak and desolate

appearance, which contrasts gloomily with the verdure of the surrounding

cultivation.

After we had fully gratified ourselves with viewing the miniature

representation of old Scotia, we descended again into the road, and

returned to Lear's. We passed numbers of men and women going towards

town with loads of various kinds of provisions on their heads. Some were

black, and others were white--of the same class whose huts had just been

shown us amid the hills and ravines of Scotland. We observed that the

latter were barefoot, and carried their loads on their heads precisely

like the former. As we passed these busy pedestrians, the blacks almost

uniformly courtesied or spoke; but the whites did not appear to notice

us. Mr. C inquired whether we were not struck with this difference in

the conduct of the two people, remarking that he had always observed it.

It is very seldom, said he, that I meet a negro who does not speak to me

politely; but this class of whites either pass along without looking up,

or cast a half-vacant, rude stare into one's face, without opening their

mouths. Yet this people, he added, veriest raggamuffins that they are,

despise the negroes, and consider it quite degrading to put themselves

on term of equity with them. They will beg of blacks more provident and

industrious than themselves, or they will steal their poultry and rob

their provision grounds at night; but they would disdain to associate

with them. Doubtless these _sans culottes_ swell in their dangling rags

with the haughty consciousness that they possess _white skins_. What

proud reflections they must have, as they pursue their barefoot way,

thinking on their high lineage, and running back through the long list

of their illustrious ancestry whose notable badge was a _white skin_! No

wonder they cannot stop to bow to the passing stranger. These sprouts of

the Caucasian race are known among the Barbadians by the rather

ungracious name of _Red Shanks_. They are considered the pest of the

island, and are far more troublesome to the police, in proportion to

their members, than the apprentices. They are estimated at about

eight thousand.

The origin of this population we learned was the following: It has long

been a law in Barbadoes, that each proprietor should provide a white man

for every sixty slaves in his possession, and give him an acre of land,

a house, and arms requisite for defence of the island in case of

insurrection. This caused an importation of poor whites from Ireland and

England, and their number has been gradually increasing until the

present time.

During our stay of nearly two days with Mr. C., there was nothing to

which he so often alluded as to the security from danger which was now

enjoyed by the planters. As he sat in his parlor, surrounded by his

affectionate family, the sense of personal and domestic security

appeared to be a luxury to him. He repeatedly expressed himself

substantially thus: "During the existence of slavery, how often have I

retired to bed _fearing_ _that I should have my throat cut before

morning_, but _now_ the danger is all over."

We took leave of Lear's, after a protracted visit, not without a

pressing invitation from Mr. C. to call again.

SECOND VISIT TO LEAR'S.

The following week, on Saturday afternoon, we received a note from Mr.

C., inviting us to spend the Sabbath at Lear's, where we might attend

service at a neighboring chapel, and see a congregation composed chiefly

of apprentices. On our arrival, we received a welcome from the

residents, which reassured us of their sympathy in our object. We joined

the family circle around the centre table, and spent the evening in free

conversation on the subject of slavery.

During the evening Mr. C. stated, that he had lately met with a planter

who, for some years previous to emancipation, and indeed up to the very

event, maintained that it was utterly impossible for such a thing ever

to take place. The mother country, he said, could not be so mad as to

take a step which must inevitably ruin the colonies. _Now_, said Mr. C.,

this planter would be one of the last in the island to vote for a

restoration of slavery; nay, he even wishes to have the apprenticeship

terminated at once, and entire freedom given to the people. Such changes

as this were very common.

Mr. C. remarked that during slavery, if the negro ventured to express an

opinion about any point of management, he was met at once with a

reprimand. If one should say, "I think such a course would he best," or,

"Such a field of cane is fit for cutting," the reply would be, "_Think_!

you have no right to think any thing about it. _Do as I bid you_." Mr.

C. confessed frankly, that he had often used such language himself. Yet

at the same time that he affected such contempt for the opinions of the

slaves, he used to go around secretly among the negro houses at night to

overhear their conversation, and ascertain their views. Sometimes he

received very valuable suggestions from them, which he was glad to avail

himself of, though he was careful not to acknowledge their origin.

Soon after supper, Miss E., one of Mr. C.'s daughters, retired for the

purpose of teaching a class of colored children which came to her on

Wednesday and Saturday nights. A sister of Miss E. has a class on the

same days at noon.

During the evening we requested the favor of seeing Miss E.'s school. We

were conducted by a flight of stairs into the basement story, where we

found her sitting in a small recess, and surrounded by a dozen negro

girls; from the ages of eight to fifteen. She was instructing them from

the Testament, which most of them could read fluently. She afterwards

heard them recite some passages which they had committed to memory, and

interspersed the recitations with appropriate remarks of advice and

exhortation.

It is to be remarked that Miss E. commenced instructing after the

abolition; before that event the idea of such an employment would have

been rejected as degrading.

At ten o'clock on Sabbath morning, we drove to the chapel of the parish,

which is a mile and a half from Lear's. It contains seats for five

hundred persons. The body of the house is appropriated to the

apprentices. There were upwards of four hundred persons, mostly

apprentices, present, and a more quiet and attentive congregation we

have seldom seen. The people were neatly dressed. A great number of the

men wore black or blue cloth. The females were generally dressed in

white. The choir was composed entirely of blacks, and sung with

characteristic excellence.

There was so much intelligence in the countenances of the people, that

we could scarcely believe we were looking on a congregation of lately

emancipated slaves.

We returned to Lear's. Mr. C. noticed the change which has taken place

in the observance of the Sabbath since emancipation. Formerly the smoke

would be often seen at this time of day pouring from the chimneys of the

boiling-houses; but such a sight has not been seen since slavery

disappeared.

Sunday used to be the day for the negroes to work on their grounds; now

it is a rare thing for them to do so. Sunday markets also prevailed

throughout the island, until the abolition of slavery.

Mr. C. continued to speak of slavery. "I sometimes wonder," said he, "at

myself, when I think how long I was connected with slavery; but

self-interest and custom blinded me to its enormities." Taking a short

walk towards sunset, we found ourselves on the margin of a beautiful

pond, in which myriads of small gold fishes were disporting--now

circling about in rapid evolutions, and anon leaping above the surface,

and displaying their brilliant sides in the rays of the setting sun.

When we had watched for some moments their happy gambols, Mr. C. turned

around and broke a twig from a bush that stood behind us; "_there is a

bush_," said he, "_which has committed many a murder_." On requesting

him to explain, he said, that the root of it was a most deadly poison,

and that the slave women used to make a decoction of it and give to

their infants to destroy them; many a child had been murdered in this

way. Mothers would kill their children, rather than see them _grow up to

be slaves_. "Ah," he continued, in a solemn tone, pausing a moment and

looking at us in a most earnest manner, "I could write a book about the

evils of slavery. I could write a book about these things."

What a volume of blackness and blood![A]

[Footnote A: We are here reminded of a fact stated by Mr. C. on another

occasion. He said, that he once attended at the death of a planter who

had been noted for his severity to his slaves. It was the most horrid

scene he ever witnessed. For hours before his death he was in the

extremest agony, and the only words which he uttered were, "Africa. O

Africa!" These words he repeated every few minutes, till he died. And

such a ghastly countenance, such distortions of the muscles, such a

hellish glare of the eye, and such convulsions of the body--it made him

shudder to think of them.]

When we arose on Monday morning, the daylight has scarcely broken. On

looking out of the window, we saw the mill slowly moving in the wind,

and the field gang were going out to their daily work. Surely, we

thought, this does not look much like the laziness and insubordination

of freed negroes. After dressing, we walked down to the mill, to have

some conversation with the people. They all bade us a cordial "good

mornin'." The _tender_ of the mill was an old man, whose despised locks

were gray and thin, and on whose brow the hands of time and sorrow had

written many effaceless lines. He appeared hale and cheerful, and

answered our questions in distinct intelligible language. We asked him

how they were all getting along under the new system. "Very well,

massa," said he, "very well, thank God. All peaceable and good." "Do you

like the apprenticeship better then slavery?" "Great deal better, massa;

we is doing well now." "You like the apprenticeship as well as freedom,

don't you?" "O _no_ me massa, freedom _till better_."

"What will you do when you are entirely free?"

"We must work; all have to work when de free come, white and black."

"You are old, and will not enjoy freedom long; why do you wish for

freedom, then?" "Me want to _die_ free, massa--good ting to die free,

and me want to see _children_ free too."

We continued at Lear's during Monday, to be in readiness for a tour to

the windward of the island, which Mr. C. had projected for us, and on

which we were to set out early the next morning. In the course of the

day we had opportunities of seeing the apprentices in almost every

situation--in the field, at the mill, in the boiling-house, moving to

and from work, and at rest. In every aspect in which we viewed them,

they appeared cheerful, amiable, and easy of control. It was admirable

to see with what ease and regularity every thing moved. An estate of

nearly seven hundred acres, with extensive agriculture, and a large

manufactory and distillery, employing three hundred apprentices, and

supporting twenty-five horses, one hundred and thirty head of horned

cattle, and hogs, sheep; and poultry in proportion, is manifestly a most

complicated machinery. No wonder it should have been difficult to manage

during slavery, when the main spring was absent, and every wheel out

of gear.

We saw the apprentices assemble after twelve o'clock, to receive their

allowances of yams. These provisions are distributed to them twice every

week--on Monday and Thursday. They were strewed along the yard in heaps

of fifteen pounds each. The apprentices came with baskets to get their

allowances. It resembled a market scene, much chattering and talking,

but no anger. Each man, woman, and child, as they got their baskets

filled, placed them of their heads, and marched off to their

several huts.

On Tuesday morning, at an early hour, Mr. C. took us in his phaeton on

our projected excursion. It was a beautiful morning. There was a full

breeze from the east, which had already started the ponderous wings of

the wind-mills, in every direction. The sun was shaded by light clouds,

which rendered the air quite cool. Crossing the rich valley in which the

Bell estate and other noble properties are situated, we ascended the

cliffs of St. John's--a ridge extending through the parish of that name

and as we rode along its top, eastward, we had a delightful view of sea

and land. Below us on either hand lay vast estates glowing in the,

verdure of summer, and on three sides in the distance stretched the

ocean. Rich swells of land, cultivated and blooming like a vast garden,

extended to the north as far as the eye could reach, and on every other

side down to the water's edge. One who has been accustomed to the

wildness of American scenery, and to the imperfect cultivation,

intercepted with woodland, which yet characterizes the even the oldest

portions of the United States, might revel for a time amid the sunny

meadows. The waving cane fields, the verdant provision grounds, the

acres of rich black soil without a blade of grass, and divided into beds

two feet square for the cane plants with the precision almost of the

cells of a honey comb; and withal he might be charmed with the luxurious

mansions--more luxurious than superb--surrounded with the white cedar,

the cocoa-nut tree, and the tall, rich mountain cabbage--the most

beautiful of all tropical trees; but perchance it would not require a

very long excursion to weary him with the artificiality of the scenery,

and cause him to sigh for the "woods and wilds," the "banks and braes,"

of his own majestic country.

After an hour and a half's drive, we reached Colliton estate, where we

were engaged to breakfast. We met a hearty welcome from the manager,

Samuel Hinkston, Esq. we were soon joined by several gentlemen whom Mr.

H. had invited to take breakfast with us; these were the Rev. Mr.

Gittens, rector of St. Philip's parish, (in which Colliton estate is

situated,) and member of the colonial council; Mr. Thomas, an extensive

attorney of Barbadoes; and Dr. Bell, a planter of Demerara--then on a

visit to the island. We conversed with each of the gentlemen separately,

and obtained their individual views respecting emancipation.

Mr. Hinkston has been a planter for thirty-six years, and is highly

esteemed throughout the island. The estate which he manages, ranks among

the first in the island. It comprises six hundred acres of superior

land, has a population of two hundred apprentices, and yields an average

crop of one hundred and eighty hogsheads. Together with his long

experience and standing as a planter, Mr. H. has been for many years

local magistrate for the parish in which he resides. From these

circumstances combined, we are induced to give his opinions on a variety

of points.

1. He remarked that the planters were getting along _infinitely_ better

under the new system than they ever did under the old. Instead of

regretting that the change had taken place, he is looking forward with

pleasure to a better change in 1840, and he only regrets that it is not

to come sooner.

2. Mr. H. said it was generally conceded that the island was never under

better cultivation than at the present time. The crops for this year

will exceed the average by several thousand hogsheads. The canes were

planted in good season, and well attended to afterwards.

3. Real estate has risen very much since emancipation. Mr. H. stated

that he had lately purchased a small sugar estate, for which he was

obliged to give several hundred pounds more than it would have cost him

before 1834.

4. There is not the least sense of insecurity now. Before emancipation

there was much fear of insurrection, but that fear passed away

with slavery.

5. The prospect for 1840 is good. That people have no fear of ruin after

emancipation, is proved by the building of sugar works on estates which

never had any before, and which were obliged to cart their canes to

neighbouring estates to have them ground and manufactured. There are

also numerous improvements making on the larger estates. Mr. H. is

preparing to make a new mill and boiling-house on Colliton, and other

planters are doing the same. Arrangements are making too in various

directions to build new negro villages on a more commodious plan.

6. Mr. H. says he finds his apprentices perfectly ready to work for

wages during their own time. Whenever he needs their labor on Saturday,

he has only to ask them, and they are ready to go to the mill, or field

at once. There has not been an instance on Colliton estate in which the

apprentices have refused to work, either during the hours required by

law, or during their own time. When he does not need their services on

Saturday, they either hire themselves to other estates or work on their

own grounds.

7. Mr. H. was ready to say, both as a planter and a magistrate, that

vice and crime generally had decreased, and were still on the decrease.

Petty thefts are the principal offences. He has not had occasion to send

a single apprentice to the court of sessions for the last six months.

8. He has no difficulty in managing his people--far less than he did

when they were slaves. It is very seldom that he finds it necessary to

call in the aid of the special magistrate. Conciliatory treatment is

generally sufficient to maintain order and industry among the

apprentices.

9. He affirms that the negroes have no disposition to be revengeful. He

has never seen any thing like revenge.

10. His people are as far removed from insolence as from vindictiveness.

They have been uniformly civil.

11. His apprentices have more interest in the affairs of the estate, and

he puts more confidence in them than he ever did before.

12. He declares that the working of the apprenticeship, as also that of

entire freedom, depends entirely on the _planters_. If they act with

common humanity and reason, there is no fear but that the apprentices

will be peaceable.

Mr. Thomas is attorney for fifteen estates, on which there are upwards

of two thousand five hundred apprentices. We were informed that he had

been distinguished as a _severe disciplinarian_ under the old reign, or

in plain terms, had been a _cruel man and a hard driver_; but he was one

of those who, since emancipation, have turned about and conformed their

mode of treatment to the new system. In reply to our inquiry how the

present system was working, he said, "infinitely better (such was his

language) than slavery. I succeed better on all the estates under my

charge than I did formerly. I have far less difficulty with the people.

I have no reason to complain of their conduct. However, I think they

will do still better after 1840."

We made some inquiries of Dr. Bell concerning the results of abolition

in Demerara. He gave a decidedly flattering account of the working of

the apprenticeship system. No fears are entertained that Demerara will

be ruined after 1840. On the contrary it will be greatly benefited by

emancipation. It is now suffering from a want of laborers, and after

1840 there will be an increased emigration to that colony from the older

and less productive colonies. The planters of Demerara are making

arrangements for cultivating sugar on a larger scale than ever before.

Estates are selling at very high prices. Every thing indicates the

fullest confidence on the part of the planters that the prosperity of

the colony will not only be permanent, but progressive.

After breakfast we proceeded to the Society's estate. We were glad to

see this estate, as its history is peculiar. In 1726 it was bequeathed

by General Coddington to a society in England, called "The Society for

the promotion of Christian Knowledge." The proceeds of the estate were

to be applied to the support of an institution in Barbadoes, for

educating missionaries of the established order. Some of the provisions

of the will were that the estate should always have three hundred slaves

upon it; that it should support a school for the education of the negro

children who were to be taught a portion of every day until they were

twelve years old, when they were to go into the field; and that there

should be a chapel built upon it. The negroes belonging to the estate

have for upwards of a hundred years been under this kind of instruction.

They have all been taught to read, though in many instances they have

forgotten all they learned, having no opportunity to improve after they

left school. They enjoy some other comforts peculiar to the Society's

estate. They have neat cottages built apart--each on a half-acre lot,

which belongs to the apprentice and for the cultivation of which he is a

allowed one day out of the five working days. Another peculiarity is,

that the men and women work in separate gangs.

At this estate we procured horses to ride to the College. We rode by the

chapel and school-house belonging to the Society's estate which are

situated on the row of a high hill. From the same hill we caught a view

of Coddrington college, which is situated on a low bottom extending from

the foot of the rocky cliff on which we stood to the sea shore, a space

of quarter of a mile. It is a long, narrow, ill-constructed edifice.

We called on the principal, Rev. Mr. Jones, who received us very

cordially, and conducted us over the buildings and the grounds connected

with them. The college is large enough to accommodate a hundred

students. It is fitted out with lodging rooms, various professors'

departments, dining hall, chapel, library, and all the appurtenances of

a university. The number of student at the close of the last term was

_fifteen_.

The professors, two in number, are supported by a fund, consisting of

£40,000 sterling, which has in part accumulated from the revenue of

the estate.

The principal spoke favorably of the operation of the apprenticeship in

Barbadoes, and gave the negroes a decided superiority over the lower

class of whites. He had seen only one colored beggar since he came to

the island, but he was infested with multitudes of white ones.

It is intended to improve the college buildings as soon as the toil of

apprentices on the Society's estate furnishes the requisite means. This

robbing of God's image to promote education is horrible enough, taking

the wages of slavery to spread the kingdom of Christ!

On re-ascending the hill, we called at the Society's school. There are

usually in attendance about one hundred children, since the abolition of

slavery. Near the school-house is the chapel of the estate, a neat

building, capable of holding three or four hundred people. Adjacent to

the chapel is the burial ground for the negroes belonging to the

Society's estate. We noticed several neat tombs, which appeared to have

been erected only a short time previous. They were built of brick, and

covered over with lime, so as to resemble white marble slabs. On being

told that these were erected by the negroes themselves over the bodies

of their friends, we could not fail to note so beautiful an evidence of

their civilization and humanity. We returned to the Society's estate,

where we exchanged our saddles for the phaeton, and proceeded on our

eastward tour.

Mr. C. took us out of the way a few miles to show us one of the few

curiosities of which Barbadoes can boast. It is called the "Horse." The

shore for some distance is a high and precipitous ledge of rocks, which

overhangs the sea in broken cliffs. In one place a huge mass has been

riven from the main body of rock and fallen into the sea. Other huge

fragments have been broken off in the same manner. In the midst of

these, a number of steps have been cut in the rock for the purpose of

descending to the sea. At the bottom of these steps, there is a broad

platform of solid rock, where one may stand securely, and hear the waves

breaking around him like heavy thunders. Through the fissures we could

see the foam and spray mingling with the blue of the ocean, and flashing

in the sunshine. To the right, between the largest rock and the main

land, there is a chamber of about ten feet wide, and twenty feet long.

The fragment, which forms one of its sides, leans towards the main rock,

and touches it at top, forming a roof, with here and there a fissure,

through which the light enters. At the bottom of the room there is a

clear bed of water, which communicates with the sea by a small aperture

under the rock. It is as placid as a summer pond, and is fitted with

steps for a bathing place. Bathe, truly! with the sea ever dashing

against the side, and roaring and reverberating with deafening echo.

On a granite slab, fixed in the side of the rock at the bottom of the

first descent is an inscription. Time has very much effaced the letters,

but by the aid of Mr. C.'s memory, we succeeded in deciphering them.

They will serve as the hundred and first exemplification of the

Bonapartean maxim--"There is but one step from the sublime to the

ridiculous."

"In this remote, and hoarse resounding place,

Which billows clash, and craggy cliffs embrace,

These babbling springs amid such horrors rise,

But armed with virtue, horrors we despise.

Bathe undismayed, nor dread the impending rock,

'Tis virtue shields us from each adverse shock.

GENIO LOCI SACRUM POSUIT

J.R.

MARTIS MENSE

1769"

From the "Crane," which is the name given to that section of the country

in which the "Horse" is situated, we bent our way in a southerly

direction to the Ridge estate, which was about eight miles distant,

where we had engaged to dine. On the way we passed an estate which had

just been on fire. The apprentices, fearing lest their houses should be

burnt, had carried away all the moveables from them, and deposited them

in separate heaps, on a newly ploughed field. The very doors and window

shutters had been torn off and carried into the field, several acres of

which were strewed over with piles of such furniture. Mr. C. was

scarcely less struck with this scene than we were, and he assured us

that he had never known such providence manifested on a similar occasion

during slavery.

At the Ridge estate we met Mr. Clarke, manager at Staple Grove estate,

Mr. Applewhitte of Carton, and a brother of Mr. C. The manager, Mr.

Cecil, received us with the customary cordiality.

Mr. Clarke is the manager of an estate on which there are two hundred

apprentices. His testimony was, that the estate was better cultivated

since abolition than before, and that it is far easier to control the

laborers, and secure uniformity of labor under the present system. He

qualified this remark, by saying, that if harsh or violent measures were

used, there would be more difficulty now than during slavery; but kind

treatment and a conciliatory spirit never failed to secure peace and

industry. At the time of abolition, Mr. C. owned ten slaves, whom he

entirely emancipated. Some of these still remain with him as domestics;

others are hired on an adjoining estate. One of those who left him to

work on another estate, said to him, "Massa, whenever you want anybody

to help you, send to me, and I'll come. It makes no odds when it

is--I'll be ready at any time--day or night." Mr. C. declared himself

thoroughly convinced of the propriety of immediate emancipation; though

he was once a violent opposer of abolition. He said, that if he had the

power, be would emancipate every apprentice on his estate to-morrow. As

we were in the sugar-house examining the quality of the sugar, Mr. C.

turned to one of us, and putting his hand on a hogshead, said, "You do

not raise this article in your state, (Kentucky,) I believe." On being

answered in the negative, he continued, "Well, we will excuse you, then,

somewhat in your state--you can't treat your slaves so cruelly there.

_This, this_ is the dreadful thing! Wherever sugar is cultivated by

slaves, there is extreme suffering."

Mr. Applewhitte said emphatically, that there was no danger in entire

emancipation. He was the proprietor of more than a hundred apprentices

and he would like to see them all free at once.

During a long sitting at the dinner table, emancipation was the topic,

and we were gratified with the perfect unanimity of sentiment among

these planters. After the cloth was removed, and we were about leaving

the table, Mr. Clarke begged leave to propose a toast. Accordingly, the

glasses of the planters were once more filled, and Mr. C., bowing to us,

gave our health, and "success to our laudable undertaking,"--"_most_

laudable undertaking," added Mr. Applewhitte, and the glasses were

emptied. Had the glasses contained water instead of wine, our

gratification would have been complete. It was a thing altogether beyond

our most sanguine expectations, that a company of planters, all of whom

were but three years previous the actual oppressors of the slave, should

be found wishing success to the cause of emancipation.

At half past eight o'clock, we resumed our seats in Mr. C.'s phaeton,

and by the nearest route across the country, returned to Lear's. Mr. C.

entertained us by the way with eulogies upon the industry and

faithfulness of his apprentices. It was, he said, one of the greatest

pleasures he experienced, to visit the different estates under his

charge, and witness the respect and affection which the apprentices

entertained towards him. Their joyful welcome, their kind attentions

during his stay with them, and their hearty 'good-bye, massa,' when he

left, delighted him.

VISIT TO COLONEL ASHBY'S.

We were kindly invited to spend a day at the mansion of Colonel Ashby,

an aged and experienced planter, who is the proprietor of the estate on

which he resides. Colonel A.'s estate is situated in the parish of

Christ Church, and is almost on the extreme point of a promontory, which

forms the southernmost part of the island. An early and pleasant drive

of nine miles from Bridgetown, along the southeastern coast of the

island, brought us to his residence. Colonel A. is a native of

Barbadoes, has been a practical planter since 1795, and for a long time

a colonial magistrate, and commander of the parish troops. His present

estate contains three hundred and fifty acres, and has upon it two

hundred and thirty apprentices, with a large number of free children.

His average crop is eighty large hogsheads. Colonel A. remarked to us,

that he had witnessed many cruelties and enormities under "the reign of

terror." He said, that the abolition of slavery had been an incalculable

blessing, but added, that he had not always entertained the same views

respecting emancipation. Before it took place, he was a violent opposer

of any measure tending to abolition. He regarded the English

abolitionists, and the anti-slavery members in parliament, with

unmingled hatred. He had often cursed Wilberforce most bitterly, and

thought that no doom either in this life, or in the life to come, was

too bad for him. "But," he exclaimed, "how mistaken I was about that

man--I am convinced of it now--O he was a good man--_a noble

philanthropist_!--_if there is a chair in heaven, Wilberforce is in

it_!" Colonel A. is somewhat sceptical, which will account for his

hypothetical manner of speaking about heaven.

He said that he found no trouble in managing his apprentices. As local

or colonial magistrate, in which capacity he still continued to act he

had no cases of serious crime to adjudicate, and very few cases of petty

misdemeanor. Colonel A. stated emphatically, that the negroes were not

disposed to leave their employment, unless the master was intolerably

passionate and hard with them; as for himself, he did not fear losing a

single laborer after 1840.

He dwelt much on the trustiness and strong attachment of the negroes,

where they are well treated. There were no people in the world that he

would trust his property or life with sooner than negroes, provided he

had the previous management of them long enough to secure their

confidence. He stated the following fact in confirmation of this

sentiment. During the memorable insurrection of 1816, by which the

neighboring parishes were dreadfully ravaged, he was suddenly called

from home on military duty. After he had proceeded some distance, he

recollected that he had left five thousand dollars in an open desk at

home. He immediately told the fact to his slave who was with him, and

sent him back to take care of it. He knew nothing more of his money

until the rebellion was quelled, and peace restored. On returning home,

the slave led him to a cocoa-nut tree near by the house, and dug up the

money, which he had buried under its roots. He found the whole sum

secure. The negro, he said, might have taken the money, and he would

never have suspected him, but would have concluded that it had been, in

common with other larger sums, seized upon by the insurgents. Colonel A.

said that it was impossible for him to mistrust the negroes as a body.

He spoke in terms of praise also of the _conjugal attachment_ of the

negroes. His son, a merchant, stated a fact on this subject. The wife of

a negro man whom he knew, became afflicted with that loathsome disease,

the leprosy. The man continued to live with her, notwithstanding the

disease was universally considered contagious and was peculiarly dreaded

by the negroes. The man on being asked why he lived with his wife under

such circumstances, said, that he had lived with her when she was well,

and he could not bear to forsake her when she was in distress.

Colonel A. made numerous inquiries respecting slavery in America. He

said there certainly be insurrections in the slaveholding states, unless

slavery was abolished. Nothing but abolition could put an end to

insurrections.

Mr. Thomas, a neighboring planter, dined with us. He had not carried a

complaint to the special magistrate against his apprentices for six

months. He remarked particularly that emancipation had been a great

blessing to the master; it brought freedom to him as well as to

the slave.

A few days subsequent to our visit to Colonel A.'s, the Reverend Mr.

Packer, of the Established Church, called at our lodgings, and

introduced a planter from the parish of St. Thomas. The planter is

proprietor of an estate, and has eighty apprentices. His apprentices

conduct themselves very satisfactorily, and he had not carried a half

dozen complaints to the special magistrate since 1831. He said that

cases of crime were very rare, as he had opportunity of knowing, being

local magistrate. There were almost no penal offences brought before

him. Many of the apprentices of St. Thomas parish were buying their

freedom, and there were several cases of appraisement[A] every week. The

Monday previous, six cases came before him, in four of which the

apprentices paid the money on the spot.

[Footnote A: When an apprentice signifies his wish to purchase his

freedom, he applies to the magistrate for an appraisement. The

appraisement is made by one special and two local magistrates.]