Combining the effects of the sea’s action upon the shores of

continents, and of the action of rain upon their interior, and

remembering that unless the process of demolition were checked in some

way, each cause would act from year to year with new force—one through

the effects of the gradual rise of the sea-bed, and the other through

the effects of the gradual increase of the surface of ocean exposed

to the vaporising action of the sun, which increase would necessarily

increase the quantity of rain yearly precipitated on the land—we see

the justice of the opinion expressed by Sir John Herschel, that, ‘had

the primeval world been constructed as it now exists, time enough has

elapsed, and force enough directed to that end has been in activity,

_to have long ago destroyed every vestige of land_.’

We see, then, the necessity that exists for the action of some

restorative or preservative force sufficient to counteract the effects

of the continuous processes of destruction indicated above. If we

consider, we shall see that the destructive forces owe their efficiency

to their levelling action, that is, to their influence in reducing the

solid part of the earth to the figure of a perfect sphere; therefore

the form of force which is required to counteract them is one that

shall tend to produce irregularities in the surface-contour of the

earth. And it will be remarked, that although _upheaval_ is the

process which appears at first sight to be the only effectual remedy

to the levelling action of rains and ocean-currents, yet the forcible

depression of the earth’s surface may prove in many instances yet more

effective, since it may serve to reduce the sea-level in other places.

Now, the earth’s subterranean forces serve to produce the very effects

which are required in order to counteract the continual disintegration

of the shores and interior parts of continents. In the first place,

their action is not distributed with any approach to uniformity over

different parts of the earth’s crust, and therefore the figure they

tend to give to the surface of that crust is not that of a perfect

sphere. This, of itself, secures the uprising of some parts of the

solid earth above the sea-level. But this is not all. On a comparison

of the various effects due to the action of subterranean forces, it

has been found that the forces of upheaval act (on the whole) more

powerfully under continents, and especially under the shore-lines of

continents, while the forces of depression act most powerfully (on the

whole) under the bed of the ocean. It need hardly be said that whenever

the earth is upheaved in one part, it must be depressed somewhere else.

Not necessarily at the same instant, it should be remarked. The process

of upheaval may be either momentarily accompanied by a corresponding

process of depression, or the latter process may take place by a

gradual action of the elastic powers of the earth’s crust; but, in one

way or the other, the balance between upheaval and depression must be

restored. Hence, if it can be shown that for the most part the forces

of upheaval act underneath the land, it follows—though we may not be

able to recognise the fact by obvious visible signs—that processes of

depression are taking place underneath the ocean. Now, active volcanoes

mark the centre of a district of upheaval, and most volcanoes are near

the sea, as if (though, of course, this is not the true explanation)

Nature had provided against the inroads of the ocean by seating the

earth’s upheaving forces just where they are most wanted.

Even in earthquake districts which have no active vent, the same law is

found to prevail. It is supposed by the most eminent seismologists that

earthquake regions around a volcano, and earthquake regions apparently

disconnected from any outlet, differ only in this respect, that in the

one case the subterranean forces have had sufficient power to produce

the phenomena of eruption, while in the other they have not. ‘In

earthquakes,’ says Humboldt, ‘we have evidence of a volcano-producing

force; but such a force, as universally diffused as the internal heat

of the globe, and proclaiming itself everywhere, rarely acts with

sufficient energy to produce actual eruptive phenomena; and when it

does so, it is only in isolated and particular places.’

Of the influence of the earth’s subterranean forces in altering

the level of land, I might quote many remarkable instances, but

considerations of space compel me to confine myself to two or three.

The slow processes of upheaval or depression may, perhaps, seem less

immediately referable to subterranean action than those which are

produced during the progress of an actual earthquake. I pass over,

therefore, such phenomena as the gradual uprising of Sweden, the slow

sinking of Greenland, and (still proceeding westward) the gradual

uprising of Nova Scotia and the shores of Hudson’s Bay. Remarkable

and suggestive as these phenomena really are, and indisputable as the

evidence is on which they rest, they will probably seem much less

striking to the reader than those which I am now about to quote.

On the 19th of November, 1822, a widely felt and destructive earthquake

was experienced in Chili. On the next day, it was noticed for the first

time that a broad line of sea-coast had been deserted by the sea for

more than one hundred miles. A large part of this tract was covered by

shell-fish, which soon died, and exhaled the most offensive effluvia.

Between the old low-water mark and the new one, the fishermen found

burrowing shells, which they had formerly had to search for amidst the

surf. Rocks some way out to sea which had formerly been covered, were

now dry at half ebb-tide.

Careful measurements showed that the rise of the land was greater at

some distance inshore than along the beach. The watercourse of a mill

about a mile inland from the sea had gained a fall of fourteen inches

in little more than a hundred yards. At Valparaiso, the rise was three

feet; at Quintero, four feet.

In February 1835, and in November 1837, a large tract of Chili was

similarly shaken, a permanent rise of two feet following the former

earthquake, and a rise of eight feet the latter.

The earthquake which took place at Cutch in 1819 is perhaps in

some respects yet more remarkable. In this instance, phenomena of

subsidence, as well as phenomena of upheaval, were witnessed. The

estuary of the Indus, which had long been closed to navigation—being,

in fact, only a foot deep at ebb-tide, and never more than six feet at

flood—was deepened in parts to more than eighteen feet at low water.

The fort and village of Sindree were submerged, only the tops of houses

and walls being visible above the water. But although this earthquake

seemed thus to have a land-destroying, instead of a land-creating

effect, yet the instances of upheaval were, even in this case, far more

remarkable than those of depression. ‘Immediately after the shock,’

says Sir Charles Lyell, ‘the inhabitants of Sindree saw at a distance

of five miles and a half from their village a long elevated mound,

where previously there had been a low and perfectly level plain. To

this uplifted tract they gave the name of Ulla-Bund, or the “Mound of

God,” to distinguish it from several artificial dams previously thrown

across the eastern arm of the Indus. It has been ascertained,’ he adds,

‘that this new-raised country is upwards of fifty miles in length from

east to west, running parallel to the line of subsidence which caused

the grounds around Sindree to be flooded. The breadth of the elevation

is conjectured to be in some parts sixteen miles, and its greatest

ascertained height above the original level of the delta is ten feet—an

elevation which appears to the eye to be very uniform throughout.‘

(From _Chambers’s Journal_, November 7, 1868.)

_THE FORCING POWER OF RAIN._

There is an old proverb which implies that England need never fear

drought; and we have had clear evidence this year (1868) that an

exceptionally dry summer is not necessarily followed by a bad harvest.

But I believe that when a balance is carefully struck between the good

and the evil effects resulting from excessive drought in England, it

will be found that the latter largely prevail. In fact, it is only

necessary to observe the effects which have followed the recent wet

weather to recognise the fact that rain has a forcing power, the

very diminished supply of which at the due season cannot fail to

have seriously injurious effects. In various parts of England we see

evidences of the action of such a power during the present autumn in

the blossoming of trees, in the flowering of primroses and other spring

plants, in rich growths of fungi, and in various other ways. It cannot

be doubted that there is here a comparative waste of powers which,

expended in due season, would have produced valuable results.

The modern theories of the correlation of force suffice to show how

enormous a loss a country suffers when there is a failure in the

supply of rain, or when that supply comes out of its due season. When

we consider rain in connection with the causes to which it is due, we

begin to recognise the enormous amount of power of which the ordinary

rainfall of a country is the representative; and we can well understand

how it is that ‘the clouds drop fatness on the earth.’

The sun’s heat is, of course, the main agent—we may almost say the

only agent—in supplying the rainfall of a country. The process of

evaporation carried on over large portions of the ocean’s surface

is continually storing up enormous masses of water in the form of

invisible aqueous vapour, ready to be transformed into cloud, then

wafted for hundreds of miles across seas and continents, to be finally

precipitated over this or that country, according to the conditions

which determine the downfall of rain. These processes do not appear, at

first sight, indicative of any very great expenditure of force, yet in

reality the force-equivalent of the rain-supply of England alone for a

single year is something positively startling. It has been calculated

that the amount of heat required to evaporate a quantity of water which

would cover an area of 100 square miles to a depth of one inch would

be equal to the heat which would be produced by the combustion of half

a million tons of coals. The amount of force of which this consumption

of heat would be the equivalent corresponds to that which would be

required to raise a weight of upwards of one thousand millions of tons

to a height of one mile. Now, when we remember that the area of Great

Britain and Ireland is about 120,000 square miles, and that the annual

rainfall averages about 25 inches, we see that the force-equivalent

of the rainfall is enormous. All the coal which could be raised from

our English coal mines in hundreds of years would not give out heat

enough to produce England’s rain-supply for a single year. When to this

consideration we add the circumstance that the force of rain produces

bad as well as good effects—the former when the rain falls at undue

seasons or in an irregular manner, the latter only when the rainfall

is distributed in the usual manner among the seasons—we see that an

important loss accrues to a country in such exceptional years as the

present.

There are few subjects more interesting than those depending on the

correlation of physical forces; and we may add that there are few the

study of which bears more largely on questions of agricultural and

commercial economy. It is only of late years that the silent forces

of nature—forces continually in action, but which are too apt to pass

unnoticed and unrecognised—have taken their due place in scientific

inquiry. Strangely enough, the subject has been found to have at once

a most practical bearing on business relations, and an aspect more

strikingly poetical than any other subject, perhaps, which men of

science have ever taken in hand to investigate. We see the ordinary

processes of Nature, as they are termed, taking their place in the

workshop of modern wealth, and at the same time exhibited in a hundred

striking and interesting physical relations. What, for instance, can

be stranger or more poetical than the contrast which Professor Tyndall

has instituted between that old friend of the agriculturist—the

wintry snow-flake—and the wild scenery of the Alps? ‘I have seen,’ he

says, ‘the wild stone-avalanches of the Alps, which smoke and thunder

down the declivities with a vehemence almost sufficient to stun the

observer. I have also seen snow-flakes descending so softly as not to

hurt the fragile spangles of which they were composed; yet to produce

from aqueous vapour a quantity which a child could carry of that tender

material demands an exertion of energy competent to gather up the

shattered blocks of the largest stone-avalanche I have ever seen, and

pitch them to twice the height from which they fell.’

I may point out in this place the important connection which exists

between the rainfall of a country and the amount of forest land. I

notice that in parts of America attention is being paid—with markedly

good results—to the influence of forests in encouraging rainfall. We

have here an instance in which cause and effect are interchangeable.

Rain encourages the growth of an abundant vegetation, and abundant

vegetation in turn tends to produce a state of the superincumbent

atmosphere which encourages the precipitation of rain. The consequence

is, that it is very necessary to check, before it is too late, the

processes which lead to the gradual destruction of forests. If these

processes are continued until the climate has become excessively dry,

it is almost impossible to remedy the mischief, simply because the

want of moisture is destructive to the trees which may be planted to

encourage rainfall. Thus there are few processes more difficult (as

has been found by experience in parts of Spain and elsewhere) than

the change of an arid region into a vegetation-covered district. In

fact, if the region is one of great extent, the attempt to effect

such a change is a perfectly hopeless one. On the other hand, the

contrary process—that is, the attempt to change a climate which is too

moist into one of less humidity—is in general not attended with much

difficulty. A judicious system of clearing nearly always leads to the

desired result.

The dryness of the past year has not been due to the want of moisture

in the air, nor to the exceptionally unclouded condition of our

skies. I believe that, on the whole, the skies have been rather more

cloudy than usual this year. The fact that so little dew has fallen

is a sufficient proof that the nights have been on the whole more

cloudy than usual, since, as is well known, the presence of clouds,

by checking the radiation of the earth’s heat, prevents (or at least

diminishes) the formation of dew. The fact would seem to be that the

westerly and south-westerly winds which usually blow over England

during a considerable part of the year, bringing with them large

quantities of aqueous vapour from above the great Gulf Stream, have

this year blown somewhat higher than usual. Why this should be it

is not very easy to say. The height of the vapour-laden winds is

usually supposed to depend on the heat of the weather. In summer, for

instance, the clouds range higher, and therefore travel farther inland

before they fall in rain. In winter, on the contrary, they travel

low, and hence the rain falls more freely in the western than in the

eastern counties during winter. A similar relation prevails in the

Scandinavian peninsula—Norway receiving more rain in winter than in

summer, while Sweden receives more rain in summer than in winter. But

this summer the rain-clouds have blown so much higher than usual as to

pass beyond England altogether. Possibly we may find an explanation

in the fact that before reaching our shores at all the clouds were

relieved by heavy rainfalls—probably due to some exceptional electrical

relations—over parts of the Atlantic Ocean. It is stated that the

steam-ships from America this summer were, in many instances, drenched

by heavy showers until they neared the coasts of England.

(From the _Daily News_, October 5, 1868.)

_A SHOWER OF SNOW-CRYSTALS._

Yesterday morning a remarkably fine fall of snow-stars took place over

many parts of London. The crystals were larger and more perfectly

formed than is commonly the case in our latitudes, where the conditions

requisite for the formation of these beautiful objects are less

perfectly fulfilled than in more northerly regions. Many forms were to

be noticed which the researches of Scoresby, Glaisher, and Lowe have

shown to be somewhat uncommon.

Some of my readers will perhaps be surprised to learn that no less

than 1,000 different kinds of snow-crystals have been noticed by the

observers named above, and that a large proportion of them have been

figured and described. The patterns are of wonderful beauty. A strange

circumstance connected with these objects is the fact that for the most

part they are found, on a close examination, to be formed of minute

coloured crystals—some red, some green, others blue or purple. In fact,

all the colours of the rainbow are to be seen in the delicate tracery

of these fine hexagonal stars. So that in the perfect whiteness of the

driven snow we have an illustration of the well-known fact that the

colours of the rainbow combine to form the purest white. For the common

snow-flake is formed of a large number of such tiny crystals as were

falling yesterday; though their beauty is destroyed in the snow-flake,

through the effects of collision and partial melting. It may not

be very commonly known that ordinary ice, also, is composed of a

combination of crystals presenting all the regularity of formation seen

in the snow-crystals. This would scarcely be believed by anyone who

examined a rough mass of ice taken from the surface of a frozen lake.

Yet, if a slice be cut from the mass and placed in the sun’s light, or

before a fire, the beautiful phenomena called ice-flowers make their

appearance. ‘A fairy seems to have breathed upon the ice, and caused

transparent flowers of exquisite beauty suddenly to blossom in myriads

within it.’

When we remember that the enormous icebergs of the Arctic and Antarctic

seas, the snow-caps which crown the Alps and Andes and Himalayas,

and the glaciers which urge their way with resistless force down the

mountain valleys, are all made up of these delicate and beautiful

snow-flowers, we are struck with the force of the strange contrasts

which Nature presents to our contemplation. We may say of the

snow-crystals what Tennyson said of the small sea-shell. Each snow-star

is

Frail, but a work divine

Made so fairily well,

So exquisitely minute,

A miracle of design.

Yet—massed together with all the prodigality of Nature’s unsparing

hand—they crown the everlasting hills; or, falling in avalanche and

glacier, overwhelm the stoutest works of man; or, in vast islands of

floating ice, show themselves to be

Of force to withstand, year upon year, the shock

Of cataract seas that snap the three-decker’s oaken spine.

(From the _Daily News_, March 11, 1869.)

_LONG SHOTS._

Our artillerists have paid more attention of late years to the

destructive properties of various forms of cannon than to the question

of range. It was different when first the rifling of cannon was under

discussion. Then the subject which was most attentively considered

(after accuracy of fire) was the range which might possibly be

attained by various improvements in the structure of rifled cannon.

Many of my readers will remember how, soon after the construction

of Armstrong guns had been commenced in the Government factories, a

story was spread abroad of the wonderful practice which had been made

with this gun at a range of seven miles. At that tremendous range, a

shot had been fired into the middle of a flock of geese, according

to one version of the story; but this was presently improved upon,

and we were told that a bird had been singled out of the flock by the

artillerists and successfully ‘potted.’ Many believed this little

narrative; though some few, influenced perhaps by the consideration

that a flock of geese would not be visible at a distance of seven

miles, were obstinately incredulous. Presently it turned out that the

Armstrong gun was incapable of throwing a shot to a distance of seven

miles; so that a certain air of improbability has since attached to

the narrative. Still there were not wanting those who referred to

‘Queen Anne’s pocket-pistol’—the cannon which was able to throw shot

across the Straits of Dover; and in the fulness of their faith in that

mythical piece of ordnance, they refused to believe that the skill of

modern artillerists was unequal to the construction of cannon even more

effective.

If there are any who still believe in the powers ascribed to the

far-famed ‘pocket-pistol,’ they will find their confidence in modern

artillery largely shaken by the announcement that it is considered a

great matter that one of Whitworth’s cannon should have thrown a shot

to a distance of very nearly six miles and a half. Not only is this

so, however, but it is well known that no piece of ordnance has ever

flung a projectile to so great a distance since first fire-arms were

invented; and it may be safely predicted that men will never be able

to construct a cannon which—as far as range is concerned—will do much

better than this one of Mr. Whitworth’s. The greatest range which

had ever before been attained fell somewhat short of six miles. The

7-inch steel gun contrived by Mr. Lynall Thomas had flung a projectile

weighing 175 lbs. to a distance of 10,075 yards; and, according to

General Lefroy’s ‘Handbook of Artillery,’ that was the greatest range

ever recorded. But Mr. Whitworth’s cannon has thrown a shot more than

1,000 yards farther.

Very few have any idea of the difficulties which oppose themselves to

the attainment of a great range in artillery practice. It may seem,

at first sight, the simplest possible matter to obtain an increase of

range. Let the gun be made but strong enough to bear a sufficient

charge, and range seems to be merely a question of the quantity of

powder made use of. But in reality the matter is much more complicated.

The artillerist has to contrive that the whole of the powder made use

of shall be burned before the shot leaves the cannon, and yet that the

charge shall not explode so rapidly as to burst the cannon. If he used

some forms of powder, very useful for special purposes, half the charge

would be blown out without doing its share of work. On the other hand,

there are some combustibles (as gun-cotton and the nitrates) which burn

so fast that the gun would be likely to burst before the shot could be

expelled. Then, again, the shot must fit so closely that there shall

be no windage, and yet not so closely as to resist too much the action

of the exploding powder. Again, there is the form of the shot to be

considered. A sphere is not the solid which passes most readily through

a resisting medium like the air; and yet, other projectiles, which are

best so long as they maintain a certain position, meet with a greater

resistance when once they begin to move unsteadily. The conoid used in

ordinary rifle practice, for example, passes much more freely through

the air, point first, than an ordinary spherical bullet; but if the

point did not travel first, as would happen but for the rifling, or

even if the conoidal bullet ‘swayed about’ on its course, it would meet

with more resistance than a spherical bullet. Hence the question of

‘fast or slow rifling’ has to be considered. ‘Fast rifling’ gives the

greater spin, but causes more resistance to the exit of the shot from

the barrel; with ‘slow-rifling,’ these conditions are reversed.

Light Science for Leisure Hours A series of familiar essays on scientific subjects, natural phenomena, &c. · 第 14 / 19 段