XI

Candidates and Platforms--The Political Chances--Decatur Lincoln

Resolution--John Hanks and the Lincoln Rails--The Rail-Splitter

Candidate--The Wide-Awakes--Douglas's Southern Tour--Jefferson Davis's

Address--Fusion--Lincoln at the State House--The Election Result

The nomination of Lincoln at Chicago completed the preparations of the

different parties of the country for the presidential contest of 1860;

and presented the unusual occurrence of an appeal to the voters of the

several States by four distinct political organizations. In the order of

popular strength which they afterward developed, they were:

1. The Republican party, whose platform declared in substance that

slavery was wrong, and that its further extension should be prohibited

by Congress. Its candidates were Abraham Lincoln of Illinois for

President and Hannibal Hamlin of Maine for Vice-president.

2. The Douglas wing of the Democratic party, which declared indifference

whether slavery were right or wrong, extended or prohibited, and

proposed to permit the people of a Territory to decide whether they

would prevent or establish it. Its candidates were Stephen A. Douglas of

Illinois for President, and Herschel V. Johnson of Georgia for

Vice-President.

3. The Buchanan wing of the Democratic party, which declared that

slavery was right and beneficial, and whose policy was to extend the

institution, and create new slave States. Its candidates were John C.

Breckinridge of Kentucky for President, and Joseph Lane of Oregon for

Vice-President.

4. The Constitutional Union party, which professed to ignore the

question of slavery, and declared it would recognize no political

principles other than "the Constitution of the country, the union of the

States, and the enforcement of the laws." Its candidates were John Bell

of Tennessee for President, and Edward Everett of Massachusetts for

Vice-President.

In the array of these opposing candidates and their platforms, it could

be easily calculated from the very beginning that neither Lincoln nor

Douglas had any chance to carry a slave State, nor Breckinridge nor Bell

to carry a free State; and that neither Douglas in the free States, nor

Bell in either section could obtain electoral votes enough to succeed.

Therefore, but two alternatives seemed probable. Either Lincoln would be

chosen by electoral votes, or, upon his failure to obtain a sufficient

number, the election would be thrown into the House of Representatives,

in which case the course of combination, chance, or intrigue could not

be foretold. The political situation and its possible results thus

involved a degree of uncertainty sufficient to hold out a contingent

hope to all the candidates and to inspire the followers of each to

active exertion. This hope and inspiration, added to the hot temper

which the long discussion of antagonistic principles had engendered,

served to infuse into the campaign enthusiasm, earnestness, and even

bitterness, according to local conditions in the different sections.

In campaign enthusiasm the Republican party easily took the lead. About

a week before his nomination, Mr. Lincoln had been present at the

Illinois State convention at Decatur in Coles County, not far from the

old Lincoln home, when, at a given signal, there marched into the

convention old John Hanks, one of his boyhood companions, and another

pioneer, who bore on their shoulders two long fence rails decorated with

a banner inscribed: "Two rails from a lot made by Abraham Lincoln and

John Hanks in the Sangamon Bottom in the year 1830." They were greeted

with a tremendous shout of applause from the whole convention succeeded

by a united call for Lincoln, who sat on the platform. The tumult would

not subside until he rose to speak, when he said:

"GENTLEMEN: I suppose you want to know something about those things

[pointing to old John and the rails]. Well, the truth is, John Hanks and

I did make rails in the Sagamon Bottom. I don't know whether we made

those rails or not; fact is, I don't think they are a credit to the

makers [laughing as he spoke]. But I do know this: I made rails then,

and I think I could make better ones than these now."

Still louder cheering followed this short, but effective reply. But the

convention was roused to its full warmth of enthusiasm when a resolution

was immediately and unanimously adopted declaring that "Abraham Lincoln

is the first choice of the Republican party of Illinois for the

Presidency," and directing the delegates to the Chicago convention "to

use all honorable means to secure his nomination, and to cast the vote

of the State as a unit for him."

It was this resolution which the Illinois delegation had so successfully

carried out at Chicago. And, besides they had carried with them the two

fence rails, and set them up in state at the Lincoln headquarters at

their hotel, where enthusiastic lady friends gaily trimmed them with

flowers and ribbons and lighted them up with tapers. These slight

preliminaries, duly embellished in the newspapers, gave the key to the

Republican campaign, which designated Lincoln as the Rail-splitter

Candidate, and, added to his common Illinois sobriquet of "Honest Old

Abe," furnished both country and city campaign orators a powerfully

sympathetic appeal to the rural and laboring element of the United

States.

When these homely but picturesque appellations were fortified by the

copious pamphlet and newspaper biographies in which people read the

story of his humble beginnings, and how he had risen, by dint of simple,

earnest work and native genius, through privation and difficulty, first

to fame and leadership in his State, and now to fame and leadership in

the nation, they grew quickly into symbols of a faith and trust destined

to play no small part in a political revolution of which the people at

large were not as yet even dreaming.

Another feature of the campaign also quickly developed itself. On the

preceding 5th of March, one of Mr. Lincoln's New England speeches had

been made at Hartford, Connecticut; and at its close he was escorted to

his hotel by a procession of the local Republican club, at the head of

which marched a few of its members bearing torches and wearing caps and

capes of glazed oilcloth, the primary purpose of which was to shield

their clothes from the dripping oil of their torches. Both the

simplicity and the efficiency of the uniform caught the popular eye, as

did also the name, "Wide-Awakes," applied to them by the "Hartford

Courant." The example found quick imitation in Hartford and adjoining

towns, and when Mr. Lincoln was made candidate for President, every

city, town, and nearly every village in the North, within a brief space,

had its organized Wide-Awake club, with their half-military uniform and

drill; and these clubs were often, later in the campaign, gathered into

imposing torch-light processions, miles in length, on occasions of

important party meetings and speech-making. It was the revived spirit of

the Harrison campaign of twenty years before; but now, shorn of its fun

and frolic, it was strengthened by the power of organization and the

tremendous impetus of earnest devotion to a high principle.

It was a noteworthy feature of the campaign that the letters of

acceptance of all the candidates, either in distinct words or

unmistakable implication, declared devotion to the Union, while at the

same time the adherents of each were charging disunion sentiments and

intentions upon the other three parties. Douglas himself made a tour of

speech-making through the Southern States, in which, while denouncing

the political views of both Lincoln and Breckinridge, he nevertheless

openly declared, in response to direct questions, that no grievance

could justify disunion, and that he was ready "to put the hemp around

the neck and hang any man who would raise the arm of resistance to the

constituted authorities of the country."

During the early part of the campaign the more extreme Southern

fire-eaters abated somewhat of their violent menaces of disunion.

Between the Charleston and the Baltimore Democratic conventions an

address published by Jefferson Davis and other prominent leaders had

explained that the seventeen Democratic States which had voted at

Charleston for the seceders' platform could, if united with Pennsylvania

alone, elect the Democratic nominees against all opposition. This hope

doubtless floated before their eyes like a will-o'-the-wisp until the

October elections dispelled all possibility of securing Pennsylvania for

Breckinridge. From that time forward there began a renewal of disunion

threats, which, by their constant increase throughout the South,

prepared the public mind of that section for the coming secession.

As the chances of Republican success gradually grew stronger, an

undercurrent of combination developed itself among those politicians of

the three opposing parties more devoted to patronage than principle, to

bring about the fusion of Lincoln's opponents on some agreed ratio of a

division of the spoils. Such a combination made considerable progress in

the three Northern States of New York, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey. It

appears to have been engineered mainly by the Douglas faction, though,

it must be said to his credit, against the open and earnest protest of

Douglas himself. But the thrifty plotters cared little for his

disapproval.

By the secret manipulations of conventions and committees a fusion

electoral ticket was formed in New York, made up of adherents of the

three different factions in the following proportion: Douglas, eighteen;

Bell, ten; Breckinridge, seven; and the whole opposition vote of the

State of New York was cast for this fusion ticket. The same tactics were

pursued in Pennsylvania, where, however, the agreement was not so openly

avowed. One third of the Pennsylvania fusion electoral candidates were

pledged to Douglas; the division of the remaining two thirds between

Bell and Breckinridge was not made public. The bulk of the Pennsylvania

opposition vote was cast for this fusion ticket, but a respectable

percentage refused to be bargained away, and voted directly for Douglas

or Bell. In New Jersey a definite agreement was reached by the managers,

and an electoral ticket formed, composed of two adherents of Bell, two

of Breckinridge, and three of Douglas; and in this State a practical

result was effected by the movement. A fraction of the Douglas voters

formed a straight electoral ticket, adopting the three Douglas

candidates on the fusion ticket, and by this action these three Douglas

electors received a majority vote in New Jersey, On the whole, however,

the fusion movement proved ineffectual to defeat Lincoln and, indeed, it

would not have done so even had the fusion electoral tickets deceived a

majority in all three of the above-named States.

The personal habits and surroundings of Mr. Lincoln were varied

somewhat, though but slightly, during the whole of this election summer.

Naturally, he withdrew at once from active work, leaving his law office

and his whole law business to his partner, William H. Herndon; while his

friends installed him in the governor's room in the State House at

Springfield, which was not otherwise needed during the absence of the

legislature. Here he spent the time during the usual business hours of

the day, attended only by his private secretary, Mr. Nicolay. Friends

and strangers alike were thus able to visit him freely and without

ceremony and they availed themselves largely of the opportunity. Few, if

any, went away without being favorably impressed by his hearty Western

greeting, and the frank sincerity of his manner and conversation, in

which, naturally, all subjects of controversy were courteously and

instinctively avoided by both the candidate and his visitors.

By none was this free, neighborly intercourse enjoyed more than by the

old-time settlers of Sangamon and the adjoining counties, who came to

revive the incidents and memories of pioneer days with one who could

give them such thorough and appreciative interest and sympathy. He

employed no literary bureau, wrote no public letters, made no set or

impromptu speeches, except that once or twice during great political

meetings at Springfield he uttered a few words of greeting and thanks to

passing street processions. All these devices of propagandism he left to

the leaders and committees of his adherents in their several States.

Even the strictly confidential letters in which he indicated his advice

on points in the progress of the campaign did not exceed a dozen in

number; and when politicians came to interview him at Springfield, he

received them in the privacy of his own home, and generally their

presence created little or no public notice. Cautious politician as he

was, he did not permit himself to indulge in any over-confidence, but

then, as always before, showed unusual skill in estimating political

chances. Thus he wrote about a week after the Chicago convention:

"So far as I can learn, the nominations start well everywhere; and, if

they get no backset, it would seem as if they are going through."

Again, on July 4:

"Long before this you have learned who was nominated at Chicago. We know

not what a day may bring forth, but to-day it looks as if the Chicago

ticket will be elected."

And on September 22, to a friend in Oregon:

"No one on this side of the mountains pretends that any ticket can be

elected by the people, unless it be ours. Hence, great efforts to

combine against us are being made, which, however, as yet have not had

much success Besides what we see in the newspapers, I have a good deal

of private correspondence; and, without giving details, I will only say

it all looks very favorable to our success."

His judgment was abundantly verified at the presidential election,

which occurred upon November 6, 1860. Lincoln electors were chosen in

every one of the free States except New Jersey, where, as has already

been stated, three Douglas electors received majorities because their

names were on both the fusion ticket and the straight Douglas ticket;

while the other four Republican electors in that State succeeded. Of the

slave States, eleven chose Breckinridge electors, three of them Bell

electors, and one of them--Missouri--Douglas electors. As provided by

law, the electors met in their several States on December 5, to

officially cast their votes, and on February 13, 1861, Congress in joint

session of the two Houses made the official count as follows: for

Lincoln, one hundred and eighty; for Breckinridge, seventy-two; for

Bell, thirty-nine; and for Douglas, twelve; giving Lincoln a clear

majority of fifty-seven in the whole electoral college. Thereupon

Breckinridge, who presided over the joint session, officially declared

that Abraham Lincoln was duly elected President of the United States for

four years, beginning March 4, 1861.