On Thursday, the 30th of May last, about 3 o’clock in the afternoon, the
Intendant of Charleston was informed by a gentleman of great
respectability, (who, that morning, had returned from the country) that
a favourite and confidential slave of his had communicated to him, on
his arrival in town, a conversation which had taken place at the market
on the Saturday preceding, between himself and a black man; which
afforded strong reasons for believing that a revolt and insurrection
were in contemplation among a proportion at least of our black
population. The Corporation was forthwith summoned to meet at 5 o’clock,
for the purpose of hearing the narrative of the slave who had given this
information to his master, to which meeting the attendance of His
Excellency the Governor was solicited; with which invitation he promptly
complied. Between, however, the hours of 3 and 5 o’clock, the gentleman
who had conveyed the information to the Intendant, having again examined
his slave, was induced to believe, that the negro fellow who had
communicated the intelligence of the intended revolt to the slave in
question, belonged to Messrs. J. &. D. Paul, Broad Street, and resided
in their premises. Accordingly, with a promptitude worthy of all praise,
without waiting for the interposition of the civil authority he applied
to the Messrs. Paul and had the whole of their male servants committed
to the Guard-House, until the individual who had accosted the slave of
this gentleman, on the occasion previously mentioned, could be
identified from among them.
On the assembling of the Corporation at five, the slave of this
gentleman was brought before them, having previously identified Mr.
Paul’s William as the man who had accosted him in the market, he then
related the following circumstances:
‘On Saturday afternoon last (my master being out of town) I went to
market; after finishing my business I strolled down the wharf below the
fish market, from which I observed a small vessel in the stream with a
singular flag; whilst looking at this object, a black man, (Mr. Paul’s
William) came up to me and remarking the subject which engaged my
attention said, I have often seen a flag with the number 76 on it, but
never with 96, before. After some trifling conversation on this point,
he remarked with considerable earnestness to me. Do you know that
something serious is about to take place? To which I replied no. Well,
said he, there is, and many of us are determined to right ourselves! I
asked him to explain himself—when he remarked, why, we are determined to
shake off our bondage, and for this purpose we stand on a good
foundation, many have joined, and if you will go with me, I will show
you the man, who has the list of names who will take yours down.—I was
so much astonished and horror struck at this information, that it was a
moment or two before I could collect myself sufficiently to tell him I
would have nothing to do with this business, that I was satisfied with
my condition, that I was grateful to my master for his kindness and
wished no change.—I left him instantly, lest, if this fellow afterwards
got into trouble, and I had been seen conversing with him, in so public
a place, I might be suspected and thrown into difficulty.—I did not
however remain easy under the burden of such a secret, and consequently
determined to consult a free man of colour named —— and to ask his
advice. On conferring with this friend, he urged me with great
earnestness to communicate what had passed between Mr. Paul’s man and
myself to my master, and not to lose a moment in so doing.[1] I took his
advice, and not waiting, even for the return of my master to town, I
mentioned it to my mistress and young master.—On the arrival of my
master, he examined me as to what had passed, and I stated to him what I
have mentioned to yourselves.’
On this witness being dismissed from the presence of Council, the
prisoner (William) was examined. The mode resorted to in his examination
was to afford him no intimation of the subject of the information which
had been lodged against him, as it was extremely desirable in the first
place, to have the testimony of the other witness corroborated as to
time and place, that, from the confessions of the prisoner himself, it
might appear that he was at the fish-market at the period stated, and
that a singular flag, flying on board of a schooner, had formed the
subject of his observation. After a vast deal of equivocation, he
admitted all these facts, but when the rest of his conversation was put
home to him, he flatly denied it, but with so many obvious indications
of guilt, that it was deemed unwise to discharge him. He was remanded,
for the night, to the Guard-House, it having been decided to subject him
to solitary confinement in the black-hole of the Work-House, where, on
the succeeding morning, he was to be conveyed.
On the morning of the 31st he was again examined by the attending Warden
at the Guard-House (having, during the night, made some disclosures to
Capt. Dove) on which occasion he admitted all the conversation which he
had held at the fish-market, with the witness before mentioned, and
stated that he had received his information from Mingo Harth, who was in
possession of the muster-roll of the insurgents.
With the hope of still further disclosures William was conveyed to the
Work-House and placed in solitary confinement. The individuals (Mingo
Harth and Peter Poyas) against whom he gave information, as those who
had communicated to him the intelligence of the plot for raising an
insurrection, were forthwith taken up by the Wardens and their trunks
examined. These fellows behaved with so much composure and coolness, and
treated the charge, alleged against them, with so much levity—(no
writings being found in their chests, containing the smallest suspicion,
excepting an enigmatical letter,[2] which was then too obscure for
explanation, and to which subsequent events only afforded a clue)—that
the Wardens (Messrs. Wesner & Condy) were completely deceived, and had
these men discharged. One of these (Peter Poyas) proved afterwards, as
will appear in the sequel, to be one of the principal ringleaders in the
conspiracy, on whose courage and sagacity great reliance was placed.
Council being still under the conviction that William Paul was in
possession of more information than he had thought proper to disclose, a
Committee was appointed to examine him from time to time, with the hope
of obtaining further intelligence. Although Peter and Mingo had been
discharged, yet it was deemed advisable to have them watched, and
consequently spies were employed of their own colour for this purpose,
in such a manner as to give advices of all their movements.
Things remained in this state for six or seven days, until about the 8th
of June, when William, who had been a week in solitary confinement,
beginning to fear that he would soon be led forth to the scaffold, for
summary execution, in an interview with Mr. Napier, (one of the
Committee appointed to examine him) confessed, that he had for some time
known of the plot, that it was very extensive, embracing an
indiscriminate massacre of the whites, and that the blacks were to be
headed by an individual, who carried about him a charm which rendered
him invulnerable. He stated, that the period fixed for the rising, was
on the second Sunday in June. This information was without delay
conveyed to his Excellency the Governor, and Council forthwith convened.
Whatever faith we might have been disposed to place in the unsupported
and equivocal testimony of William, it was not conceived to be a case in
which our doubts should influence our efforts for preparation and
defence. Measures were consequently promptly taken, to place the City
Guard in a state of the utmost efficiency. Sixteen hundred rounds of
ball cartridges were provided, and the centinels and patrols ordered on
duty with loaded arms. Such had been our fancied security, that the
guard had previously gone on duty without muskets, with sheathed
bayonets and bludgeons.
Three or four days now elapsed, and notwithstanding all our efforts, we
could obtain no confirmation of the disclosures of William, on the
contrary, they seemed to have sustained some invalidation, from the
circumstance, of one of the individuals (Ned Bennett) whom he named as a
person who had information in relation to the insurrection, coming
voluntarily to the Intendant, and soliciting an examination, if he was
an object of suspicion. In this stage of the business, it was not deemed
advisable prematurely to press these examinations, as it might have a
tendency to arrest any further developments.
On the night, however, of Friday the 14th, the information of William
was amply confirmed, and details infinitely more abundant and
interesting afforded. At 8 o’clock on this evening, the Intendant
received a visit from a gentleman, who is advantageously known in this
community for his worth and respectability.
This gentleman, with an anxiety, which the occasion was well calculated
to beget, stated to the Intendant, that, having the most unbounded
confidence in a faithful slave belonging to his family, who was
distinguished alike for his uncommon intelligence and integrity, he was
induced to inform him, that rumors were abroad of an intended
insurrection of the blacks, and that it was said, that this movement had
been traced to some of the coloured members of Dr. Palmer’s church, in
which he was known to be a class leader.—On being strongly enjoined to
conceal nothing, he, the next day, Friday the 14th, came to his master,
and informed him, that the fact was really so, that a public disturbance
was contemplated by the blacks, and not a moment should be lost in
informing the constituted authorities, as the succeeding Sunday, the
16th, at 12 o’clock, at night, was the period fixed for the rising,
which, if not prevented, would inevitably occur at that hour. This
slave, it appears, was in no degree connected with the plot, but he had
an intimate friend, A—— (one of his class) who had been trusted by the
conspirators with the secret, and had been solicited by them to join
their association; to this A—— first appeared to consent, but, on no
period absolutely sent in his adhesion. According to the statement which
he afterwards made himself to the Court, it would seem that it was a
subject of great regret and contrition with him, that he had ever
appeared to lend his approbation to a scheme so wicked and atrocious,
and that he sought occasion to make atonement, by divulging the plot,
which on the 14th he did, to the slave of the gentleman in question, his
class leader.[3]
This gentleman, therefore, mentioned, that his servant had informed him,
that A——[4] had stated, that about three months ago, Rolla, belonging to
Governor Bennett, had communicated to him the intelligence of the
intended insurrection, and had asked him to join—‘That he remarked, in
the event of their rising, they would not be without help, as the people
from San Domingo and Africa would assist them in obtaining their
liberty, if they only made the motion first themselves. That if A——
wished to know more, he had better attend their meetings, where all
would be disclosed.’ After this, at another interview, Rolla informed
A——, that ‘the plan was matured, and that on Sunday night, the 16th
June, a force would cross from James’ Island and land on South Bay,
march up and seize the Arsenal and Guard-House, that another body at the
same time would seize the Arsenal on the Neck, and a third would
rendezvous in the vicinity of his master’s mills. They would then sweep
the town with fire and sword, not permitting a single white soul to
escape.’
As this account was remarkably coincident with the one given by William
(Mr. Paul’s slave) as the witnesses could have had no possible
communication, or the story have been the result of preconcert and
combination, the sum of this intelligence was laid before the Governor
by 9 o’clock, and by 10 o’clock the commanding officers of the regiments
of the City militia, convened by his Excellency’s order, at the
residence of the Intendant. On this and the succeeding afternoon, at
another meeting of the same individuals, such measures were determined
on by his Excellency, as were deemed best adapted to the approaching
exigency of Sunday night.
On Sunday the 16th, at 10 o’clock at night, the following corps were
ordered to rendezvous for guard—
Capt. Cattel’s Corps of _Hussars_, Capt. Miller’s _Light Infantry_,
Capt. Martindale’s _Neck Rangers_, _Charleston Riflemen_, and _City
Guard_.[5]
The whole were organized as a detachment, and placed under the command
of Col. R. Y. Hayne. Although there was necessarily great excitement,
and among the female part of our community much alarm, yet, the night
passed off without any thing like commotion or disturbance, and it is
peculiarly honorable to the corps on service, that in a populous town,
the streets filled until a late hour with persons, uncertain whether it
was safe to go to _rest_ or _not_, not a single case of false alarm was
excited. A steadiness altogether praiseworthy, in troops unaccustomed to
guard duty, at least on an occasion involving such deep interest and
distressing anxiety.
The conspirators finding the whole town encompassed at 10 o’clock, by
the most vigilant patrols, did not dare to show themselves, whatever
might have been their plans. In the progress of the subsequent
investigation, it was distinctly in proof, that but for these military
demonstrations, the effort would unquestionably have been made; that a
meeting took place on Sunday afternoon, the 16th, at 4 o’clock, of
several of the ringleaders, at Denmark Vesey’s, for the purpose of
making their preliminary arrangements, and that early in the morning of
Sunday, Denmark despatched a courier, to order down some country negroes
from Goose Creek, which courier had endeavored in vain to get out of
town.
No developement of the plot having been made on Sunday night, and the
period having passed, which was fixed on for its explosion, it now
became the duty of the civil authority to take immediate steps for the
apprehension, commitment, and trial of those against whom they were in
possession of information. Council was accordingly convened, and as a
preliminary measure, it was deemed expedient, that a Court of the
highest respectability, for the talents and integrity of its members,
should be assembled, and that, whilst the requisitions of the Act of
Assembly, of 1740, should be strictly complied with, in devolving the
warrant of summons on the Magistrates; the Corporation saw no
impropriety in affording these officers a list of such names of
Freeholders, as they knew would meet in a preeminent degree the public
approbation; and to these persons private letters were written by the
authority of Council, strongly soliciting their acceptance of a trust,
involving indeed the most irksome labour, as well as the deepest
responsibility. In conformity with these arrangements, the following
Court was organized on the evening of the 17th:—
_Magistrates_,
LIONEL H. KENNEDY, }
and } Esqrs.
THOMAS PARKER, }
_Freeholders_,
Colonel WILLIAM DRAYTON,
NATH’L. HEYWARD, }
J. R. PRINGLE, } Esqrs.
JAMES LEGARE, }
R. J. TURNBULL. }
Cotemporaneously with the organization of this Court, a Committee of
Vigilance and Safety was appointed from among the Members of Council, to
aid the Intendant in the execution of the laws; to co-operate with him
during the recess of Council, in all those measures necessary for
exploring the causes and character of the existing disturbance, and
bringing to light and punishment the suspected and guilty. How ably
these functions were discharged by this Committee, it is not befitting
the occasion or the circumstances under which this publication appears
to dwell. Their generous devotion and unremitting assiduity to the
public interests and safety, are left to the more appropriate
appreciation of a community that witnessed their labours. This Committee
consisted of Messrs. Wesner, Napier, Condy, Burger, and Simons, and were
zealously aided by the rest of the Wardens; and for its service, four of
the most active, intelligent, and confidential non-commissioned officers
of the City Guard, were detached as Police Officers, to search suspected
places, and to apprehend those for whom warrants might be issued. This
Committee commenced its labours on the night of the 17th, and during the
ensuing twenty-four hours, the following slaves were committed:—_Rolla_,
_Batteau_, _Matthias_ and _Ned_, the property of the Governor Bennett;
_Mungo_ and _Peter_, the property of James Poyas; _Amhurst_, the
property of Mrs. Lining; _Stephen_, the property of T. R. Smith;
_Richard_ and _John_, the property of Jonathan Lucas.
On the morning of the 19th of June, the Court of Magistrates and
Freeholders assembled at the Court-House, were sworn in, and proceeded
to the arraignment of the above prisoners for trial. Who were charged
“_with attempting to raise an insurrection among the Blacks against the
Whites_.” In order that the public may understand the offence as defined
in the Act of 1740, the clause, at length, will be found in the
Appendix, marked (A.)
Before we proceed to a brief (and it necessarily must be very brief)
abstract of the testimony offered in the cases brought before the Court,
it may not be unimportant to observe, that, previous to their proceeding
to the painful investigation with which they were charged, they laid
down a variety of rules for their government, all of them subservient to
justice as well as humanity. In the first place, it was decided, that
the testimony should be regulated by those established rules of
evidence, which are elsewhere found so important in the exposition of
truth; that no slave should be tried but in the presence of his Master
or his Attorney; that the testimony of one witness, unsupported by
circumstances, should lead to no conviction involving capital
punishment; and that the statement of the party himself, should be heard
in explanation of such particulars, as seemed most inculpatory.