delay some specific application of the funds derived under the will of Mr.
Smithson, of England, for the diffusion of knowledge, and which have
heretofore been vested in public stocks until such time as Congress should
think proper to give them a specific direction. Nor will you, I feel
confident, permit any abatement of the principal of the legacy to be made
should it turn out that the stocks in which the investments have been made
have undergone a depreciation.
In conclusion I commend to your care the interests of this District, for
which you are the exclusive legislators. Considering that this city is the
residence of the Government and for a large part of the year of Congress,
and considering also the great cost of the public buildings and the
propriety of affording them at all times careful protection, it seems not
unreasonable that Congress should contribute toward the expense of an
efficient police.
***
State of the Union Address
John Tyler
December 6, 1842
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:
We have continued reason to express our profound gratitude to the Great
Creator of All Things for numberless benefits conferred upon us as a
people. Blessed with genial seasons, the husbandman has his garners filled
with abundance, and the necessaries of life, not to speak of its luxuries,
abound in every direction. While in some other nations steady and
industrious labor can hardly find the means of subsistence, the greatest
evil which we have to encounter is a surplus of production beyond the home
demand, which seeks, and with difficulty finds, a partial market in other
regions. The health of the country, with partial exceptions, has for the
past year been well preserved, and under their free and wise institutions
the United States are rapidly advancing toward the consummation of the high
destiny which an overruling Providence seems to have marked out for them.
Exempt from domestic convulsion and at peace with all the world, we are
left free to consult as to the best means of securing and advancing the
happiness of the people. Such are the circumstances under which you now
assemble in your respective chambers and which should lead us to unite in
praise and thanksgiving to that great Being who made us and who preserves
us as a nation.
I congratulate you, fellow-citizens, on the happy change in the aspect of
our foreign affairs since my last annual message. Causes of complaint at
that time existed between the United States and Great Britain which,
attended by irritating circumstances, threatened most seriously the public
peace. The difficulty of adjusting amicably the questions at issue between
the two countries was in no small degree augmented by the lapse of time
since they had their origin. The opinions entertained by the Executive on
several of the leading topics in dispute were frankly set forth in the
message at the opening of your late session. The appointment of a special
minister by Great Britain to the United States with power to negotiate upon
most of the points of difference indicated a desire on her part amicably to
adjust them, and that minister was met by the Executive in the same spirit
which had dictated his mission. The treaty consequent thereon having been
duly ratified by the two Governments, a copy, together with the
correspondence which accompanied it, is herewith communicated. I trust that
whilst you may see in it nothing objectionable, it may be the means of
preserving for an indefinite period the amicable relations happily existing
between the two Governments. The question of peace or war between the
United States and Great Britain is a question of the deepest interest, not
only to themselves, but to the civilized world, since it is scarcely
possible that a war could exist between them without endangering the peace
of Christendom. The immediate effect of the treaty upon ourselves will be
felt in the security afforded to mercantile enterprise, which, no longer
apprehensive of interruption, adventures its speculations in the most
distant seas, and, freighted with the diversified productions of every
land, returns to bless our own. There is nothing in the treaty which in the
slightest degree compromits the honor or dignity of either nation. Next to
the settlement of the boundary line, which must always be a matter of
difficulty between states as between individuals, the question which seemed
to threaten the greatest embarrassment was that connected with the African
slave trade.
By the tenth article of the treaty of Ghent it was expressly declared
that--
Whereas the traffic in slaves is irreconcilable with the principles of
humanity and justice, and whereas both His Majesty and the United States
are desirous of continuing their efforts to promote its entire abolition,
it is hereby agreed that both the contracting parties shall use their best
endeavors to accomplish so desirable an object.
In the enforcement of the laws and treaty stipulations of Great Britain a
practice had threatened to grow up on the part of its cruisers of
subjecting to visitation ships sailing under the American flag, which,
while it seriously involved our maritime rights, would subject to vexation
a branch of our trade which was daily increasing, and which required the
fostering care of Government. And although Lord Aberdeen in his
correspondence with the American envoys at London expressly disclaimed all
right to detain an American ship on the high seas, even if found with a
cargo of slaves on board, and restricted the British pretension to a mere
claim to visit and inquire, yet it could not well be discerned by the
Executive of the United States how such visit and inquiry could be made
without detention on the voyage and consequent interruption to the trade.
It was regarded as the right of search presented only in a new form and
expressed in different words, and I therefore felt it to be my duty
distinctly to declare in my annual message to Congress that no such
concession could be made, and that the United States had both the will and
the ability to enforce their own laws and to protect their flag from being
used for purposes wholly forbidden by those laws and obnoxious to the moral
censure of the world. Taking the message as his letter of instructions, our
then minister at Paris felt himself required to assume the same ground in a
remonstrance which he felt it to be his duty to present to Mr. Guizot, and
through him to the King of the French, against what has been called the
"quintuple treaty;" and his conduct in this respect met with the approval
of this Government. In close conformity with these views the eighth article
of the treaty was framed; which provides "that each nation shall keep
afloat in the African seas a force not less than 80 guns, to act separately
and apart, under instructions from their respective Governments, and for
the enforcement of their respective laws and obligations." From this it
will be seen that the ground assumed in the message has been fully
maintained at the same time that the stipulations of the treaty of Ghent
are to be carried out in good faith by the two countries, and that all
pretense is removed for interference with our commerce for any purpose
whatever by a foreign government. While, therefore, the United States have
been standing up for the freedom of the seas, they have not thought proper
to make that a pretext for avoiding a fulfillment of their treaty
stipulations or a ground for giving countenance to a trade reprobated by
our laws. A similar arrangement by the other great powers could not fail to
sweep from the ocean the slave trade without the interpolation of any new
principle into the maritime code. We may be permitted to hope that the
example thus set will be followed by some if not all of them. We thereby
also afford suitable protection to the fair trader in those seas, thus
fulfilling at the same time the dictates of a sound policy and complying
with the claims of justice and humanity.
It would have furnished additional cause for congratulation if the treaty
could have embraced all subjects calculated in future to lead to a
misunderstanding between the two Governments. The Territory of the United
States commonly called the Oregon Territory, lying on the Pacific Ocean
north of the forty-second degree of latitude, to a portion of which Great
Britain lays claim, begins to attract the attention of our fellow-citizens,
and the tide of population which has reclaimed what was so lately an
unbroken wilderness in more contiguous regions is preparing to flow over
those vast districts which stretch from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific
Ocean. In advance of the acquirement of individual rights to these lands,
sound policy dictates that every effort should be resorted to by the two
Governments to settle their respective claims. It became manifest at an
early hour of the late negotiations that any attempt for the time being
satisfactorily to determine those rights would lead to a protracted
discussion, which might embrace in its failure other more pressing matters,
and the Executive did not regard it as proper to waive all the advantages
of an honorable adjustment of other difficulties of great magnitude and
importance because this, not so immediately pressing, stood in the way.
Although the difficulty referred to may not for several years to come
involve the peace of the two countries, yet I shall not delay to urge on
Great Britain the importance of its early settlement. Nor will other
matters of commercial importance to the two countries be overlooked, and I
have good reason to believe that it will comport with the policy of
England, as it does with that of the United States, to seize upon this
moment, when most of the causes of irritation have passed away, to cement
the peace and amity of the two countries by wisely removing all grounds of
probable future collision.
With the other powers of Europe our relations continue on the most amicable
footing. Treaties now existing with them should be rigidly observed, and
every opportunity compatible with the interests of the United States should
be seized upon to enlarge the basis of commercial intercourse. Peace with
all the world is the true foundation of our policy, which can only be
rendered permanent by the practice of equal and impartial justice to all.
Our great desire should be to enter only into that rivalry which looks to
the general good in the cultivation of the sciences, the enlargement of the
field for the exercise of the mechanical arts, and the spread of
commerce--that great civilizer--to every land and sea. Carefully abstaining
from interference in all questions exclusively referring themselves to the
political interests of Europe, we may be permitted to hope an equal
exemption from the interference of European Governments in what relates to
the States of the American continent.
On the 23d of April last the commissioners on the part of the United States
under the convention with the Mexican Republic of the 11th of April, 1839,
made to the proper Department a final report in relation to the proceedings
of the commission. From this it appears that the total amount awarded to
the claimants by the commissioners and the umpire appointed under that
convention was $2,026,079.68. The arbiter having considered that his
functions were required by the convention to terminate at the same time
with those of the commissioners, returned to the board, undecided for want
of time, claims which had been allowed by the American commissioners to the
amount of $928,620.88. Other claims, in which the amount sought to be
recovered was $3,336,837.05, were submitted to the board too late for its
consideration. The minister of the United States at Mexico has been duly
authorized to make demand for payment of the awards according to the terms
of the convention and the provisions of the act of Congress of the 12th of
June, 1840. He has also been instructed to communicate to that Government
the expectations of the Government of the United States in relation to
those claims which were not disposed of according to the provisions of the
convention, and all others of citizens of the United States against the
Mexican Government. He has also been furnished with other instructions, to
be followed by him in case the Government of Mexico should not find itself
in a condition to make present payment of the amount of the awards in
specie or its equivalent.
I am happy to be able to say that information which is esteemed favorable
both to a just satisfaction of the awards and a reasonable provision for
other claims has been recently received from Mr. Thompson, the minister of
the United States, who has promptly and efficiently executed the
instructions of his Government in regard to this important subject.
The citizens of the United States who accompanied the late Texan expedition
to Santa Fe, and who were wrongfully taken and held as prisoners of war in
Mexico, have all been liberated.
A correspondence has taken place between the Department of State and the
Mexican minister of foreign affairs upon the complaint of Mexico that
citizens of the United States were permitted to give aid to the inhabitants
of Texas in the war existing between her and that Republic. Copies of this
correspondence are herewith communicated to Congress, together with copies
of letters on the same subject addressed to the diplomatic corps at Mexico
by the American minister and the Mexican secretary of state.
Mexico has thought proper to reciprocate the mission of the United States
to that Government by accrediting to this a minister of the same rank as
that of the representative of the United States in Mexico. From the
circumstances connected with his mission favorable results are anticipated
from it. It is so obviously for the interest of both countries as neighbors
and friends that all just causes of mutual dissatisfaction should be
removed that it is to be hoped neither will omit or delay the employment of
any practicable and honorable means to accomplish that end.
The affairs pending between this Government and several others of the
States of this hemisphere formerly under the dominion of Spain have again
within the past year been materially obstructed by the military revolutions
and conflicts in those countries.
The ratifications of the treaty between the United States and the Republic
of Ecuador of the 13th of June, 1839, have been exchanged, and that
instrument has been duly promulgated on the part of this Government. Copies
are now communicated to Congress with a view to enable that body to make
such changes in the laws applicable to our intercourse with that Republic
as may be deemed requisite.
Provision has been made by the Government of Chile for the payment of the
claim on account of the illegal detention of the brig Warrior at Coquimbo
in 1820. This Government has reason to expect that other claims of our
citizens against Chile will be hastened to a final and satisfactory close.
The Empire of Brazil has not been altogether exempt from those convulsions
which so constantly afflict the neighboring republics. Disturbances which
recently broke out are, however, now understood to be quieted. But these
occurrences, by threatening the stability of the governments, or by causing
incessant and violent changes in them or in the persons who administer
them, tend greatly to retard provisions for a just indemnity for losses and
injuries suffered by individual subjects or citizens of other states. The
Government of the United States will feel it to be its duty, however, to
consent to no delay not unavoidable in making satisfaction for wrongs and
injuries sustained by its own citizens. Many years having in some cases
elapsed, a decisive and effectual course of proceeding will be demanded of
the respective governments against whom claims have been preferred.
The vexatious, harassing, and expensive war which so long prevailed with
the Indian tribes inhabiting the peninsula of Florida has happily been
terminated, whereby our Army has been relieved from a service of the most
disagreeable character and the Treasury from a large expenditure. Some
casual outbreaks may occur, such as are incident to the close proximity of
border settlers and the Indians, but these, as in all other cases, may be
left to the care of the local authorities, aided when occasion may require
by the forces of the United States. A sufficient number of troops will be
maintained in Florida so long as the remotest apprehensions of danger shall
exist, yet their duties will be limited rather to the garrisoning of the
necessary posts than to the maintenance of active hostilities. It is to be
hoped that a territory so long retarded in its growth will now speedily
recover from the evils incident to a protracted war, exhibiting in the
increased amount of its rich productions true evidences of returning wealth
and prosperity. By the practice of rigid justice toward the numerous Indian
tribes residing within our territorial limits and the exercise of a
parental vigilance over their interests, protecting them against fraud and
intrusion, and at the same time using every proper expedient to introduce
among them the arts of civilized life, we may fondly hope not only to wean
them from their love of war, but to inspire them with a love for peace and
all its avocations. With several of the tribes great progress in civilizing
them has already been made. The schoolmaster and the missionary are found
side by side, and the remnants of what were once numerous and powerful
nations may yet be preserved as the builders up of a new name for
themselves and their posterity.
The balance in the Treasury on the 1st of January, 1842, exclusive of the
amount deposited with the States, trust funds, and indemnities, was
$230,483.68. The receipts into the Treasury during the three first quarters
of the present year from all sources amount to $26,616,593.78, of which
more than fourteen millions were received from customs and about one
million from the public lands. The receipts for the fourth quarter are
estimated at nearly eight millions, of which four millions are expected
from customs and three millions and a half from loans and Treasury notes.
The expenditures of the first three quarters of the present year exceed
twenty-six millions, and those estimated for the fourth quarter amount to
about eight millions; and it is anticipated there will be a deficiency of
half a million on the 1st of January next, but that the amount of
outstanding warrants (estimated at $800,000) will leave an actual balance
of about $224,000 in the Treasury. Among the expenditures of this year are
more than eight millions for the public debt and about $600,000 on account
of the distribution to the States of the proceeds of sales of the public
lands.
The present tariff of duties was somewhat hastily and hurriedly passed near
the close of the late session of Congress. That it should have defects can
therefore be surprising to no one. To remedy such defects as may be found
to exist in any of its numerous provisions will not fail to claim your
serious attention. It may well merit inquiry whether the exaction of all
duties in cash does not call for the introduction of a system which has
proved highly beneficial in countries where it has been adopted. I refer to
the warehousing system. The first and most prominent effect which it would
produce would be to protect the market alike against redundant or deficient
supplies of foreign fabrics, both of which in the long run are injurious as
well to the manufacturer as the importer. The quantity of goods in store
being at all times readily known, it would enable the importer with an
approach to accuracy to ascertain the actual wants of the market and to
regulate himself accordingly. If, however, he should fall into error by
importing an excess above the public wants, he could readily correct its
evils by availing himself of the benefits and advantages of the system thus
established. In the storehouse the goods imported would await the demand of
the market and their issues would be governed by the fixed principles of
demand and supply. Thus an approximation would be made to a steadiness and
uniformity of price, which if attainable would conduce to the decided
advantage of mercantile and mechanical operations.
The apprehension may be well entertained that without something to
ameliorate the rigor of cash payments the entire import trade may fall into
the hands of a few wealthy capitalists in this country and in Europe. The
small importer, who requires all the money he can raise for investments
abroad, and who can but ill afford to pay the lowest duty, would have to
subduct in advance a portion of his funds in order to pay the duties, and
would lose the interest upon the amount thus paid for all the time the
goods might remain unsold, which might absorb his profits. The rich
capitalist, abroad as well as at home, would thus possess after a short
time an almost exclusive monopoly of the import trade, and laws designed
for the benefit of all would thus operate for the benefit of a few--a
result wholly uncongenial with the spirit of our institutions and
antirepublican in all its tendencies. The warehousing system would enable
the importer to watch the market and to select his own time for offering
his goods for sale. A profitable portion of the carrying trade in articles
entered for the benefit of drawback must also be most seriously affected
without the adoption of some expedient to relieve the cash system. The
warehousing system would afford that relief, since the carrier would have a
safe recourse to the public storehouses and might without advancing the
duty reship within some reasonable period to foreign ports. A further
effect of the measure would be to supersede the system of drawbacks,
thereby effectually protecting the Government against fraud, as the right
of debenture would not attach to goods after their withdrawal from the
public stores.