{Transcriber's Note: Quotation marks have been standardized to modern
usage. Footnotes have been placed to immediately follow the paragraphs
referencing them. Transcriber's notes are in curly braces; square brackets
and parentheses indicate original content.}
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY;
OR,
AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT
OF THOSE
INDIVIDUALS WHO HAVE BEEN DISTINGUISHED AMONG
THE NORTH AMERICAN NATIVES
AS
ORATORS, WARRIORS, STATESMEN,
AND
OTHER REMARKABLE CHARACTERS.
* * * * *
BY
B. B. THATCHER, ESQ.
* * * * *
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
* * * * *
NEW-YORK:
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY J. & J. HARPER,
NO. 82 CLIFF-STREET,
AND FOR SALE BY THE PRINCIPAL BOOK SELLERS THROUGHOUT
THE UNITED STATES
* * * * *
1832.
Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1831, by J. & J.
Harper, in the office of the Clerk of the Southern District of New
York.
CONTENTS.
* * * * *
CHAP. I.--Notices of Indians who submitted to Massachusetts,
continued--The Squaw-Sachem of Medford--Her history, family,
&c.--Sagamore John and Sagamore James--Their intercourse with the
English--Anecdotes of them--Complaints, services, death and
character--Chickatabot, Sachem of Neponset--His war with the
Squaw-Sachem--Visits Boston several times--Appears in court against
Plastowe--Anecdotes of his Government--Indian policy of Massachusetts
compared with that of Plymouth--Anecdotes of Chickatabot--His death.
Page 9
CHAP. II.--Farther account of Master Weston's settlement, and the
movements of the Indians against him--Aspinet, the Nauset, supposed to
be engaged in that affair--His tribe and power--Provocations from the
English--Magnanimous revenge of the Sachem--His hospitality and
kindness--Friendly intercourse with Plymouth--Is visited by Governor
Bradford--By Captain Standish--Is suspected of hostility by Plymouth,
and pursued by Standish--His death--Career and character of Itanough,
the "Courteous Sachem of Cummaquid"--Is suspected and pursued--His
death.
94
CHAP. III.--Summary account of the Five Nations--Their early
history--Government--Conquests--Population--Territory--Intercourse with
the European Colonies--Their war with the Adirondacks--Adventures of
Piskaret--Their negotiations with the French, in 1684--Anecdotes of the
Onondaga Chief, Garangula--His speech at the Council, and effects of
it--Remarks on his character--History of the Five Nations continued to
the time of Adario--His exploits--Their object and results--War between
the Confederates and the French--Adventures of Black-Kettle.
34
CHAP. IV.--Five Nations continued--Remarks on their
oratory--Circumstances favorable to it--Account of a council of the
Confederates at Onondaga, in 1690--Anecdotes of various persons who
attended it--Speeches of Sadekanatie and other orators--Adarhahta--The
history and character of Decanesora--His speeches at the Albany council
of 1694--Style of his eloquence--His personal and political
character--Other speeches and negotiations--Anecdotes of Sadekanatie.
49
CHAP. V.--Account of the Ottawas--Their first Chief-Sachem known to the
English, Pontiac--His interview with Major Rogers--Protects that officer
and his troops--Saves Detroit from an army of Indians--Hostility of the
northern tribes to the English, after the conquest of Canada--Adventures
of Henry--Anecdotes of Minavavana--Supposed feelings of Pontiac towards
the English--His great project of combination.
70
CHAP. VI.--Pontiac's plan of campaign--He commences active
preparations--Council of the Ottawas--Grand Council of the Northern
tribes--Dream of the Delaware--Maxims promulgated by Pontiac--Estimate
of the number and force or his allies--Commencement of the
war--Surprisal of nine English posts--mode of surprisal--Artifice
adopted at Michilimackinac, and result--Reduction of Detroit undertaken
by Pontiac in person--His interview with the Commandant--His plan
discovered, and the surprise prevented--Letter from Detroit.
83
CHAP. VII.--Siege of Detroit maintained by Pontiac--The Commandant
meditates a retreat--The French propose a conference With Pontiac, which
takes place--The latter demands the surrender of the fort, which the
Commandant refuses--Vigorous renewal of hostilities--Advantages gained
by the Indian army--arrival of succor to the English--Battle of Bloody
Bridge--Pontiac at length raises the siege--Causes of it--The Indians
make peace--His subsequent career until his death--Anecdotes
illustrating his influence, energy, magnanimity, integrity and
genius--His authority as chieftain--His talents as an orator--His
traditionary fame.
98
CHAP. VIII.--Account of the Delawares--Their ancient great men, including
Tamenend--History during the Revolutionary War--Two Parties among
them--White-Eyes, leader of one, and Captain Pipe, of the
other--Manoeuvres, speeches, plots and counter-plots of these men, their
parties, and foreigners connected with both--Anecdotes--Death of
White-Eyes in 1780--Tribute of respect paid to his memory.
120
CHAP. IX.--Observations on the character of White-Eyes--Pipe's comment on
his death--The latter gains and sustains an ascendancy in the Delaware
nation--Glickhican, Netawatwees and Wingemund--Subsequent career of
Pipe--Joins the British and fights against the Americans--Grand Indian
council at Detroit--Pipe's spirited speech on that occasion--Makes
charges against the Missionaries, but fails to prove them--Remarks on
his habits, principles and talents.
136
CHAP. X.--State of several Southern tribes during the last century--The
English send deputies to the Cherokees, in 1756--Their lives threatened,
and saved by Attakullakulla--Account of that Chieftain and his
principles--The party opposed to him headed by Occonostota--War with the
Colonies in 1750 and two years following--Anecdotes of both these
Chiefs--Saloush, Fifton, and others--Several battles--Peace
concluded--Attakullakulla visits Charleston--His subsequent career, and
that of Occonostota--Remarks on their character.
150
CHAP. XI.--The Cayuga Chief, Logan--Some account of his father,
Shikellimus--Residence of Logan--His friendship for the whites
interrupted by their provocations--His family misfortunes--The Shawanee
Silver-Heels--Logan joins in a war of revenge against the
"Long-Knives"--Battle of the Kenhawa--Treaty of Peace with Governor
Dunmore--Logan's celebrated Speech--His history
completed--Buckongahelas, the Delaware head War-Chief--His intercourse
with the Christian Indians--Part which he takes in the
Revolution--Defeated by Wayne, in 1794--Anecdotes of him--Death and
character.
166
CHAP. XII.--Some account of the Shawanees, the tribe of
Tecumseh--Anecdotes illustrative of their character--Early history and
lineage of Tecumseh--His first adventures as a warrior--His habits and
principles--His brothers Kumshaka and Elskwatawa--The first open
movements of the latter, in 1806--He assumes the character of
Prophet--His doctrines--His mode of operation upon his countrymen--Other
Indian pretenders--Anecdote of a Shawanee Chief, at Fort Wayne--Tanner's
account of the ministry of the Elskwatawa's Agents--Concert traced
between them--Witchcraft-superstition--Anecdotes of Teteboxti, The
Crane, Leather-Lips, and others.
181
CHAP. XIII.--History of Tecumseh and the Prophet continued--The latter
encamps at Tippecanoe--Sends a message to Governor Harrison--Visits him
at Vincennes--Increase of his forces--Attention of the General
Government aroused--Tecumseh visits the Governor--His speech, and
journey southward--Battle of Tippecanoe, November, 1811--Consequences
of it--Indian Council at Mississiniway--Council at Malden--Speeches and
Anecdotes of the Crane, Walk-in-the-Water, Round-Head, and other
Chiefs--Sequel of the history of the two brothers--Final exertions of
Tecumseh--His death--Death of the Prophet.
202
CHAP. XIV.--Remarks on the character of Tecumseh and the Prophet--Their
facilities for co-operation--Difficulties the latter had to overcome--His
perseverance and ingenuity--Means by which he protected his
person--Anecdotes of the Battle of Tippecanoe--Frankness of Tecumseh in
disclosing his schemes--Causes of his hostility to the
Americans--Trespasses of the whites, and other abuses--Object of the
belligerent combination--Anecdotes of Tecumseh's first visit to
Vincennes, in 1810--His dignity, independence and courage--His ideas of
the British policy--His speech to General Proctor, and remarks on his
oratory--His humanity--His genius.
296
CHAP. XV.--Michikinaqwa, or the Little-Turtle--Early history--Engages in
a combination of the Indians against the United States--Blue-Jacket--The
Turtle defeats two detachments of American troops--Some account of the
North-Western war from 1791 to 1795--The Turtle defeated by General
Wayne--He becomes unpopular after the peace--Some of the charges against
him examined--Anecdotes of his intercourse with distinguished
Americans--His letter to General Harrison--His death in 1819--His
character.
243
CHAP. XVI.--The Seneca Chief, Red-Jacket--Circumstances under which he
succeeded Corn-Planter in his influence--Anecdotes of the
latter--Red-Jacket's earliest oratorical triumph--His speech at the
Treaty of Canandaigua--Account of Farmer's-Brother, and
Brandt--Red-Jacket's political and religious principles--Speech to Mr.
Alexander, in 1811--Speech to Mr. Richardson--Remarks on the causes of
his heathenism in the conduct of the whites--His military career--Speech
in favor of declaring war against the British, in 1812--Seneca
Manifesto--Red-Jacket's interview with Washington--His interview with
Lafayette--His Memorial to the New-York Legislature--Speech to a
Missionary in 1825--His deposition and restoration in 1827--Visits to
the Atlantic cities--Death and funeral obsequies--Anecdotes.
270
APPENDIX.
No. I. Genealogy of Uncas. 394
No. II. General Wayne's Correspondence with Major Campbell. 345
No. III. Corn-Planter's letter to the Governor of Pennsylvania. 309
No. IV. Speech of the same at Warren Court-House. 312
No. V. Obituary Notice of Brandt. 314
No. VI. Little-Farmer's letter to the Hon. W. Eustis. 314
No. VII. Crawford's letter to the Governor of Canada. 316
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
* * * * *
CHAPTER I.
Notices of Indians who submitted to Massachusetts, continued--The
Squaw-Sachem of Medford--Her history, family, &c.--Her sons, Sagamore
John and Sagamore James--Their intercourse with the English--Anecdotes
of them--Complaints, services, death and character--Chickatabot, Sachem
of Neponset--His war with the Squaw-Sachem--Visits Boston several
times--Appears in court against Plastowe--Anecdotes of his
Government--Indian policy of Massachusetts compared with that of
Plymouth--Anecdotes of Chickatabot--His death.
Having heretofore had occasion frequently to introduce the names of
Indians who subjected themselves, more or less, to the Government of
Massachusetts, we propose in this chapter to notice a few of the most
prominent of that class, who have not yet been mentioned. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] See a sketch of Cutchamequin, of Braintee in Chapter XI, Vol. I.
Some years previous to the arrival of the English, the various
Massachusetts tribes, properly so called, are believed to have been
confederated, like the Pokanokets and others, under the government of one
great Sachem, whose name was Nanepashemet, or the New-Moon. His usual
residence was in Medford, near Mystic Pond. He was killed in 1619,--by
what enemy is unknown. Two years afterwards, a Plymouth party visited this
section; and they then discovered the remains of one of Nanepashemet's
forts. It was built in a valley. There was a trench about it, breast-high,
with a periphery of palisades reaching up more than thirty feet. It was
accessible only in one direction, by a narrow bridge. The Sachem's grave
had been made under the frame of a house within the enclosure, which was
still standing; and another, upon a neighboring hill, marked the spot where
he fell in battle. His dwelling-house had been built on a large scaffold,
six feet high, also near the summit of a hill. [FN] It is evident that
Nanepashemet was a chieftain of very considerable state and power.
* * * * *
[FN] Prince.
His successor, to a certain extent, was his widow, well known in history
as the Squaw-Sachem, and otherwise called the Massachusetts Queen. It is
probably from the latter circumstance, in part, that some modern historians
have described her as inheriting the power of her husband; but this is
believed to be incorrect. We find no evidence of it among the old writers;
though it appears, on the other hand, that some of the other Massachusetts
tribes were at war with hers, when the English first made her
acquaintance. It seems highly probable, that these were the enemy--rebels,
we should perhaps say--whom Nanepashemet fell in attempting to subdue. His
failure and death were sufficient, without the aid of that terrible
pestilence which reduced the number of the Massachusetts warriors from
three thousand to three hundred, to prevent any attempts on the part of
his widow, for recovering or continuing his own ancient dominion.
Still, the Squaw-Sachem governed at least the remnants of one tribe. She
also laid claim to territory in various places, and among the rest to what
is now Concord, a grant of which place she joined with two or three other
Indians in conveying to the original settlers, in 1635. Previous to this
date, she had taken a second husband, Wappacowet, the chief priest of her
tribe, he being by custom entitled to the hand of his Sachem's widow. The
land was paid for in wampum, hatchets, hoes, knives, cotton cloth, and
chintz; beside which, Wappacowet, who figured only as an evidence in the
case, received a gratuity of a suit of cotton cloth, a hat, a white linen
band, shoes, stockings, and a great coat. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Depositions on Concord Records.
Several years after the sale of Concord, the Squaw-Sachem visited Boston,
for the purpose of subjecting herself to the Massachusetts Government.
That object she effected. Whether the priest was included in the
submission, or what was the sequel of his history, or even hers, does, not
appear.
The Squaw-Sachem, like her husband, the New Moon, has maintained her
principal dignity in our early annals, as the parent of Wonohaquaham and
Montowampate, better known as Sagamore John and Sagamore James. [FN] The
former lived, before the English came, at the old residence of his father,
in Medford; subsequently, at Winnesimet, anciently called Rumney Marsh,
and situated partly in Chelsea, and partly in Saugus. James, who was
Sachem of the Saugus Indians, and had jurisdiction of Lynn and
Marble-head, resided on Sagamore hill, near the eastern end of Lynn
beach.
* * * * *
[FN] There has been a controversy about the meaning of this title, and
the difference between Sagamore, (or Sagamo) and Sachem. We agree with
Mr. Lewis (from whose accurate history of Lynn we have borrowed above,)
in considering them different pronunciations of the same word.
John was one of the best, as well as earliest friends the settlers of
Boston ever had among the natives; and by their descendants his memory
should be cherished for that, if for no other reason. On all occasions, he
was courteous, kind and frank. Soon after their coming, he engaged with
the governor to make compensation for damages done by his subjects, and to
fence in his territories, both which he did. During the same year, 1630,
he seasonably gave warning to the Charlestown people, of a plot formed
against them among some of the neighboring Indians,--an act on the mention
of which an old writer pays him the deserved compliment of having "always
loved the English."
His attachment was justified by the conduct of his new ally and friends,
for though he often brought complaints before the Massachusetts
authorities, it was as rarely without effect as it was without cause.
At one time, two of his wigwams were carelessly set on fire by some
English fowlers, and destroyed. The chief offender was a servant of Sir
Richard Saltonstall, and the Court ordered him to give satisfaction, which
he did, being mulcted in seven yards of cloth, valued at fifty shillings
sterling. The act of firing one of the buildings, was not very easily
proved; but, say the Court, "lest he should think us not sedulous enough
to find it out, and so should depart discontentedly from us, we gave both
him and his subject satisfaction for them both."
So when he and his brother James, a few weeks afterwards, applied to the
Governor for an order, to procure the return of twenty beaver-skins which
had been obtained unfairly from them by an Englishman, "the governor
entertained them kindly, and gave them his letter, &c." [FN] John must
have been permitted to manage his relations with other sachems also, as
he pleased; for when Chickatabot fought for Canonicus in 1632, as we shall
soon see, he also joined him at the head of thirty men, and the fact is
recorded not only without censure, but without comment.
* * * * *
[FN] New-England Chronology, 1631.
James was a more troublesome personage, and was more than once in
difficulty with both Indians and English. A party of that formidable
eastern people, the Tarratines, attacked him in 1631, slew seven of his
men, wounded both him and his brother John, and carried off his wife
captive. Hubbard observes, that he had treacherously killed some of the
Tarratines before this, "and was therefore the less pitied of the English
that were informed thereof:" but the latter nevertheless procured the
redemption of his wife. The following extract from Mr. Winthrop's Journal,
throws some light, both on the authority which he exercised upon his own
subjects, and the liberties he took with the English. The Government, it
must be observed, had made a prudent regulation, forbidding the sale of
arms to the natives.
"September 4th, 1632.
"One Hopkins of Watertown was convict for selling a piece and pistol, with
powder and shot, to James Sagamore, for which he had sentence to be
whipped and branded in the cheek."--It was discovered by an Indian, one
of James's men, upon promise of concealing him, _or otherwise he was sure
to be killed._ It was probably for some offence of this description that
James was once forbidden to enter any English plantation under penalty of
ten beaver-skins; a much better dispensation of justice, clearly, than to
have sent an armed force, as the good people of Plymouth had been in the
habit of doing on such occasions, to punish him in person. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Winthrop.
The following is an item in the account of Treasurer Pyncheon, stated to
the General Court for 1632, under the head of Payments out of the Common
Treasury.
"Paid _John Sagamore's brother,_ the 9th Oct. 1632 for killing a wolf, one
coat at L0. 12s. 0."
This account of James indicates that he was much less known among the
English than his brother; and as it appears in company of several charges
like these,--
"To Jack Straw, one coat, by a note
from the Governor, 12s.
To Wamascus' Son, two wolves,
two coats, L1. 4s."
It may be fairly inferred that the Sagamore hesitated not to put his
dignity, so far as he _was_ known, on a level, in the eyes of the English,
with the lowest of his countrymen.
John and James died about the same time, in 1633, of a mortal epidemic
then prevalent among the Massachusetts Indians. Hubbard says, that both
promised, if they recovered from their sickness, to live with the English
and serve their God. The reason why John, at least, had not already taken
such a course, may be gathered from some expressions in that curious
tract, New England's First Fruits, which we cite the more willingly
because it places the character of John in its true light.
"Sagamore John," says the learned author, "Prince of Massaquesetts, was
from our very first landing, more courteous, ingenious, and to the English
more loving than others of them; he desired to learne and speake our
language, and loved to imitate us in our behaviour and apparell, and began
to hearken after our God and his ways. . . . And did resolve and promise
to leave the Indians and come live with us; but yet, _kept down by feare
of the scoffin of the Indians,_ had not power to make good his purpose,
&c."
The same writer thus refers to the poor Sagamore's last moments. Being
struck with death, we are told, he began fearfully to reproach himself
that he had not lived with the English, and known their God. "But now,"
he added, "I must die. The God of the English is much angry with me, and
will destroy me. Ah! I was afraid of the scoffs of these wicked Indians.
But _my child_ shall live with the English, to know their God, when I am
dead. I'll give him to Mr. Wilson--he much good man, and much love me."
Mr. Wilson, (clergyman at Boston,) was accordingly sent for, and when he
attended, as he did promptly, the Sagamore "committed his only child to
his care, and so died."--In confirmation of this honorable testimony, the
author of the Wonder Working Providence may be cited. He observes, that
the English clergymen were much moved to see the Indians depart this life
without the knowledge of God in Christ, "and therefore were very frequent
among them, for all the Noysomness of their Disease, entering their
Wigwams, and exhorting them in the name of the Lord." John is said to have
given some good hopes, as being always very courteous to them. Then
follows the request to Mr. Wilson: "Quoth hee, 'by and by mee Mattamoy,
[dead]--may bee my sons live--you take them to teach much to know God.'"
[FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Johnson speaks as if there were several sons, and therein is clearly
incorrect. Mr. Cotton is much better authority in this case.
Mr. Cotton, himself a preacher also at Boston, at the same period, and
probably an eye-witness, furnishes a more particular and interesting
account of this scene, with which we shall conclude our notice.
"At our first coming hither _John Sagamore_ was the chiefest _Sachim_ in
these parts. He falling sick, our Pastor Mr. _Wilson_ hearing of it (and
being of some acquaintance with him) went to visit him, taking one of the
deacons of our Church with him, and withall, a little Mithridate and
strong water. When he came to his lodging, (which they call a _Wigwam_)
hearing a noyse within, hee looked over the mat of the door, to discerne
what it meant, and saw many _Indians_ gathered together, and some
_Powwaws_ amongst them, who are their Priests, Physitians, and Witches.
They by course spake earnestly to the sick _Sagamore,_ and to his disease,
(in a way of charming of it and him) and one to another in a kind of
Antiphonies. When they had done, all kept silence, our Pastour went in
with the Deacon, and found the man farre spent, his eyes set in his bead,
his speech leaving him, his mother (old _Squaw-Sachim_) sitting weeping
at his bed's head. Well (saith our Pastour) our God save _Sagamore John,
Powwaw Cram_ (that is, kill) _Sagamore John;_ and thereupon hee fell to
prayer with his Deacon, and after prayer forced into the sick man's mouth
with a spoon, a little Mithridate dissolved in the strong water; soon
after the Sagamore looked up, and three dayes after went abroad on
hunting. This providence so farre prevailed with the Sagamore, that he
promised to look after the _English_ man's God, to heare their sermons,
to weare _English_ apparell, &c. But his neighbor _Indians, Sagamores,_
and _Powwaws,_ hearing of this, threatened to _Cram_ him (that is, to kill
him) if he did so degenerate from his Country Gods, and Religion, he
thereupon fell off, and took up his Indian course of life again.
Whatsoever facility may seeme to offer itself of the conversion of the
Indians, it is not so easie a matter for them to hold out, no not in a
semblance of profession of the true Religion. Afterwards God struck _John
Sagamore_ againe, (and as I remember with the Small Pox) but then when
they desired like succour from our Pastour as before, he told them now the
Lord was angry with _Sagamore John,_ and it was doubtful hee would not so
easily be intreated. The _Sagamore_ blamed himself and justified God, and
confessed, he should not have been discouraged by their threats from
seeking our God: for those _Sagamores_ and _Powwaws_ who did most terrifie
him, hee had seene God sweeping them away by death, before himself, in a
short time after. And therefore, when hee saw hee must die (for he died of
that sickness) he left his sonne to the education of our Pastour, that he
might keep closer to the English, and to their God, than himself had done.
But his sonne also died of the same disease soon after." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] The Way of Congregational Churches Cleared: London, 1648.
Another Sachem carried off by the pestilence was Chickatabot, otherwise
called Chickataubut and Chickatalbott; and whose name, under the form of
Chickatabak, is appended with those of eight other sachems, to the deed of
submission to King James, dated 1622, which has already been mentioned in
the life of Massasoit. Some writers call him the Chief Sachem of the
Massachusetts. But so Sagamore John, and his mother, if not some others,
were vaguely entitled; nor can any thing more be inferred from the
expressions, we conceive, than that he was one of the principal chiefs.
That conclusion might be drawn also from the fact, that when the English
first knew him (in 1621,) he was at war with the Squaw-Sachem of Medford.
No doubt he had been subject to her husband, and probably she was now
struggling to continue and enforce the dominion. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Since writing the above, we have availed ourselves of Mr. Shattuck's
researches. He believes that Chickatabot was subject to _Massasoit._ One
of his reasons is the improbability of his contending against his superior
Sachem; and another, the circumstance that all his recorded conveyances of
land are south of Charles River, which Mr. S. considers the southern
boundary of the Massachusetts. With deference to an accurate writer, we
shall leave the question without an argument--only reminding the reader
that Chickatabot fought for _Canonicus_ in 1632, that being about the
time when the latter made sundry attacks on Massasoit--and also that the
case of Sassacus and Uncas, (not to refer to Powhatan's history,) is a
_precedent_ exactly in point.
The same causes which enabled Chickatabot and other sagamores of his
section of the country, to maintain their independence of each other,
probably induced them to submit so readily to whatever authority appeared
able and willing to protect them. King James, Massachusetts and Plymouth,
were the same to him, in this particular, with Massasoit and Canonicus;
and he submitted with an equal grace to all or either, as the case might
require. No doubt it was the influence of the Pokanoket Sachem that
induced him to visit Plymouth for the purpose of Subscribing the
submission--which he probably neither knew nor cared any thing about,
except in relation to the promised consequences of the act of signing.
With the same accommodating disposition, or rather from the same
necessity, he turned out with all his men, in 1632--to fight against the
same Massasoit, we suppose--the Narragansett Chief, Canonicus, having
"sent for him" to that end. [FN] This movement, together with the absence
of all comment upon it in history, illustrates sufficiently the sense
which, notwithstanding the submissions alluded to, both himself and his
English neighbors still entertained of his independence.
* * * * *
[FN] Winthrop.
The Sachem took no advantage of the freedom thus silently allowed him. Nor
does the liberality, and even courtesy, with which he was on all other
occasions treated by the Massachusetts Government, appear to have had any
other than the happiest effect upon him. On the contrary, he judged them
as they judged him; and being seldom if ever suspected, was rarely exposed
to suspicion by his conduct He esteemed his own dignity at least enough to
appreciate their politeness.
Residing near Neponset river, in Dorchester, he made himself familiar with
the settlers of Boston very soon after their arrival, and that in a manner
which discredits neither of the parties. As early as March, 1631, (the
settlement having commenced in the preceding September,) he went into
Boston, attended by quite a company of men and women of his tribe, and
carrying with him a hogshead of Indian corn as a present for the Governor.
When the latter had provided a dinner for his visitors, with the much
esteemed accompaniment of "tobacco and beer," the Sachem sent his escort
all home, with the exception of one sanop and one squaw, although it
rained, and the Governor rather urged that they might be permitted to
stay. He, and the other two who remained, tarried until afternoon of the
next day but one. As he had before this time accustomed himself to wear
English clothes, we are informed that "the Governor set him at his own
table, where he behaved himself as soberly as an Englishman." His host
gave him at parting, "cheese and pease, and a mug and some other things;"
[FN] and no doubt he returned to Neponset exceedingly gratified with the
well-timed munificence of his new friend.
* * * * *
[FN] Winthrop.
Accordingly, he made his appearance again within a month, on which
occasion he requested Mr. Winthrop to negotiate with some tailor, on his
behalf for a suit of English clothes. The Governor civilly gave him to
understand, that English Sagamores were not accustomed to truck in this
way--but he called his own tailor, and directed him to make the proposed
suit. Chickatabot presented his host with two large skins of coat-beaver,
so called, paid the proper honours to a dinner prepared for him and his
attendants, and took his leave, promising to return for his clothes in
three days. This was the 13th of April. On the 15th he came again, and the
Governor then arrayed him in the new suit, which had been promptly made
ready for his use, and also entertained him at dinner. If the Sachem had
behaved soberly on his first visit, he deserves still higher praise for
the improvement which is evident in his manners since that time. He would
not eat now--savage as he was--at the hospitable board of his Christian
host, until the latter had craved the customary blessing which attended
his own meals; and, "after meat, he desired him to do the like, and so
departed."
Nor did Chickatabot receive only compliments and new clothes from his
Boston ally. Substantial justice was rendered to him and his subjects,
whenever emergency required; and an Englishman was punished, at least as
promptly and severely for a trespass upon him or them, as an Indian would
have been expected to be punished for the same offence against the whites.
To illustrate by an instance,--in the latter part of 1631, Chickatabot
appeared in Court at Boston, and complained of one Josias Plastowe, for
stealing a quantity of his corn. Evidence of the charge having been
produced, sufficient to convict the offender, the Court gave judgment as
follows:
"It is ordered, that Josias Plastowe shall, for stealing four baskets of
corn from the Indians, return them eight baskets again, be fined five
pounds, and hereafter be called by the name of Josias, and not Mr. as
formerly as he used to be; and that William Buckland and Thomas Andrew,
[servants] shall be whipped for being accessary to the same offence."
Chickatabot knew how to value this honorable policy of the Government, and
was grateful for it. But even earlier than the date of the transaction
last referred to, he had himself set the example which that Government, so
far as regarded him, did but follow. The following single paragraph, taken
from the same authority which records the sentence of Plastowe, is among
the evidence to this effect:
"At a Court, John Sagamore and Chickatabot, being told at last Court of
some injuries that their men did to our cattle, and giving consent to make
satisfaction, &c. now one of their men was complained of for shooting a
pig, &c. for which Chickatabot was ordered to pay a small skin of beaver,
which he presently paid." So in August of the next year, two of the
Sachem's men having been proved guilty of assaulting some of the settlers
at Dorchester in their houses, were detained in the bilboes, until
Chickatabot could be notified of the fact, and requested to beat them,
"_which he did._" [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] "The most usuall custome amongst them," says Roger Williams, of the
Indians, "is for the Sachim either to beate, or whip, or put to death with
his owne hand, to which the common sort most quietly submit." Key to the
Ind. Languages.
It is obvious to remark, how much more satisfactory this course must have
been to him, than the more violent mode of doing _themselves_ justice,
would have been, which was pursued by many English authorities on most
occasions of a similar description. It was dealing with him, as they
wished to be dealt with; which policy, whether under the circumstances
required by strict justice or not, was unquestionably best calculated to
effect the end proposed in each particular case, as well as to secure the
general affection and respect of the Indians. It may be remarked here,
without impropriety, that the conduct of the Massachusetts Government
towards Chickatabot is no more than a just specimen of the course they
usually pursued towards his countrymen. The exceptions are few and far
between.
It is specially worthy of notice, that Chickatabot was never called to
account for the part which he took in the combination of the Indians
against Master Weston's infamous settlement at Weymouth, of which we shall
presently have occasion to make further mention. And yet, there was not
only some reason for suspecting him, on account of his vicinity to the
residence of the chief ringleaders; but it appears clearly, that he was
known to be engaged, and that to such an extent, as to be considered by
some the instigator and manager of the whole business. Witness, for
example, the following extract from a letter written by Governor Dudley to
the Countess of Lincoln, in England, and bearing date at Boston, March
12th, 1630:
"There was about the same time, one Mr. Weston, an English merchant, who
sent divers men to plant and trade who sate down by the river of
Wesaguscus; but these coming not for so good ends as those of Plymouth,
sped not so well; for the most of them dying and languishing away, they
who survived _were rescued by those of Plymouth out of the hands of_
Chickatalbott, _and his Indians, who oppressed those weak English, and
intended to have destroyed them,"_ [FN] &c. The writer then goes on to
mention a settlement soon after attempted near the same place by one
Wollaston, and a company of some thirty men, whose history may be
profitably noticed very briefly, for the purpose of comparing the Plymouth
with the Massachusetts policy.
* * * * *
[FN] Mass. His. Coll.
One of the Wollaston crew, mentioned by Prince, in 1625, as having been a
kind of pettifogger in England, was Thomas Morton. This person became a
notable disturber of the peace; cheating the Indians in trade, and spending
the profits with his companions in rioting; drinking, as the annalist just
cited specifies, "ten pound worth of wine and spirits in the morning,"
besides setting up a may-pole for the Indian women to drink and dance
about, "with worser practices."
But although Thomas changed the name of Wollaston to _Merry Mount,_ [FN]
his jollity was not to last forever. Mr. Endecott, of the Massachusetts
Company, who landed at Salem in the summer of 1628, visited Master Morton
within two months from his arrival, and changing Merry Mount to Mount
Dagon, took active measures for correcting that riotous settlement. These
were not entirely successful, and even when Morton was at length arrested
and sent to England for punishment, he was not only liberated, but sent
back again: "upon which," as Prince writes, "he goes to his old nest at
Merry Mount." This was in 1629. In the summer of the next year, the
Massachusetts colonists came over with Winthrop and Dudley; and as early
as September of that season, we find the following order taken upon Master
Morton's case by the Court of Assistants:--
* * * * *
[FN] Prince's Annals, 1625.
"Ordered, that Master Thomas Morton of Mount Wollaston shall presently be
set in the bilbows, and after sent prisoner to England by the ship called
the Gift; that all his goods be seized to defray the charge of his
transportation, payments of his debts, _and to give satisfaction to the
Indians for a canoe he took unjustly from them; and that his house be
burnt down to the ground in sight of the Indians, for their satisfaction
for many wrongs he has done them._"
If this summary course had been taken with Weston and _his_ banditti,
there might have been, as we shall see, the saving of the lives of many
innocent men. If it could not be taken by the English, who were appealed
to, some allowance at least might have been made for those who were
finally compelled to assume the administration of justice.
In the case of Chickatabot, though not in all, such allowance _was_ made.
It also appears, that no evil consequences arose from this policy, but
much the reverse. The sachem was uniformly the more ready to give all the
satisfaction in his power, and no doubt partly because it was rather
requested of him than required. When the Indians were said to be plotting
against the English in 1632, and much apprehension was excited in
consequence, "_the three next Sagamores were sent for,_" says Winthrop,
"who came presently to the Governor," and this is the last we hear of the
matter. Chickatabot must have been one of them, and _he_ explained away
the causes of suspicions at once. Pursuing this course, the Massachusetts
Government continued upon good terms with him until his death, which was
occasioned by the prevalent epidemic, in the latter part of 1633.
His descendants, to the third generation at least, several of whom were
persons of note, followed his own peaceful and friendly example. Among the
Suffolk records, there is still to be seen, a quitclaim deed from his
grandson Josias,--of Boston, the islands in the harbor, &c. "to the
proprietated inhabitants of Boston."