There was wild commotion among the Irish people in America, when, on
the 6th of March, 1867, the Atlantic cable flashed across to them
the news that on the previous night the Fenian circles, from Louth
to Kerry, had turned out in arms, and commenced the long promised
rebellion. It was news to send a thrill of excitement through every
Irish heart--to fire the blood of the zealous men, who for years had
been working to bring the Irish question to this issue; and news to
cause profound and anxious thought to that large class of Irishmen
who, deeply occupied with commercial and professional pursuits, are
less energetic than the members of the Fenian Brotherhood in their
political action, but who scarcely differ from them in principle. It
was, for all who had Irish blood in their veins and Irish sympathies
in their hearts, a serious consideration that once again the banner
of insurrection against English rule had been unfurled in Ireland,
and that on many a spot of Irish earth the organized forces of England
were in conflict with the hastily collected, ill-supplied, and almost
unarmed levies of Irish patriotism.
The question whether the cause of Ireland would be advantaged or
injured by the struggle and its inevitable results, was differently
answered by different minds. Some saw in the conflict nothing but
defeat and suffering for the country--more, gyves and chains--more,
sorrow and humiliation for her sons, and a fresh triumph for the proud
and boastful power of England. Others, while only too well convinced
that the suppression of the insurrectionary movement was sure to be
speedily accomplished, viewed the position with a certain fierce and
stern satisfaction, and discerned therein the germ of high hopes for
the future.
But to certain of the Fenian leaders and Fenian circles in America,
the news came with a pressing and a peculiar interest. They were
largely responsible for the outbreak; the war was, in a manner, their
war. Their late head-centre, James Stephens, was chargeable with it
only in a certain degree. He had promised to initiate the struggle
before the 1st of January of that year. Conscious that his veracity
was regarded in somewhat of a dubious light by many of his followers,
he reiterated the declaration with all possible passion and vehemence,
and even went the length of swearing to it by invocations of the Most
High, before public assemblies of his countrymen. When the time came
for the fulfilment of his pledges he failed to keep them, and was
immediately deposed from his position by the disappointed and enraged
circles which had hitherto trusted him. But in the meantime, relying
on his engagement to lead off an insurrection in Ireland, those
circles had made certain preparations for the event, and a number of
their members, brave Irishmen who had had actual experience of war in
the armies of America, had crossed the Atlantic, and landed in England
and Ireland, to give the movement the benefit of their services. To
these men the break-down of James Stephens was a stunning blow, an
event full of shame and horror; they felt their honour compromised
by his conduct; they considered that they could not return to America
with their mission unattempted, and they resolved to establish their
own honesty and sincerity at all events, as well as the courage
and earnestness of the Fenian Brotherhood in Ireland, by taking the
desperate course of engaging forthwith in open insurrection. It was
in conformity with their arrangements, and in obedience to their
directions, that the rising took place on the night of the 5th of
March, 1867.
The ill success which attended the attempted insurrection was reported
in America almost as soon as it was known in Ireland, by the agency
of the Atlantic telegraph. But, whoever believed the statements of its
speedy and utter collapse, which were forwarded through the cable, the
Fenian circles certainly did not. They felt certain that the truth was
being withheld from them, that the cable, which was an instrument in
the hands of the British Government, was being employed to mislead
them, and that when it reported all quiet in Ireland, and no movement
afoot save that of the British troops employed in "scouring" the
mountains of Cork and Tipperary, there was, in reality, a guerilla
warfare being waged over a great extent of the country, and many
a tough fight being fought in pass, and glen, and wood, amidst the
picturesque scenery of the Munster counties. Their incredulity was but
natural. They had no reason whatever to rely on the truthfulness of
the cable messages. If there had been Fenian successes to report, it
is very likely that no fair account of them would have been allowed
to pass by that route. Still, as day after day went by, and brought
no news of battles lost or won by any party, the conviction began to
force itself on the minds of the American Fenians that the movement
in Ireland was hanging fire, and that it was going hard with the brave
men who had committed themselves to it at the outset. It was necessary
that something should be done, if those men were to be sustained, and
the outbreak developed into a struggle worthy of the cause, and of the
long years of preparation, the bold threats and the glowing promises
of the Fenian Brotherhood, the risks they had incurred, and the
sacrifices they had made.
What was to be done? What was most needed to give force and power to
the insurrectionary uprising in Ireland? They knew the answer. Arms
and officers were wanted. To supply them, at least in some measure,
was, therefore, the great object that now presented itself to their
minds. How they sought to accomplish it is known to the public--if the
Attorney-General and his witnesses, at the opening of the Commission
in Dublin, in November, 1867, told a true story.
Any references we shall here make to that particular subject, that is,
to the alleged voyage of a Fenian cruiser conveying men and arms from
New York to Ireland, shall be derived entirely from the statements
made in open court on that occasion, with an extract or two from a
document otherwise published. We shall add nothing to them, neither
shall we vouch for the authenticity of all or any of them, for, at
the time of our writing, "the Crown," as the government lawyers call
themselves, are not yet done with some of the cases arising out of
this alleged expedition. But, taking the narrative as we find it
in the newspaper reports of the trials of Colonel John Warren and
Augustine E. Costello, and in the lecture delivered in America, under
the auspices of the Fenian Brotherhood, by Colonel S.R. Tresilian,
John Savage, Esq., C.E.F.B. in the chair, reported in the _Irish
People_, New York, and in other journals, we summarise briefly, as
follows, its chief particulars.
It appears, then, that at the time to which we have referred, when the
necessity of transmitting a quantity of arms, and sending a number of
military leaders to Ireland for the sustainment of the insurrectionary
movement had impressed itself on the minds of the Fenian leaders
in America, they resolved on an attempt to supply, to some extent,
those requirements. Two ways were open to them of setting about this
difficult and hazardous undertaking. One was to avail of the ordinary
mail steamers and trading ships between the two countries, send the
men across as ordinary passengers, and ship the arms as goods of
different kinds. Much had been done in that way during the previous
three or four years, but it was plainly too slow and uncertain a
process to adopt on the present occasion. The other course was to
procure a vessel for this special purpose, freight her with the men
and arms, place her under the command of a skilful and experienced
captain, and trust to his skill and luck for landing the entire in
safety somewhere on the west coast of Ireland.
This was the course adopted. How it was carried out, the
Attorney-General, with whatever degree of authority may attach to his
words in such a case, has thus described:--
On the 12th of April, 1867, a party of forty or fifty men,
almost all of whom had been officers or privates in the
service of the American government, went down from New York to
Sandyhook, in a steamer, a distance of about eighteen miles.
There they found a brigantine of about 200 tons burden, which
had been purchased for the expedition, and in that brigantine
these men embarked, and sailed for Ireland. She was called the
"Jacknell," and she sailed without papers or colours. For the
purpose of keeping their movements as free from observation
as possible, these men embarked without luggage--a rather
extraordinary thing in men the great majority of whom had
been officers in the American service. The commander of the
expedition was named John F. Kavanagh, and he had filled the
office of brigadier-general in the American army, and was at
one time a member of the American Congress. These men had on
board a very large quantity of arms, packed in piano-cases,
cases for sewing machines, and wine barrels, in order to
conceal them effectually; and the parcels were consigned to
a merchant firm in Cuba. The ship steered for one day towards
the West Indies, in order to avoid suspicion, and then shaped
her course towards Ireland. Vessels occasionally came in
sight, and when they did English colours were hoisted. Nothing
remarkable occurred until Easter Sunday, April 29th, nearly
nine days after they had sailed from New York. The parties
determined to celebrate that day as a festival, and they
hoisted the green flag with a sunburst, fired a salute, and
changed the name of the vessel, calling her "Erin's Hope."
Kavanagh then produced Fenian commissions, and distributed
them, and also produced sealed orders, from which it appeared
that he was to sail to Sligo Bay, and there land his men and
arms; and if he found it impracticable to land them there,
he was to proceed to some other place in Ireland. Some days
after this, they came in sight of the coast of the county
of Limerick, and then they sailed towards Sligo; but they
overshot the mark, and arrived off the coast of Donegal. They
then turned back, and arrived at Sligo Bay on the 20th of May.
The learned gentleman then went on to describe certain occurrences
alleged to have taken place on board the vessel, while she remained
in and about Sligo Bay. He said that on one evening a hooker came
alongside, from which a man, who appeared to be a gentleman, got on
board the brigantine. This person went down into the cabin, conversed
with the officers, and told them the landing could not be effected at
Sligo, after which he returned on board the hooker, and sailed for the
shore. The Attorney-General said:--
About the 26th of May the ship left the Sligo coast. On the
1st of June she arrrivcd at Dungarvan. During the voyage
councils were held on board. Provisions were running short,
and they could not remain much longer at sea. These matters
were made the subjects of discussion. Some were for going to
America, and some for landing; and at last the conclusion was
arrived at that the majority of the officers should be landed,
and that the others should go either to America or to the
Western Isles--the Hebrides. They hailed a large fishing boat,
and offered the man on board £2 to put two men on shore. He
went on board the brigantine, and when he did so, twenty-eight
men who were hitherto concealed, rushed on board his ship. He
asked them if he would land them at Helwick Point, and they
said no, because there was a coastguard station there. They
were eventually landed about two miles from that point, and
they were compelled to wade through water three-and-a-half
feet deep to the shore.
So far the learned gentleman, her Majesty's Attorney-General for
Ireland. His statement was supported by the informations and
the evidence of an informer, Daniel J. Buckley, the Judas of the
expedition. He, however, represented Kavanagh as the captain of
the vessel, and General James E. Kerrigan as chief of the military
expedition. As to the armament on board, they had, he said, "some
Spencer's repeating rifles, seven-shooters, and some Enfield rifles,
Austrian rifles, Sharp's and Burnside's breech-loaders, and some
revolvers. There were about 5,000 stand of arms on board, and three
pieces of artillery, which would fire three-pound shot or shell. With
these pieces the salute was fired on the occasion of hoisting the
sunburst on Easter Sunday. As regards ammunition, there were about a
million-and-a-half rounds on board."
Colonel S.R. Tresilian, in the lecture already alluded to, gave the
following facetious account of the warlike stores which were on board
the vessel:--
We found the cargo to consist of 5,000 rat-tail files, of
different sizes and descriptions. Then there were several
smaller files that mechanics carry in their pockets; then
again there was the flat file, in respectable numbers, that
are used for cutting on either edge, and that are carried
in sheathes, to prevent the mechanics from cutting their
neighbours' fingers. These files were to be distributed to the
paupers in Ireland, to enable them to sharpen their teeth, so
that they could masticate animal food at the grand barbecue
that was to be given on the landing of our vessel. Another
portion of the cargo was 200,000 puff-balls and sugar-plums,
for gratuitous distribution among our English friends and
brethren in Ireland.
It surely was a daring venture to run that craft, freighted as she
was, across the ocean, and sail her for days along the coast of
Ireland. The lecturer gave the following account of her voyagings:--
The craft made three landings in Ireland, and one in England,
and they were very near being captured several times. At no
time were they over twelve miles from a British man-of-war,
a frigate, ram, or gun-boat, and were continually annoyed by
pilots. They were at sea 107 days; 38 days from America to
Ireland, in which, they sailed 3,565 miles; 24 days round
the coast of Ireland and England, 2,023 miles; 47 days from
Ireland to America, 3,577 miles; making a grand total of 9,205
miles.
As regards the return voyage, the lecturer gave the following
information:--
On the return trip they had, in starting from the coast of
Ireland, one barrel sound bread, one barrel mouldy bread,
one rice, pork 6 lbs., one box fish, one barrel of beef, one
bushel of beans, two quarts of molasses, one-half lb. sugar,
tea and coffee in sufficient quantities, one-third rations
of water. They ran out of everything except bread and water
before reaching the Banks of Newfoundland, where they received
assistance from a fishing-smack, and again, off Boston, from
a vessel bound to San Francisco. They succeeded in landing the
entire cargo safely in America, and it is now in the hands of
the Fenian Brotherhood.
It is a strange story altogether. The voyage of the vessel to and fro,
and along the well-watched coast of Ireland, unchallenged by a British
ship, is a fact of no small significance, even if it be not quite
conclusive as regards the argument of the lecturer, that the Fenian
Brotherhood of America can, when they please, land large supplies, men
and arms, in Ireland. Then the interest of the narrative is greatly
enhanced by some of its romantic incidents, more especially by the
remarkable scene stated to have occurred on Easter Sunday morning.
News of the landing which had been effected near Dungarvan was
quickly spread amongst the coastguards and the police, and a few
hours afterwards some twenty-seven men were under arrest, charged with
having come into the country under suspicious circumstances. Amongst
them were two whose trials for having formed part of an armed
expedition destined to aid a rebellion in Ireland, have since been
had at the Commission which opened in Dublin on the 28th of November,
1867, and whose spirited defence of themselves in the dock it is our
purpose to record in these pages. They were Colonel John Warren, of
the American army, and Augustine E. Costello.
The trial of the first-named of those gentlemen is likely, owing
to the spirited and statesmanlike course which he adopted on the
occasion, to become memorable for all time, and to have a prominent
place in the histories of two great nations, England and America. One
of its results, now actually in progress, is an alteration in the law
of America, on a point of great importance to both countries; and this
alteration will necessitate a corresponding change, if not in the law,
at least in the practice, of the English courts. From these changes
will ensue consequences of the utmost gravity to England, but of
unquestionable advantage to the Irish people, and the cause which they
have at heart; for all which the name of Colonel Warren will long be
held in honour and in grateful remembrance among his countrymen.
[Illustration: COLONEL WARREN]
Colonel Warren, who is a native of the town of Clonakilty, in the
county of Cork, and of respectable parentage, emigrated to the United
States some twelve years ago, and in due course of time, like most
of his countrymen who transfer their domicile to that free and great
country, he took out papers of naturalization, and became one of its
adopted citizens. That act of naturalization is the declaration of
a contract between the American government, on the one hand, and
the new-made citizen on the other, whereby the latter formally and
solemnly transfers his allegiance to that government, and withdraws
it from any other which might previously have had a claim on it; and
whereby the government, on its part, in exchange for that allegiance,
engages to extend to him all the liberties and rights possessed by its
native-born subjects--the benefit of its laws, the full scope of its
franchises, the protection of its flag. In this way many hundreds
of thousands of men, hunted by British law and British policy out of
Ireland, have, during recent years, been added to the number of brave
and devoted citzens possessed by the United States. But yet, it
seems, the law of England affords no recognition to this transfer of
allegiance, expressly denies the legality of any such act, and claims
as subjects of the British crown, not only all persons born within
British jurisdiction, but also their sons and grandsons, wherever
their domicile and their place of birth may be. Between the
British law on the subject of allegiance and the American system of
naturalization, there is, therefore, an irreconcilable discrepancy;
and the course taken by Colonel Warren, on his trial, was to bring
this question of law between the two governments to a direct issue.
He took his stand on his American citizenship; he claimed to be tried
as an alien, and, on the bench refusing to accede to his demand, he
abandoned all legal defence, directed his counsel to withdraw from
the case, and put it upon his government to maintain the honour and
vindicate the laws of America, by affording him the protection to
which he was entitled.
Other Irishmen, naturalized citizens of America, had previously been
tried and sentenced for Fenian practices, including acts done and
words spoken by them in America, which would not have come within the
cognizance of the court had they been tried otherwise than as British
subjects; and in their addresses to the court they had made reference,
proudly and hopefully, to the fact that they were adopted sons of
that great country; but none of them had struck upon a course so well
calculated as that taken by Colonel Warren to raise the international
question, and necessitate a distinct and speedy solution of it. He
had a good case to go before the jury, had he allowed himself to be
legally defended, and he was perfectly aware of that fact; but he
clearly perceived that, by taking the other course, whatever might
be the consequences to himself, he would be able to render better
service, both to his adopted country and his native land. He took that
course, and it is, therefore, that he is to-day in a British convict
prison, far away from his home and friends, from his wife and his
children, subject to all the restraints and indignities imposed by
England on the vilest and meanest of her criminals, and with a term of
fifteen years of such treatment decreed to him. Let us be able to say
at least, that his countrymen are not unmindful of the sacrifice.
In the course of the trial, which was had before Chief Baron Pigot
and Mr. Justice Keogh, in the Commission Court, Dublin, Colonel Warren
offered some few remarks on the evidence, and put some questions to
the witnesses, all of which showed considerable acumen on his part,
and were thoroughly _ad rem_. He complained particularly of the manner
in which his identification was obtained. Gallagher, who had piloted
the "Erin's Hope" around the west coast of Ireland, swore to his
identity as one of the party who were on board; but the prisoner
contended that Gallagher's knowledge of him was acquired, not on board
that vessel, but in Kilmainham gaol, where Gallagher had been his
fellow-prisoner for some weeks, during which time he had abundant
opportunities of learning his, Colonel Warren's, name, and the
charge against him. But it was a vain thing, as far as the jury were
concerned, to indulge in such criticisms of the evidence. There were
times in Irish and in English history, when juries could rise above
the panic of the hour, and refuse to minister to the passion of the
government, but we have fallen upon other times, and, now-a-days, to
be accused of a political crime means to be convicted.
A verdict of "guilty" against Colonel Warren was returned as a
matter of course. On Saturday, November the 16th, he, with two other
prisoners, was brought up for sentence. On the usual interrogatory
being put to him, the following proceedings took place:--
I claim the privilege established by precedent. I have had no
opportunity of making any remarks on my case, and I would now
wish to say a few words.
THE CHIEF BARON--Just state what you have to say; we are ready
to hear you.
WARREN--I desire, in the first place, to explain, while
ignoring the jurisdiction of this court to sentence me,
and while assuming my original position, my reasons for
interfering in this case at all. I can see beyond my present
position, the importance of this case, and I was desirous
to instruct the jury, either directly or indirectly, of
the importance of their decision, while never for a moment
deviating from the position which I assumed. I submit that
I effectually did that. They incautiously, and foolishly for
themselves and the country of which they claim to be subjects,
have raised an issue which has to be settled by a higher
tribunal than this court.
PRISONER--I propose to show that the verdict is contrary to
evidence.
THE CHIEF BARON--I must again tell you that you are not at
liberty to do that.
PRISONER--I propose to answer briefly the question why the
sentence of the court should not be pronounced upon me. Do I
understand you to refuse me that privilege?
THE CHIEF BARON--Certainly not; but I am bound in point of law
to refuse to hear you upon any matter respecting the verdict.
We are bound by that verdict just as much as you are. That is
the law.
PRISONER--What position do I stand in now, my lord? I have
been indicted with a number of parties, one of whom had been
identified in America. I have been tried and convicted. What
position do I stand in now? Am I convicted on the evidence of
Corydon, who swears that I belonged to the Fenian Brotherhood
in 1863? Does that prove that I belonged to it in 1867?
The Chief Baron then explained that what he left to the jury was,
that if they believed upon the evidence that on the 5th of March the
prisoner belonged to the Fenian confederacy, having for its object the
deposition of the Queen, he would be answerable for the acts done by
his confederates, whether he was present or absent at the time.
PRISONER--You instructed the jury, at the same time, that
the fact of my holding the position of a colonel in '63 was
sufficient corroboration of the evidence that I belonged to it
in 1867.
THE CHIEF BARON--I told the jury that holding the rank of
colonel was evidence for their consideration, upon which
to determine whether you previously belonged to the Fenian
confederacy. I told them they were at liberty to consider
whether you would have got that rank if you then joined for
the first time.
PRISONER--Precisely the same thing, but in different
phraseology. Am I to understand that I have not liberty to
address the court as to why sentence should not be pronounced
upon me?
THE CHIEF BARON--You are not so to consider. You are at
liberty to address the court, but you are not at liberty to
comment upon the evidence to show that the verdict was wrong.
PRISONER--What can I speak on? To what can I speak, if not to
something connected with my case? I am not here to refer to a
church matter or any political question.
THE CHIEF BARON--I have informed you what we are bound to
rule.
PRISONER--Then I state, my lord, that as an American citizen,
I protest against the whole jurisdiction of this court, from
the commencement of my arraignment down to the end of my
trial. I protest against being brought here forcibly, and
against my being convicted on the evidence of a man whom you
yourselves designated a man of the most odious character.
You instructed the jury pointedly on one occasion, and
subsequently you said that no respectable jury could act on
his evidence, and that it was a calamity for any government,
to have to resort to the evidence of such a man. I do not wish
to say anything disrespectful to this eourt, but I think I may
say that if I stand here as a convicted felon, the privilege
should be accorded to me that has been accorded to every other
person who stood here before me in a similar position. There
is a portion of the trial to which I particularly wish to
refer. That is, in reference to the oath which it was stated
the pilot was forced to take on board the vessel. Much
importance was attached to this matter, and therefore I wish
to ask you and others in this court to look and to inquire if
there is any man here who could suppose that I am scoundrel
enough and ignorant enough to take an ignorant man, put a
pistol to his face, and force him to take an oath I ask you,
in the first place, not to believe that I am such a scoundrel,
and in the second that I am not such an idiot. If I were at
this moment going to my grave, I could say that I never saw
that man Gallagher till I saw him in Kilmainham prison. These
men, although they have been, day after day, studying lessons
under able masters, contradicted each other on the trial, and
have been perjuring themselves. Gallagher, in his evidence,
swore that his first and second informations were false, and
that he knew them to be false. It is contrary to all precedent
to convict a man on the evidence of a witness who admits
that he swore what was false. In America I have seen judges,
hundreds of times, sentencing men who were taken off the
table, put into the dock, and sent to prison. In this case,
this poor, ignorant man was brought into Kilmainham gaol on
the 1st of July. He knew my name, heard it called several
times, knew of the act of which I was suspected, and, on the
2nd of August he was taken away. On the 12th of October he
is brought back, and out of a party of forty or fifty he
identifies only three. If that man came on board the vessel,
he did so in his ordinary capacity as a pilot. He did his
duty, got his pay, and left. His subsequent evidence was
additions. With respect to the vessel, I submit that there was
not a shadow of evidence to prove that there was any intention
of a hostile landing, and that the evidence as to the identity
of the vessel would not stand for a moment where either law
or justice would be regarded. Now, as to the Flying Dutchman
which it is said appeared on the coast of Sligo and on the
coast of Dungarvan, in Gallagher's information nothing is said
about the dimensions of the vessel. Neither length, breadth,
or tonnage is given, but in making his second information he
revised the first.
The prisoner then proceeded to argue that there was nothing to show
that the vessel which had appeared in Sligo harbour was the same with
that which had appeared off Dungarvan, except the testimony of the
informer, Buckley, of which there was no corroboration. He also denied
the truth of Corydon's evidence, in several particulars, and then went
on to say--
As to the position in which I am now placed by British law,
I have to repeat that I am an American citizen, and owe
allegiance to the government of the United States. I am a
soldier, and have belonged to the National Militia of America.
Now, if war had broken out between the two countries, and that
I had been taken prisoner, the English government, according
to English law, would hold me guilty of high treason. I would
not be treated as an ordinary prisoner of war, but would be
liable to be strung up at the yard arm. See then the position
of England towards the United States. The Crown should not be
in such haste to act thus. It was hardly a judicious policy.
Andrew Johnson was the grandson of an Irishman; Mr. Seward was
the son of an Irishwoman; General Jackson was the son of an
Irishman; General Washington and Benjamin Franklin lived
and died British subjects, if this law be correct. There is
another point to which I wish to refer--it is to the manner in
which my government has acted in this matter--
THE CHIEF BARON--We cannot allow you to enter into remarks on
the conduct of any government. We have simply to sit here to
administer the law which we are called upon to discharge.
THE PRISONER--I wish simply to call your attention to one
point. On the 3rd of August I wrote to my government--
THE CHIEF BARON--I cannot allow you to refer to that.
THE PRISONER--The President of the United States, on a report
submitted to him--
THE CHIEF BARON--I cannot allow you to proceed with any
reference to what has been done by any government. We have
nothing to do with the conduct of any government We are only
here to administer the law which we are sworn to administer.
THE PRISONER--I was simply going to state that while the vile
officials of your government--.
THE CHIEF BARON--We have nothing to do with the conduct of any
government. We are here to dispense justice according to
law, and whatever the officials of our government or of
the American government have done cannot have the slightest
influence upon our judgment. It can neither affect us
favourably or unfavourably to the prisoner or to the Crown. We
stand indifferently between both.
THE PRISONER--I beg simply to call your lordship's attention
to the correspondence--
THE CHIEF BARON--We cannot allow you to do so. We cannot allow
you to refer to the correspondence between the officials of
one government and the officials of another.
THE PRISONER--If America does not resent England's conduct
towards me, and protect that allegiance to her government
which I proudly own is the only allegiance I ever
acknowledged, I shall call on thirteen millions of Irishmen--
THE CHIEF BARON--I cannot allow you to use the position in
which you stand there as the arena for those observations.
PRISONER--I must then state, in conclusion, that while I
protest against the jurisdiction, I am confident that the
position which I take will be sustained. I know that the
verdict of the jury will be reversed, and while returning you,
my lord, thanks for your kindness during the trial, I must
say you have taken from me the privilege I am entitled to
get. I am sure that I shall live longer than the British
Constitution.
* * * * *