[Footnote 31: In alluding to the famous "greenback raid" (October 14,

1864), in which a party of Rangers entered a train of the Baltimore

and Ohio Railroad, near Kearneysville, capturing, among other

officers, Majors Moore and Ruggles, Federal paymasters, with their

funds, Lieutenant Grogan, of the Rangers, has said that the command,

the next day, "met at Bloomfield, in Loudoun County, and examined into

the condition of our sub-U.S. Treasury, and finding there a net

surplus of $168,000, the same was divided among our stockholders

($2,000 each) and circulated so freely in Loudoun that never

afterwards was there a pie or blooded horse sold in that section for

Confederate money."]

Many of his followers were recruited in Loudoun County. A few before

the advent of Mosby had pursued peaceable vocations; but the command

consisted in the main of men who had seen active service in the

cavalry and infantry regiments, but tiring of the routine and

discipline of the camp had returned to their homes in Loudoun and

adjoining counties. At times he had with him dauntless spirits who had

been incapacitated for infantry duty by reason of wounds received in

action, some of these carrying crutches along with them tied to their

saddle bows. At another time he enrolled several experienced fighters

who had been absent from their regiments without leave ever since the

first battle of Bull Run--a period of nearly two years.

With this promiscuous following, which at no time exceeded one hundred

men, he instituted a long unbroken series of successful strategems,

surprises, and night attacks, harassing the communications of the

Federal armies, confusing their plans by capturing dispatches,

destroying supply trains, subjecting their outposts to the wear and

tear of a perpetual skirmish, in short, inflicting all the mischief

possible for a small body of cavalry moving rapidly from point to

point on the communications of an army.

He believed that by incessant attacks he could compel the enemy either

greatly to contract his lines or to reinforce them, both of which

would have been of great advantage to the Southern cause. By assuming

the aggressive, a rule from which he not once departed, he could force

the enemy to guard a hundred points, leaving himself free to select

any one of them for attack.

But the theories, purposes, and methods of this peer of partisan

leaders is best explained by himself. Simply and unostentatiously, but

withal convincingly, expressed, they give to the man and his deeds the

unmistakable semblance of fairness and legitimacy. These, together

with his masterly defense of partisan warfare, follow in modified and

disconnected form:

"The military value of a partisan's work is not measured by

the amount of property destroyed, or the number of men

killed or captured, but by the number he keeps watching.

Every soldier withdrawn from the front to guard the rear of

an army is so much taken from its fighting strength.

"I endeavored, as far as I was able, to diminish this

aggressive power of the army of the Potomac, by compelling

it to keep a large force on the defensive. I assailed its

rear, for there was its most vulnerable point. My men had no

camps. If they had gone into camp, they would soon have all

been captured.... A blow would be struck at a weak or

unguarded point, and then a quick retreat. The alarm would

spread through the sleeping camp, the long roll would be

beaten or the bugles would sound to horse, there would be

mounting in hot haste and a rapid pursuit. But the partisans

generally got off with their prey. Their pursuers were

striking at an invisible foe. I often sent small squads at

night to attack and run in the pickets along a line of

several miles. Of course, these alarms were very annoying,

for no human being knows how sweet sleep is but a soldier. I

wanted to use and consume the Northern cavalry in hard work.

I have often thought that their fierce hostility to me was

more on account of the sleep I made them lose than the

number we killed and captured."

* * * * *

"My purpose was to weaken the armies invading Virginia, by

harassing their rear. As a line is only as strong as its

weakest point, it was necessary for it to be stronger than I

was at every point, in order to resist my attacks.... It is

just as legitimate to fight an enemy in the rear as in

front. The only difference is in the danger. Now, to prevent

all these things from being done, heavy detachments must be

made to guard against them."

* * * * *

"The line that connects an army with its base of supplies is

the heel of Achilles--its most vital and vulnerable point.

It is a great achievement in war to compel an enemy to make

heavy detachments to guard it...."

* * * * *

"Having no fixed lines to guard or defined territory to

hold, it was always my policy to elude the enemy when they

came in search of me, and carry the war into their own

camps."

* * * * *

"These operations were erratic simply in not being in

accordance with the fixed rules taught by the academies; but

in all that I did there was a unity of purpose, and a plan

which my commanding general understood and approved."

* * * * *

" ... while I conducted war on the theory that the end of it

is to secure peace by the destruction of the resources of

the enemy, with as small a loss as possible to my own side,

there is no authenticated act of mine which is not perfectly

in accordance with approved military usage. Grant, Sherman,

and Stonewall Jackson had about the same ideas that I had on

the subject of war."

Though all his engagements were reported to Stuart till the death of

that great cavalry leader, in May, 1864, and afterward to General

Robert E. Lee, Mosby was allowed the freedom of untrammeled action in

the sense that the operations of his command were left to his

individual discretion.

The following militant verses were published in a Southern magazine,

soon after the war, and won immediate popularity:

_Mosby at Hamilton._

BY MADISON CAWEIN.

Down Loudoun lanes, with swinging reins

And clash of spur and sabre,

And bugling of battle horn,

Six score and eight we rode at morn

Six score and eight of Southern born,

All tried in love and labor.

Full in the sun at Hamilton,

We met the South's invaders;

Who, over fifteen hundred strong,

'Mid blazing homes had marched along

All night, with Northern shout and song,

To crush the rebel raiders.

Down Loudoun lanes with streaming manes

We spurred in wild March weather;

And all along our war-scarred way

The graves of Southern heroes lay,

Our guide posts to revenge that day,

As we rode grim together.

Old tales still tell some miracle

Of saints in holy writing--

But who shall say why hundreds fled

Before the few that Mosby led,

Unless the noblest of our dead

Charged with us then when fighting.

While Yankee cheers still stunned our ears,

Of troops at Harper's Ferry,

While Sheridan led on his Huns,

And Richmond rocked to roaring guns,

We felt the South still had some sons,

She would not scorn to bury.

_Battle of Leesburg_[32] ("_Ball's Bluff_"[33]).

"After the first battle of Manassas, Col. Eppa Hunton had been ordered

to reoccupy Leesburg with his regiment, the Eighth Virginia. A little

later Col. William Barksdale's Thirteenth Mississippi, Col. W.S.

Featherstone's Seventeenth Mississippi, a battery, and four companies

of cavalry under Col. W.H. Jenifer were sent to the same place, and

these were organized into the Seventh Brigade of the Confederate Army

of the Potomac, which, early in August, was put under command of

Brig.-Gen. Nathan G. Evans, who had been promoted for his brave

conduct July 21st. General Beauregard's object in locating this strong

force at Leesburg was to guard his left flank from a Federal attack by

way of several good roads that led from the fords of the upper

Potomac, near that town, directly to his Bull Run encampment; to watch

the large Federal force that McClellan had located on the opposite

side of the Potomac; to keep up a connection with the Confederate

force in the lower Shenandoah Valley by a good turnpike that led from

Leesburg across the Blue Ridge, and to save for his army the abundant

supplies of the fertile County of Loudoun.

"On the 15th of October (1861) General Banks' division of the Federal

army was located at Darnestown, Md., about fifteen miles due east from

Leesburg, with detachments at Point of Rocks, Sandy Hook,

Williamsport, etc.; while the division of Brig.-Gen. C.P. Stone,

composed of six companies of cavalry, three of artillery, and the

infantry brigades of Gens. W.A. Gorman and F.W. Lander and Col. E.D.

Baker, was located at Poolesville, eight miles north of east from

Leesburg. The object in this disposition of so large a force was, not

only to guard the right of the big Federal army that General McClellan

was gathering at Washington, but especially to cover the important

approaches from the northwest to Baltimore and the Federal city,

particularly those from the lower Shenandoah Valley and northeastern

Piedmont, Virginia.

[Footnote 32: Virginia Military History, by Jedediah Hotchkiss.]

[Footnote 33: Also called "Battle of Harrison's Island" and "Battle of

Conrad's Ferry."]

"On October 19th, McCall's Federal division advanced to Dranesville,

on the road to Leesburg and about 15 miles from that place, 'in order

to cover the reconnoissance made in all directions the next day;' and

later, Smith's Federal division advanced along a parallel road to the

west, acting in concert with General McCall, and pushed forward strong

parties in the same direction and for the same purpose. About 7 p.m.

of the 19th, Stone's advance opened a heavy cannonade on the

Confederate positions at Fort Evans, on the Leesburg pike, and at

Edwards' Ferry, and at the same time General Evans heard heavy firing

in the direction of Dranesville. At midnight General Evans ordered his

whole brigade to the front, along the line of Goose Creek, 3 miles

southeast of Leesburg, where he had a line of intrenchments, to there

await an expected attack from General McCall, the next morning,

Sunday, October 20th, as it had been reported that the Federal advance

was moving in force from Dranesville toward Leesburg. Evans' scouts

captured McCall's courier bearing dispatches to General Meade,

directing him to examine the roads leading to Leesburg. The Federal

batteries kept up a deliberate fire during the day, but no assault was

made.

"On the morning of the 20th the Federal signal officer on Sugar Loaf

Mountain, in Maryland, reported 'the enemy have moved away from

Leesburg.' This Banks wired to McClellan, whereupon the latter wired

to Stone, at Poolesville, that a heavy reconnoissance would be sent

out that day, in all directions, from Dranesville, concluding: 'You

will keep a good lookout upon Leesburg, to see if this movement has

the effect to drive them away. Perhaps a slight demonstration on your

part would have the effect to move them.' McClellan desired Stone to

make demonstrations from his picket line along the Potomac, but did

not intend that he should cross the river, in force, for the purpose

of fighting. Late in the day Stone reported that he had made a feint

of crossing, and at the same time had started a reconnoissance from

Harrison's Island toward Leesburg, when the enemy's pickets retired to

intrenchments. That 'slight demonstration' brought on the battle of

Ball's Bluff on Monday, October 21st. On the morning of the 21st,

McCall retired from Evan's front to his camp at Prospect Hill, 4 miles

up the river from the Chain bridge. From his point of observation, at

the earthworks called 'Fort Evans,' to the eastward of Leesburg,

overlooking the fords at Conrad's and Edwards' ferries and Ball's

Bluff, Evans, at 6 a.m. on the 21st, found that the enemy of Stone's

division had effected a crossing at Edwards' Ferry and at Ball's

Bluff, 4 miles above. He promptly sent four companies from his

Mississippi regiments and two companies of cavalry, under the command

of Lieutenant-Colonel W.H. Jenifer to the assistance of Captain Duff,

to hold the enemy in check until his plan of attack should be

developed. Colonel Jenifer immediately engaged the Federal advance and

drove it back toward Ball's Bluff.

"The force that had crossed at Harrison's Island, about midnight of

the 20th, was part of the command of Colonel Baker, some 300 men under

Col. Charles Devens, of the Fifteenth Massachusetts. Its object was to

capture a Confederate camp that had been reported to be about a mile

from the river. This force advanced to an open field surrounded by

woods, where it halted until it could be joined by a company from the

Twentieth Massachusetts, which had been left on the bluff, on the

Virginia side, to protect the Federal return. Devens, at daybreak,

pushed forward with a few men to reconnoiter, and, in person, went to

within sight of Leesburg. Thinking he had not been discovered Devens

determined to remain and sent back to his brigade commander, Colonel

Baker, for reinforcements. The latter consulted his division

commander, General Stone, and obtained permission to either withdraw

Devens or to send over reinforcements to him. He promptly directed

Devens to hold his position and said that he would support him in

person with the rest of his brigade. The boats and flats that had been

provided for crossing the Potomac from the Maryland shore to

Harrison's Island and from the latter to the Virginia shore were

entirely inadequate, and it was nearly noon before Devens' regiment of

625 men was closed up on the Virginia shore.

"Convinced at about 10 a.m. that the main Federal attack would be at

Ball's Bluff, four miles northeast of Leesburg, Evans ordered Colonel

Hunton with the Eighth Virginia[34] to the support of Colonel Jenifer,

directing him to form the line of battle immediately in the rear of

Jenifer's command, and that the combined force should then drive the

enemy to the river, while he, General Evans, supported the right of

the movement with artillery. This movement was made soon after noon

and the opposing forces at once became hotly engaged, the Confederates

advancing on the Federals, who held a strong position in front of the

woods. Learning, at about this time, that an opposing force was

gathering on his left and that he would soon be vigorously attacked by

a body of infantry that appeared in that direction and by a body of

dismounted cavalry that had deployed in his front, and apprehensive of

being flanked, Devens retired his regiment to an open space in the

woods, in front of the bluff, and prepared to receive an attack. To

ascertain about reinforcements Devens went back to the bluff about 2

p.m., where he found Colonel Baker, who directed him to form his

regiment on the right of the position that he proposed to occupy,

while Baker placed 300 of the Twentieth Massachusetts on the left and

advanced in front of these his California regiment, with two guns,

supported by two companies of the Fifteenth Massachusetts. At about

the same hour General Stone ferried a strong force across the river at

Edwards' Ferry to make a demonstration on Evans' right, leaving

Colonel Baker in command at Ball's Bluff. Stone then telegraphed to

McClellan: 'There has been a sharp firing on the right of our line,

and our troops appear to be advancing there under Baker. The left,

under Gorman, has advanced its skirmishers nearly one mile, and, if

the movement continues successful, will turn the enemy's right.'

[Footnote 34: The regiment in which were several companies of Loudoun

soldiers.]

"At about 2.30 p.m., General Evans, having the advantage of a

concealed, shorter, and inner line, seeing that the enemy was being

constantly reinforced, ordered Colonel Burt, with the Eighteenth

Mississippi, to attack the Federal left, while Hunton and Jenifer

attacked his front, holding the attack at Edwards' Ferry in check by

batteries from his intrenchments. As Colonel Burt reached his

position, the enemy, concealed in a ravine, opened on him a furious

fire, which compelled him to divide his regiment and stop the flank

movement that had already begun. At about 3 p.m., Featherstone, with

the Seventeenth Mississippi, was sent at a double-quick to support

Burt's movement. Evans reports: 'He arrived in twenty minutes and the

action became general along my whole line, and was very hot and brisk

for more than two hours, the enemy keeping up a constant fire with his

batteries on both sides of the river. At about 6 p.m. I saw that my

command had driven the enemy to near the banks of the river. I ordered

my entire force to charge and drive him into the river. The charge was

immediately made by the whole command, and the forces of the enemy

were completely routed, and cried out for quarter along his whole

line. In this charge the enemy was driven back at the point of the

bayonet, and many were killed and wounded by this formidable weapon.

In the precipitate retreat of the enemy on the bluffs of the river,

many of his troops rushed into the water and were drowned, while many

others, in overloading the boats, sunk them and shared the same fate.

The rout now, about 7 o'clock, became complete, and the enemy

commenced throwing his arms into the river.... At 8 p.m. the enemy

surrendered his forces at Ball's Bluff, and the prisoners were marched

to Leesburg.'

"During this action, Colonel Barksdale, with nine companies of the

Thirteenth Mississippi and six pieces of artillery, was held to oppose

Stone's movement from Edwards' Ferry and also as a reserve. After the

engagement, Evans withdrew all his brigade to Leesburg, except

Barksdale's regiment, which he left in front of Edwards' Ferry.

"Each of the combatants had about 1,700 men engaged in this action.

The Confederates had no artillery in the fight, while the Federals

had three light guns. Shortly after the action became general, Colonel

Baker, passing in front of his command, was killed by a sharpshooter,

which so demoralized the Federals that the surviving officers

conferred and decided to retreat. This was opposed by Colonel Milton

Cogswell, of the Forty-second New York, who had succeeded Colonel

Baker in command. He said a retreat down the bluff and across the

river was now impossible, and that they must cut their way through the

Confederate right to Edwards' Ferry. He promptly gave orders to that

effect, and moved to the front, followed by the remnants of his own

two companies and a portion of the California regiment, but not by the

others. He was quickly driven back and the whole Federal command was

forced to the river bluff in great disorder. Just then two companies

of the Forty-second New York landed on the Virginia shore. These

Colonel Cogswell ordered up the bluff and deployed as skirmishers to

cover the Federal retreat, while he advanced to the left with a small

party, and was almost immediately captured. Colonel Devens escaped by

swimming the river.

"On the morning of the 22nd, Colonel Barksdale informed General Evans

that the enemy was still in force at Edwards' Ferry. He was ordered to

carefully reconnoiter the Federal position, learn its strength and

make attack. This he did, at about 2 p.m., and drove a superior force

from an intrenched position to the bank of the river, killing and

wounding quite a number of men. At about sundown, the Federals, having

been reinforced and holding rifle-pits, Barksdale withdrew to Fort

Evans, leaving two companies to watch his front. The enemy recrossed

the Potomac during the night. Evans reported his loss, in the thirteen

hours of fight, on the 21st, as 36 killed,[35] 117 wounded, and 2

missing, from a force of 1,709. Among the killed was the brave Colonel

Burt. The Federal losses were returned at 49 killed, 158 wounded, and

694 missing. General Evans claimed the capture of 710 prisoners, 1,500

stands of arms, 3 cannon and 1 flag.

[Footnote 35: The Confederate soldiers who fell in the battle of Ball's

Bluff are buried in Union Cemetery, on the northern border of

Leesburg. Their resting place is marked by an imposing marble shaft,

in honor of the comrades of "the lost cause," "wherever they lie."

Many of the Union soldiers who perished at Ball's Bluff lie buried

where they fell. Their mournful little cemetery was recently acquired

by the Federal government and its approaches and environs greatly

improved. The battlefield is still one of the chief points of interest

to visitors to central Loudoun.]

"Evans called on Longstreet for reinforcements when he reported his

battle of the 21st, thinking that 20,000 Federals were in his front.

Colonel Jenkins, with the Eighteenth South Carolina cavalry and

artillery was dispatched from Centreville in the afternoon of the 22d,

and marched toward Leesburg, through mud and a driving rain, until

midnight, when the infantry went into bivouac; but Captain C.M.

Blackford's cavalry and four guns of the Washington artillery hurried

forward all night and came in sight of Leesburg about daylight of the

23d. That morning, finding his men much exhausted, General Evans

ordered three of his regiments to fall back to Carter's mill, a strong

position on Goose Creek, about 7 miles southwest from Leesburg, and

join Jenkins, who had been halted at that place, leaving Barksdale

with his regiment, two pieces of artillery and some cavalry, as a rear

guard near Leesburg, and Hunton, with his Eighth Virginia and two

pieces of artillery, on the south bank of Sycoline Creek, 3 miles from

Leesburg, and sending his cavalry well to the front toward

Alexandria."

_Munford's Fight at Leesburg._[36]

"Having driven Pope's army to a secure position behind the defences of

Washington, General Lee turned northward to the Potomac and began the

first Maryland campaign.

"While this movement was in progress Stuart covered the front toward

Washington. He had learned that an irregular body of cavalry under a

certain Captain Means was harassing the citizens in the vicinity of

Leesburg, and on the 2d of September (1862) he sent Colonel Munford,

with the Second Virginia Cavalry, to that point. On approaching

Leesburg, Munford learned that it was occupied by Means' company and

that he was supported by about two hundred men under Major Cole, of

Maryland. Munford's regiment numbered only about one hundred and sixty

men, but, approaching Leesburg by an unexpected direction, he effected

a surprise, and after a heavy skirmish completely routed Means' party

and pursued him to Waterford, a distance of seven miles. He captured

forty-seven prisoners, and killed or wounded twenty."

[Footnote 36: _Life and Campaigns of Maj.-Gen. J. E. B. Stuart._]

_Battle at Aldie._[37]

"Early on the morning of the 17th of June, 1863, Colonel Munford, with

the 2d and 3rd Virginia Cavalry, moved from Upperville through

Middleburg, and having established his picket posts east of Aldie,

crossed over to Snicker's Gap road and proceeded with these two

regiments to procure corn at the house of Franklin Carter, about a

mile distant. He expected to encamp that night in the vicinity of

Aldie.

"Colonel Williams C. Wickham, with the 1st, 4th, and 5th Virginia

Cavalry, the remaining regiments of the brigade, had moved from

Piedmont through Middleburg, and was about to place his men in camp at

Dover Mills, near Aldie.

"The 5th regiment, Col. Thomas L. Rosser, which arrived some little

time after the 1st and 4th, was directed by Colonel Wickham to pass

beyond Dover Mills, and select a camp nearer Aldie. In so doing

Colonel Rosser encountered the enemy, who was rapidly driving back the

pickets established by Colonel Munford.

"The force of the enemy making this attack was the 2d cavalry

division, commanded by Gen. D.M. Gregg, and accompanied by

Major-General Pleasonton. General Kilpatrick's brigade, consisting of

the 2d New York, 1st Massachusetts, 6th Ohio, and 4th New York

regiments, supported by the 1st Maine Cavalry from Col. J.J. Gregg's

brigade, and by Randol's battery, appears to have done all the

fighting. The two other brigades of General Gregg's division were

closed up within supporting distance.

[Footnote 37: _Life and Campaigns of Maj.-Gen. J. E. B. Stuart._]

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