TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES
The Third Part of The Greville Memoirs contains two volumes, of which
this is the first. The second volume is available from Project Gutenberg
at https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/40681
All spellings are as they appeared in the original text save for those
that were obviously printer's errors.
All phrases that are in languages other than English have been
italicised for consistency. The oe ligature is replaced by the separate
letters oe.
There are two styles of footnotes used in this work. Footnotes enclosed
in square brackets [ ] are by the editor. Footnotes not enclosed in
square brackets are by the author.
1 [This note is by the editor.]
2 This note is by the author.
THE
GREVILLE MEMOIRS
(THIRD PART)
VOL. I.
PRINTED BY
SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
LONDON
_THE GREVILLE MEMOIRS_
(_THIRD PART_)
A JOURNAL OF THE REIGN
OF
QUEEN VICTORIA
FROM 1852 TO 1860
BY THE LATE
CHARLES C. F. GREVILLE, ESQ.
CLERK OF THE COUNCIL
IN TWO VOLUMES--VOL. I.
LONDON
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
1887
_All rights reserved_
PREFACE
OF THE EDITOR
TO THE THIRD PART OF THIS JOURNAL.
It appears to be unnecessary and inexpedient to delay the publication of
the last portion of these papers, which contain some record of the
events occurring between the year 1852 and the close of the year 1860, a
period already remote from the present time, and relating almost
exclusively to men of the last generation. I have little to add to the
notices prefixed by me to the two preceding portions of this work, but I
am grateful for the length of days which has enabled me to complete the
task confided to me by Mr. Greville three and twenty years ago, and to
leave behind me a record of that delightful company to which I was bound
by the closest ties of intimacy and friendship. On looking back upon the
first half of the present century, I believe that we were too
unconscious of the exceptional privileges we enjoyed, and that we did
not sufficiently appreciate the remarkable gifts of the statesmen, the
orators, the historians, the poets, and the wits who shed an
incomparable lustre on the politics, the literature, and the social
intercourse of those years. Of these personages some traces are to be
found in the preceding volumes and in these pages.
Nor am I less grateful for the reception this publication has met with
from the world, which has far surpassed the modest expectations of the
author, and has at last conveyed to the reader a just estimate of the
integrity and ability with which these Journals were written. They bear
evident marks of the changes which are wrought in a man's character and
judgements by the experience of life and the course of years; and they
fall naturally into the three periods or divisions of Mr. Greville's
life which I was led from other causes to adopt. In the first part he
appears as a man of fashion and of pleasure, plunged, as was not
inconsistent with his age and his social position, in the dissipation
and the amusements of the day; but he was beginning to get tired of
them. In the second part he enters with all the energy of which he was
capable, though shackled by his official position, upon the great
political struggles of the time--the earnest advocate of peace, of
moderation, of justice, and of liberal principles--regarding with a
discriminating eye and with some severity of judgement the actions of
men swayed by motives of ambition and vanity, from which he was himself
free. This was the most active period of his life. But years advanced,
and with age the infirmities from which he had always suffered withdrew
him more and more from society, and deprived him of many of those
sources of intelligence which had been so freely opened to him. Hence it
is possible that the volumes now published contain less of novelty and
original information than the preceding portions of the work. But on the
other hand, the events recorded in them are of a more momentous
character--the re-establishment of the French Empire, the Imperial
Court, the Crimean War, the Indian Mutiny, and the Italian War, are more
interesting than the rise or fall of a Ministry; and it is curious to
note precisely the effect produced at the time on the mind of a
contemporary observer. No one was more conscious of the incompleteness
of these Journals, and of a certain roughness, due to the impromptu
character of a manuscript hastily written down, and rarely corrected,
than the author of them. He was more disposed to underrate their merit,
as appears from his concluding remarks, than to exaggerate their
importance. But the public have judged of them more favourably; and if
he entertained a hope that he might contribute some pages to the record
of his times and the literature of his country, that hope was not
altogether vain.
HENRY REEVE.
_January 1887_.
CONTENTS
OF
THE FIRST VOLUME.
CHAPTER I.
Divisions of the Liberal Party--Lord Lansdowne as Head of a Liberal
Government--Hostility of the Radicals--National Defences--Lord John
Russell's Literary Pursuits--The Queen's Speech--The
Peelites--Protection abandoned--Duke of Wellington's Funeral--Mr.
Villiers' Motion--Disraeli's Panegyric on Wellington--Death of Miss
Berry--The Division on the Resolution--Disraeli's Budget--Lord
Palmerston's Position--The Division on the Budget--Lord Derby
resigns--Liberal Negotiations--Formation of Lord Aberdeen's
Government--Lord St. Leonards--Tone of the Conservatives--Lord
Clanricarde and the Irish Brigade--Violence of the Tories--Lord
Palmerston agrees to join the Government--The Aberdeen Cabinet--First
Appearance of the New Ministry--Irritation of the Whigs _page 1_
CHAPTER II.
A Royal Commission on Reform--M. de Flahault on the Emperor
Napoleon--Lord John's Blunder--Disraeli's Negotiation with the Irish
Members--Lord Beauvale's Death--Lady Beauvale's Grief--Napoleon III. and
Mdlle. de Montijo--Parliament meets--The Emperor's Marriage--Disraeli's
Attack on Sir C. Wood--Dislike of Mr. Disraeli--Lord John Russell leaves
the Foreign Office--Lord Stanley's Liberal Votes--Disraeli's Opinion of
his Colleagues--The Government in Smooth Water--England unpopular
abroad--Massimo d'Azeglio--The Austrians in Italy--The Bishop of
Lincoln--The Duke of Bedford's Papers--Lord Palmerston leads the
House--Social Amenities--Rancour of Northern Powers against
England--Friendly Resolution of the Emperor Napoleon III.--Difficulties
at Home--The India Bill--The Eastern Question--The Czar's
Proposals--Russian Assurances--The Royal Family _page 30_
CHAPTER III.
Weakness of the Government--Gladstone's Budget--A Conversation with
Disraeli--Suicidal Conduct of the Tories--Their Irritation--A Charge
against Mr. Gladstone defeated--The Stafford Committee--Harmony of the
Government--Electoral Corruption--Impending War--Success of the
Government--Macaulay's Speech on the Judges' Exclusion Bill--Erroneous
Predictions from Paris--Unsettled Policy as to the War--Lord John's
Anti-Catholic Speech--The English and French Fleets sail for the
Dardanelles--Conduct of Austria--Russia means War--Attacks by the
Opposition--Explanations desired--Attempted Mediation--Lord Aberdeen's
Confidence shaken--Divisions of Opinion--Terms of Accommodation--Lord
Palmerston's Views--Prospect of Peace--Division in the Lords on the
Succession Duties Bill--Friendly Relations of Lord Palmerston and Lord
Clarendon--Fears of War--Hopes of Peace--Lord Palmerston and Mr.
Cobden--Rejection of the Vienna Note--Lord Palmerston courted by the
Tories--Lord John Russell's Position--The Duke of Bedford's part in the
last Crisis--Dangers at Constantinople--Lord Stratford's
Influence--Suspected Intrigue of France and Russia--Lord Palmerston goes
to Balmoral--Sir James Graham's View--Lord Stratford's
Conduct--Importance of the Vienna Note--A Cabinet summoned _page 58_
CHAPTER IV.
The Conference at Olmütz--The Turks declare War--Lord Palmerston's
Views--Lord Palmerston lauded by the Radicals and the Tories--Failure of
the Pacific Policy--Lord Aberdeen desires to resign--Lord John to be
Prime Minister--Obstacles to Lord John's Pretensions--Danger of breaking
up the Government--Lord John's Wilfulness and Unpopularity--Alliance of
the Northern Powers defeated by Manteuffel--Conflict of the two
Policies--Meeting of Parliament discussed--French Refugees in
Belgium--General Baraquay d'Hilliers sent to Constantinople--Mr. Reeve
returns from the East--Lord John's Reform Bill--The Emperor of Russia
writes to the Queen--Sir James Graham's Views on Reform, &c.--Opponents
of the Reform Scheme--Abortive Attempts at Negotiation--The Four Powers
agree to a Protocol--Lord Palmerston threatens to secede--Lord
Palmerston resigns on the Reform Scheme--Lord Palmerston opposed to
Reform--Effects of Lord Palmerston's Resignation--Conciliatory
Overtures--Lord Lansdowne's Position--Lord Aberdeen's Account--Lady
Palmerston makes up the Dispute--Lord Palmerston withdraws his
Resignation--Baraquay d'Hilliers refuses to enter the Black Sea--War
resolved on--Review of the transaction _page 92_
CHAPTER V.
Lord Palmerston's Return--The Czar's Designs--Uncertain Prospects--A
Dinner of Lawyers--Preparations for War--The Reform Scheme
modified--Russian Preparations for War--Entry of the Black
Sea--Intrigues of France with Russia--Attacks on Prince
Albert--Virulence of the Press--Attitude of Russia--Reluctance on both
sides to engage in War--Prince Albert's Participation in Affairs of
State--Opening of Parliament--Vindication of Prince Albert--Offer of
Marriage of Prince Napoleon to Princess Mary of Cambridge--Publication
of the Queen's Speech--The Hesitation of Austria--Justification of the
War--The Blue Books--Popularity of the War--Last Efforts for Peace--The
Emperor Napoleon's Letter--Lord John's Reform Bill--Difficulties
arising--The Greeks--Objections to the Reform Bill--Postponement of the
Reform Bill _page 121_
CHAPTER VI.
Dinner to Sir Charles Napier--A Ministerial Indiscretion--Doubts as to
the Reform Bill--Discontent of Lord John Russell--The Secret
Correspondence with Russia--War declared--Weakness of the
Government--Mr. Greville disapproves the War--Divisions in the
Cabinet--Withdrawal of the Reform Bill--Blunder of the Government--The
Fast Day--Licences to trade in War--Death of the Marquis of
Anglesey--Mr. Gladstone's Financial Failures--Dissolution of
Parties--Mr. Gladstone's Budget--Lord Cowley's Opinion of the Emperor's
Position--The House of Commons supports the War--Disraeli attacks Lord
John Russell--A Change of Plans--Lord John Russell's
Mismanagement--Attacks on Lord Aberdeen--Popularity of the
War--Government Majority in the Lords--Attitude of the German Powers--A
meeting of the Liberal Party--An Appointment cancelled--Expedition to
the Crimea--English and French Policy united in Spain--Close of the
Session--The Character of Lord Aberdeen's Government--Effect of the
Quarrel with Russia--Lord Palmerston's Resignation--Waywardness of the
House of Commons _page 145_
CHAPTER VII.
Difficulties of the Campaign--Prince Albert and the King of Prussia--The
Prince goes to France--Military Commanders--Critical Relations of the
Ministers--The Crimea--The Emperor Napoleon and Prince Albert--Austria
and the Allies--The Landing in the Crimea--The Battle of the Alma--Royal
Invitations--The Crimean Expedition--Lord John's Hostility to his
Colleagues--False Report from Sebastopol--The Crimean
Campaign--Anecdotes of Lord Raglan--The Russian Defence--Trade with the
Enemy--Anecdote of Nesselrode--John Bright's Opinion of the War--Defence
of Sebastopol--The Balaklava Charge--The Judges at the Nomination of
Sheriffs--Lord John takes more moderate Views--The Battle of
Inkerman--Impolicy of the War--Inkerman--Spirit of the Nation--Military
Enthusiasm--Parliament summoned--Want of Foresight--Accounts of the
Battle--Lord Raglan as a General--Sufferings of the Army--Agreement with
Austria--Opponents of the War--Meeting of Parliament--The Government
attacked--The Foreign Enlistment Bill--Foreign Enlistment Bill
passed--Mr. Bright's Speech on the War--Review of the Year _page 182_
CHAPTER VIII.
Lord John's Views on the Ministry--Gloomy Prospects--Attacks on Lord
Raglan--Russian and Prussian Diplomacy--Lord Palmerston more in
favour--French View of the British Army--Russian Negotiations--Lord John
Russell in Paris--Conference at Vienna--Lord Raglan unmoved--Terms
proposed to Russia--Failure of the Duke of Newcastle--Hesitation of
Austria and France--Deplorable State of the Armies--Chances of
Peace--Meeting of Parliament--Further Negotiations--Lord John Russell
resigns--Ministers stay in--The Debate on Roebuck's Motion--Resignation
of Lord Aberdeen--Lord John Russell's real Motives--Lord Derby sent
for--and fails--Wise Decision of the Queen--Ministerial
Negotiations--Lord Palmerston sent for--The Peelites refuse to
join--Lord Palmerston forms a Government--Lord Palmerston's
Prospects--Lord John Russell sent to Vienna--Lord Palmerston in the
House of Commons--General Alarm--Difficulties of Lord Palmerston--The
Peelites secede--Lord John accepts the Colonial Office--Sir George Lewis
Chancellor of the Exchequer--Death of the Emperor Nicholas of
Russia--Lord Palmerston supposed to be a weak Debater--Weakness of the
Government--Fresh Arrangements--The Budget--The Press _page 217_
CHAPTER IX.
The Vienna Conference--Literary Occupations--A Roman Catholic Privy
Councillor--Negotiations at Vienna--The Emperor Napoleon in London--The
Emperor's brilliant Reception--Russia refuses the Terms offered--The
Sebastopol Committee--Debate on the War--Visit to Paris--Resignation of
M. Drouyn de Lhuys--The Emperor's Journey to the Crimea--The Repulse at
the Redan--Visit to Thiers--A Dinner at the Tuileries--Conversation with
the Emperor--M. Guizot on the War--Death of Lord Raglan--A Dinner at
Princess Lieven's--The Palace of Versailles--Revelations of Lord John
Russell's Mission--Dinner with the Emperor at Villeneuve l'Étang--Lord
John Russell's Conduct at Vienna--Excitement in London--Lord John's
Resignation--Lord John's Conduct explained--'Whom shall we
Hang?'--Prorogation of Parliament _page 253_
CHAPTER X.
The Queen's Visit to France--Sir George C. Lewis on the
War--Inefficiency of Lord Panmure--The Queen and the Emperor--Lord John
Russell's Estrangement from his Friends--The Fall of Sebastopol--The
Queen on the Orleans Confiscation--The Prince Regent's Letter on the
Holy Alliance--Ferment in Italy--The Failure at the Redan--Lord John's
Defence--General Windham--Lord John Russell's Retirement--Death of Sir
Robert Adair--Adieu to the Turf--Progress of the War--Colonial Office
proposed to Lord Stanley--Lord John Russell's Position--Relations with
Mr. Disraeli--Mr. Labouchere Colonial Secretary--Negotiations for
Peace--The Terms proposed to Russia--The King of Sardinia and M. de
Cavour at Windsor--The Demands of the King of Sardinia--Lord Palmerston
presses for War--Lord Macaulay's History of England--An Ultimatum to
Russia--Death of the Poet Rogers--French Ministers--The Emperor's
Diplomacy--Sir George C. Lewis's Aversion to the War--Quarrels of
Walewski and Persigny--Austria presents the Terms to Russia--Baron
Seebach mediates--The Emperor's Difficulties and Doubts _page 281_
A JOURNAL
OF THE
REIGN OF QUEEN VICTORIA
FROM 1852 TO 1860.
CHAPTER I.
Divisions of the Liberal Party--Lord Lansdowne as Head of a Liberal
Government--Hostility of the Radicals--National Defences--Lord John
Russell's Literary Pursuits--The Queen's Speech--The
Peelites--Protection abandoned--Duke of Wellington's Funeral--Mr.
Villiers' Motion--Disraeli's Panegyric on Wellington--Death of Miss
Berry--The Division on the Resolution--Disraeli's Budget--Lord
Palmerston's Position--The Division on the Budget--Lord Derby
resigns--Liberal Negotiations--Formation of Lord Aberdeen's
Government--Lord St. Leonard's--Tone of the Conservatives--Lord
Clanricarde and the Irish Brigade--Violence of the Tories--Lord
Palmerston agrees to join the Government--The Aberdeen
Cabinet--First Appearance of the New Ministry--Irritation of the
Whigs.
_October 22nd, 1852_.--As usual a long interval, for since the Duke's
death I have had nothing to write about. The distribution of his offices
and honours has not given satisfaction. The appointment of Fitzroy
Somerset would have been more popular than that of Hardinge to the
command of the army, especially with the army; but I have no doubt the
Court insisted on having Hardinge, who is a great favourite there.
MINISTERIAL COMBINATIONS.
Matters in politics remain much as they were. There has been a constant
interchange of letters between Lord John Russell and his leading
friends and adherents, and conversations and correspondence between
these and Palmerston, the result of the whole being a hopeless state of
discord and disagreement in the Liberal party, so complete that there
appears no possibility of all the scattered elements of opposition being
combined into harmonious action, the consequence of which can hardly
fail to be the continuance in office of the present Government. The
state of things may be thus summed up: Lord John Russell declares he
will take no office but that of Premier, considering any other a
degradation; but he says he does not want office, and if a Liberal
Government can be formed under anybody else he will give it his best
support. He resents greatly the expressed sentiments of those who would
put him by and choose another Prime Minister, and this resentment his
belongings foster as much as they can. Palmerston professes _personal_
regard for Lord John, but declares he will never again serve _under_
him, though he would _with_ him, and his great object has been to induce
Lord Lansdowne to consent to put himself at the head of a Government (if
this falls) under whom he would be willing to serve, and he would
consent to Lord John's leading the House of Commons as heretofore. This
he communicated to the Duke of Bedford in conversation at Brocket, and
he afterwards wrote a detailed account of that conversation to Lansdowne
himself, which was an invitation to him to act the part he wished to
allot to him. Lord Lansdowne wrote him an answer in which he positively
declined to put himself at the head of a Government, stating various
reasons why he could not, and his conviction that John Russell was the
only man who could be at the head of one hereafter. With regard to other
opinions, Graham is heart and soul with Lord John, and decidedly in
favour of his supremacy. The Whig party are divided, some still adhering
to him; others, resenting his conduct in the past Session and
distrusting his prudence, are anxious for another chief, but without
having much considered how another is to be found, nor the consequences
of deposing him. The Radicals are in an unsettled and undecided state,
neither entirely favourable nor entirely hostile to Lord John; the
Peelites are pretty unanimously against him, and not overmuch disposed
to join with the Whig party, being still more or less deluded with the
hope and belief that they may form a Government themselves. Graham has
always maintained (and, as I thought, with great probability) that it
would end in Palmerston's joining Derby, and at this moment such an
arrangement seems exceedingly likely to happen. There were two or three
articles not long ago in the 'Morning Post' (his own paper), which
tended that way. I have just been for two days to Broadlands, where I
had a good deal of talk with him and with Lady Palmerston, and I came
away with the conviction that it would end in his joining this
Government. He admitted it to be a possible contingency, but said he
could not come in _alone_, and only in the event of a remodelling of the
Cabinet and a sweep of many of the incapables now in it. Sidney Herbert,
who was there, told me he had talked to him in the same tone, and spoke
of eight seats being vacated in the Cabinet, and as if he expected that
nobody should _certainly_ remain there but Derby, Disraeli, and the
Chancellor. It is evident from this that it depends on Derby himself to
have him, and if he frames measures and announces principles such as
would enable Palmerston with credit and consistency to join him, and if
he will throw over a sufficient number of his present crew, he may so
strengthen his Government as to make it secure for some time. It may,
however, be a matter of considerable difficulty to turn out a great many
colleagues, and not less so for Palmerston to find people to bring in
with him; for though he is very popular, and can excite any amount of
cheering in the House of Commons, he has no political adherents
whatever, and if Derby was to place seats in the Cabinet at his disposal
he has nobody to put into them, unless he could prevail on Gladstone and
Herbert to go with him, which does not seem probable.[1]
[Footnote 1: A list of the members of Lord Derby's Administration will
be found in the third volume of the Second Part of this Journal, p.
451.]
_November 3rd._--Since writing the above, circumstances have occurred
which may have an important influence on future political events. John
Russell, whether moved by his own reflexions or the advice or opinions
of others I know not, has entirely changed his mind and become more
reasonable, moderate, and pliable than he has hitherto shown himself. He
has announced that if it should hereafter be found practicable to form a
Liberal Government under Lord Lansdowne, he will not object to serve
under him, only reserving to himself to judge of the expediency of
attempting such an arrangement, as well as of the Government that may be
formed. The letter in which he announced this to Lord Lansdowne was
certainly very creditable to him, and evinced great magnanimity. He
desired that it might be made known to Palmerston, which was done by
Lord Lansdowne, and Palmerston replied with great satisfaction, saying,
'for the first time he now saw daylight in public affairs.' Lord
Lansdowne was himself gratified at Lord John's conduct to him, but he
said that it would expose him to fresh importunities on the part of
Palmerston, and he seems by no means more disposed than he was before to
take the burden on himself, while he is conscious that it will be more
difficult for him to refuse. He has been suffering very much, and is
certainly physically unequal to the task, and _le cas échéant_ he will
no doubt try to make his escape; but, from what I hear of him, I do not
think he will be inexorable if it is made clear to him that there is no
other way of forming a Liberal Government, and especially if Lord John
himself urges him to undertake it.
The other important matter is a correspondence, or rather a letter from
Cobden to a friend of his, in which he expresses himself in very hostile
terms towards John Russell and Graham likewise, abuses the Whig
Government, and announces his determination to fight for Radical
measures, and especially the Ballot. This letter was sent to Lord
Yarborough, by him to the Duke of Bedford, and by the Duke to Lord John.
He wrote a reply, or, more properly, a comment on it, which was intended
to be, and I conclude was, sent to Cobden; a very good letter, I am
told, in which he vindicated his own Government, and declared his
unalterable resolution to oppose the Ballot, which he said was with him
a question of principle, on which he never would give way. The result of
all this is a complete separation between Lord John and Cobden, and
therefore between the Whigs and the Radicals. What the ultimate
consequences of this may be it is difficult to foresee, but the
immediate one will probably be the continuation of Derby in office. Lord
John is going to have a parliamentary dinner before the meeting, which
many of his friends think he had better have left alone. He wrote to
Graham and invited him to it. Graham declined, and said he should not
come up to the meeting. To this Lord John responded that he might do as
he pleased about dining, but he assured him that his absence at the
opening of the Session would give great umbrage to the party and be
injurious to himself. Graham replied that he would come up, but he has
expressed to some of his correspondents his disapproval of the dinner.
Charles Villiers agrees with him about it, and so do I, but the Johnians
are very indignant with Graham, and consider his conduct very base,
though I do not exactly see why.
NATIONAL DEFENCES.
The question of national defence occupies everybody's mind, but it seems
very doubtful if any important measures will be taken. The Chancellor
told Senior that the Government were quite satisfied with Louis
Napoleon's pacific assurances, and saw no danger. It is not clear that
John Russell partakes of the general alarm, and whether he will be
disposed (as many wish that he should) to convey to Lord Derby an
intimation that he will support any measure he may propose for the
defence of the country, nor is it certain that Derby would feel any
reliance on such assurances after what passed when he came into office.
On that occasion Derby called on Lord John (who had just advised the
Queen to send for him) and said on leaving him, 'I suppose you are not
going to attack me and turn me out again,' which Lord John assured him
he had no thoughts of, and directly after he convoked his Chesham Place
meeting, which was certainly not very consistent with his previous
conduct, nor with his engagement to Derby.
_London, November 11th_, 1852.--I passed two days at The Grove with
John Russell the end of last and beginning of this week, when he was in
excellent health and spirits, and in a very reasonable composed state of
mind. There were Wilson, Panizzi, George Lewis, and the Duke of Bedford;
very little talk about politics, except in a general way. Lord John has
been engaged in literary pursuits, as the executor of Moore and the
depositary of Fox's papers, and he is about to bring out two volumes of
Moore and one of Fox, but in neither is there to be much of his own
composition; he has merely arranged the materials in each.
There has been great curiosity about the Queen's Speech, and a hundred
reports of difficulties in composing it, and of dissensions in the
Cabinet with regard to the manner in which the great question should be
dealt with. As I know nothing certain on the subject, I will spare
myself the trouble of putting down the rumours, which may turn out to be
groundless or misrepresented. A great fuss has been made about keeping
the Speech secret. They refused to communicate it to the newspapers, and
strict orders were given at the Treasury to allow nobody whatever to see
it. Derby, however, wrote to Lord John that as he had always sent it to
him, he should do the same, and accordingly Lord John received it, and
read it at his dinner, but those present were bound on honour not to
communicate the contents of it. Lord John and his friends have been all
along determined, if possible, to avoid proposing an amendment.
There was a Peelite gathering at a dinner at Hayward's the day before
yesterday, at which Gladstone, Sidney Herbert, Newcastle, Francis
Charteris, Sir John Young, and others were present; and Hayward told me
they were all united, resolved to act together, and likewise averse to
an amendment if possible; but from the manner in which they have dealt
with Free Trade, it is very doubtful whether Cobden at least, if not
Gladstone, will not insist on moving an amendment. A very few hours
will decide this point.[1]
[Footnote 1: The new Parliament was opened by the Queen in person on
November 11.]
_November 12th._--The question of Protection or Free Trade, virtually
settled long ago, was formally settled last night, Derby having
announced in terms the most clear and unequivocal his final and complete
abandonment of Protection, and his determination to adhere to, and
honestly to administer, the present system. His speech was received in
silence on both sides. There has not yet been time to ascertain the
effect of this announcement on the various parties and individuals
interested by it.
DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S FUNERAL.
_November 16th._--I went yesterday to the lying in state of the Duke of
Wellington; it was fine and well done, but too gaudy and theatrical,
though this is unavoidable. Afterwards to St. Paul's to see it lit up.
The effect was very good, but it was like a great rout; all London was
there strolling and staring about in the midst of a thousand workmen
going on with their business all the same, and all the fine ladies
scrambling over vast masses of timber, or ducking to avoid the great
beams that were constantly sweeping along. These public funerals are
very disgusting _meâ sententiâ_. On Saturday several people were killed
and wounded at Chelsea; yesterday everything was orderly and well
conducted, and I heard of no accidents.
Charles Villiers' motion, after much consultation and debate, whether it
should be brought on or not, is settled in the affirmative, and was
concocted by the Peelites at a meeting at Aberdeen's, Graham present.
Nothing could be more moderate, so moderate that it appeared next to
impossible the Government could oppose it. Yesterday morning there was a
Ministerialist meeting in Downing Street, when Derby harangued his
followers.
_November 21st._--I saw the Duke's funeral from Devonshire House. Rather
a fine sight, and all well done, except the car, which was tawdry,
cumbrous, and vulgar. It was contrived by a German artist attached to
the School of Design, and under Prince Albert's direction--no proof of
his good taste. The whole ceremony within St. Paul's and without went
off admirably, and without mistakes, mishaps, or accidents; but as all
the newspapers overflow with the details I may very well omit them here.
Now that this great ceremony is over, we have leisure to turn our
thoughts to political matters. I have already said that Villiers
proposed a mild resolution which was drawn up by Graham at Aberdeen's
house, and agreed to by the Peelites.[1] Then came Derby's meeting,
where he informed his followers that he must reserve to himself entire
liberty of dealing with Villiers' resolution as he thought best, but if
he contested it, and was beaten, he should not resign. He then requested
that if anyone had any objection to make, or remarks to offer, on his
proposed course, they would make them then and there, and not find fault
afterwards. They all cheered, and nobody said a word; in fact they were
all consenting to his abandonment of Protection, many not at all liking
it, but none recalcitrant. After this meeting there was a
reconsideration of Villiers' resolution. Cobden and his friends
complained that it was too milk and water, and required that it should
be made stronger. After much discussion Villiers consented to alter it,
and it was eventually put on the table of the House in its present more
stringent form. Lord John Russell was against the alteration, and
Gladstone and the Peelites still more so; but Charles Villiers thought
he could not do otherwise than defer to Cobden, after having prevailed
on the latter to consent to no amendment being moved on the Address.
There is good reason to believe that the Government would have swallowed
the first resolution, but they could not make up their minds to take the
second; and accordingly Disraeli announced an amendment in the shape of
another resolution, and the battle will be fought on the two, Dizzy's
just as strongly affirming the principle of Free Trade as the other, but
it omits the declaration that the measure of '46 was 'wise and _just_.'
At this moment nobody has the least idea what the division will be, nor
how many of the most conspicuous men will vote, nor what the Government
will do if they are beaten. Moderate men on the Liberal side regret that
the original resolution was changed, deprecate the pitched battle, and
above all dread that the Government may resign if they are beaten, which
would cause the greatest confusion, nothing being ready for forming a
government on the Liberal side, and the Government would go out with the
advantage of saying that they were prepared with all sorts of good
measures which the factious conduct of their opponents would not let
them produce. Things have not been well managed, and I expect the result
of all these proceedings will be damaging to the Liberal interest, and
rather advantageous to Lord Derby.
DISRAELI'S ORATION ON WELLINGTON.
An incident occurred the other night in the House of Commons, which
exposed Disraeli to much ridicule and severe criticism. He pronounced a
pompous funeral oration on the Duke of Wellington, and the next day the
'Globe' showed that half of it was taken word for word from a panegyric
of Thiers on Marshal Gouvion de St. Cyr. Disraeli has been unmercifully
pelted ever since, and well deserves it for such a piece of folly and
bad taste. His excuse is, that he was struck by the passage, wrote it
down, and, when he referred to it recently, forgot what it was, and
thought it was his own composition. But this poor apology does not save
him. Derby spoke very well on the same subject a few nights after in the
House of Lords, complimenting the authorities, the people, and foreign
nations, particularly France. It is creditable to Louis Napoleon to have
ordered Walewski to attend the funeral.[2]
DEATH OF MISS BERRY.
On Saturday night, about twelve o'clock, Miss Mary Berry died after a
few weeks' illness, without suffering, and in possession of her
faculties, the machine worn out, for she was in her 90th year.[3] As she
was born nearly a century ago, and was the contemporary of my
grandfathers and grandmothers, she was already a very old woman when I
first became acquainted with her, and it was not till a later period,
about twenty years ago, that I began to live in an intimacy with her
which continued uninterrupted to the last. My knowledge of her early
life is necessarily only traditional. She must have been exceedingly
goodlooking, for I can remember her with a fine commanding figure and a
very handsome face, full of expression and intelligence. It is well
known that she was the object of Horace Walpole's octogenarian
attachment, and it has been generally believed that he was anxious to
marry her for the sake of bestowing upon her a title and a jointure,
which advantages her disinterested and independent spirit would not
allow her to accept. She continued nevertheless to make the charm and
consolation of his latter days, and at his death she became his literary
executrix, in which capacity she edited Madame du Deffand's letters. She
always preserved a great veneration for the memory of Lord Orford, and
has often talked to me about him. I gathered from what she said that she
never was herself quite sure whether he wished to marry her, but
inclined to believe that she might have been his wife had she chosen it.
She seems to have been very early initiated into the best and most
refined society, was a constant inmate of Devonshire House and an
intimate friend of the Duchess, a friendship which descended to her
children, all of whom treated Miss Berry to the last with unceasing
marks of attention, respect, and affection. She had been very carefully
educated, and was full of literary tastes and general information, so
that her conversation was always spirited, agreeable, and instructive;
her published works, without exhibiting a high order of genius, have
considerable merit, and her 'Social Life in England and France' and 'The
Life of Rachel, Lady Russell,' will always be read with pleasure, and
are entitled to a permanent place in English literature; but her
greatest merit was her amiable and benevolent disposition, which secured
to her a very large circle of attached friends, who were drawn to her as
much by affectionate regard as by the attraction of her vigorous
understanding and the vivacity and variety of her conversational powers.
For a great many years the Misses Berry were amongst the social
celebrities of London, and their house was the continual resort of the
most distinguished people of both sexes in politics, literature, and
fashion. She ranked amongst her friends and associates all the most
remarkable literary men of the day, and there certainly was no house at
which so many persons of such various qualities and attainments, but all
more or less distinguished, could be found assembled. She continued her
usual course of life, and to gather her friends about her, till within a
few weeks of her death, and at last she sank by gradual exhaustion,
without pain or suffering, and with the happy consciousness of the
affectionate solicitude and care of the friends who had cheered and
comforted the last declining years of her existence. To those friends
her loss is irreparable, and besides the private and individual
bereavement it is impossible not to be affected by the melancholy
consideration that her death has deprived the world of the sole survivor
of a once brilliant generation, who in her person was a link between the
present age and one fertile in great intellectual powers, to which our
memories turn with never failing curiosity and interest.
[Footnote 1: On November 23, Mr. Charles Villiers moved Resolutions in
the House of Commons, declaring the adherence of Parliament to the
principles of Free Trade and approving the Repeal of the Corn Laws. Mr.
Disraeli moved an amendment, not directly adverse. But this amendment
was withdrawn in favour of one more skilfully drawn by Lord Palmerston.
On this occasion Lord Palmerston rendered an essential service to Lord
Derby's Government.]
[Footnote 2: Count Walewski, then French Ambassador in London,
expressed some reluctance to attend the funeral of the conqueror of
Napoleon I., upon which Baron Brunnow said to him, 'If this ceremony
were intended to bring the Duke to life again, I can conceive your
reluctance to appear at it; but as it is only to bury him, I don't see
you have anything to complain of.']
[Footnote 3: Miss Mary Berry was born at Kirkbridge, in Yorkshire, on
March 16, 1763; her sister Agnes, who was her inseparable companion for
eighty-eight years, fourteen months later. Her father, Robert Berry, was
the nephew of a Scotch merchant named Ferguson, who purchased the estate
of Raith, in Fifeshire. William Berry, the brother of Robert, and uncle
of these ladies, succeeded to this property, and took the name of
Ferguson. The Miss Berrys first made the acquaintance of Horace Walpole
in 1788, when he was seventy years of age, and they became the objects
of his devoted attachment and regard. See 'National Biography,' vol. iv.
p. 397.]
_December 4th._--Last week the House of Commons was occupied with the
'Resolutions,' the whole history of which was given by Graham, and
which need not be repeated here.[1] The divisions were pretty much what
were expected, and the only interesting consideration is the effect
produced, and the influence of the debate on the state of parties.
Palmerston is highly glorified by his small clique, and rather smiled on
by the Tories, but he has given great offence to both Whigs and
Radicals, and removed himself further than ever from a coalition with
John Russell and the Liberal party. Lord John himself, who made a very
good speech, rather gained reputation by his behaviour throughout the
transaction, and is on better terms both with Cobden, Bright, and his
own party, than he has been for some time past. Disraeli made a very
imprudent speech, which disgusted many of his own adherents, and exposed
him to vigorous attacks and a tremendous castigation on the part of his
opponents, by Bernal Osborne in the coarser, and Sidney Herbert in more
polished style. The Protectionists generally cut a very poor figure, and
had nothing to say for themselves. 'If people wish for _humiliation_,'
said Sidney Herbert, 'let them look at the benches opposite.' But all
the dirt they had to eat, and all the mortification they had to endure,
did not prevent the Derbyites from presenting a compact determined
phalanx of about three hundred men, all resolved to support the
Government, and to vote through thick and thin, without reference to
their past or present opinions. The Ministerial papers and satellites
toss their caps up and proclaim a great victory, but it is difficult to
discover in what the victory consists. It certainly shows that they are
strong and devoted if not united.
After the division there was a good deal of speculation rife as to
Palmerston's joining the Government, which his friends insist he will
not do. I am disposed to think he will. Since that we have had
Beresford's affair in the House of Commons, and Clanricarde's folly in
the Lords.
Cockburn produced a strong _primâ facie_ case against Beresford, and the
committee has been appointed on his case, and proceeds to business on
Monday.[2] Clanricarde chose _de son chef_ to propose a resolution like
that of the Commons, which Derby refused to take and offered another in
its place, which Clanricarde has accepted. He gave Derby the opportunity
he wanted of setting himself right with his own party, who, albeit
resolved to support him, are smarting severely under his complete
abandonment of Protection, and the necessity to which they are reduced
of swallowing the nauseous Free Trade pill. He will make the dose more
palateable by soothing their wounded pride. Clanricarde went to Lord
Lansdowne and told him what he proposed to do. Lansdowne objected, but
Clanricarde said he did it individually and would take all the
responsibility on himself, on which Lansdowne very unwisely ceased to
object. His purpose is to take no responsibility on himself.
[Footnote 1: After three nights' debate, the Resolutions moved by Mr.
Villiers were negatived by 256 to 236, and the motion adroitly
substituted for them by Lord Palmerston in favour of 'unrestricted
competition' was carried by 468 against 53, being accepted by the
Government.]
[Footnote 2: This related to proceedings with reference to the recent
election at Derby.]
MR. DISRAELI'S BUDGET.
_December 6th._--Ever since the termination of the 'Resolutions' debate
the world has been in a state of intense curiosity to hear the Budget,
so long announced, and of which such magnificent things were predicted.
The secret was so well kept that nobody knew anything about it, and not
one of the hundred guesses and conjectures turned out to be correct. At
length on Friday night Disraeli produced his measure in a House crowded
to suffocation with members and strangers. He spoke for five and a half
hours, much too diffusely, spinning out what he might have said in half
the time. The Budget has been on the whole tolerably well received, and
may, I think, be considered successful, though it is open to criticism,
and parts of it will be fiercely attacked, and he will very likely be
obliged to change some parts of it. But though favourably received on
the whole, it by no means answers to the extravagant expectations that
were raised, or proves so entirely satisfactory to all parties and all
interests as Disraeli rather imprudently gave out that it would be. The
people who regard it with the least favour are those who will be
obliged to give it the most unqualified support, the ex-Protectionists,
for the relief or compensation to the landed interest is very far from
commensurate with their expectations. It is certainly of a Free Trade
character altogether, which does not make it the more palateable to
them. He threw over the West Indians, and (Pakington, their advocate,
sitting beside him) declared they had no claim to any relief beyond that
which he tendered them, viz. the power of refining sugar in bond--a drop
of water to one dying of thirst. I think it will go down, and make the
Government safe. This I have all along thought they would be, and every
day seems to confirm this opinion. They have got from three hundred to
three hundred and fifteen men in the House of Commons who, though
dissatisfied and disappointed, are nevertheless determined to swallow
everything and support them through thick and thin, and they have to
encounter an opposition, the scattered fractions of which are scarcely
more numerous, but which is in a state of the greatest confusion and
disunion, and without any prospect of concord amongst them.
The Duke of Bedford came to me yesterday, and told me he had never been
so disheartened about politics in his life, or so hopeless of any good
result for his party, in which he saw nothing but disagreement and all
sorts of pretensions and jealousies incompatible with any common cause,
and Aberdeen, whom I met at dinner yesterday, is of much the same
opinion. The principal object of interest and curiosity seems now to be
whether Palmerston will join them or not. On this the most opposite
opinions and reports prevail. Just now it is said that he has resolved
not. At all events, if he does, he will have to go alone, for he can
take nobody with him, as it certainly is his object to do. But it does
not appear now as if there was the least chance of Gladstone or Sidney
Herbert joining him. The Duke of Bedford told me that both Derby and
Palmerston were in better odour at Windsor than they were, and that the
Queen and Prince approve of Pam's move about the Resolutions, and think
he did good service. Aberdeen also thinks that though the Whigs and
Radicals are angry with Lord Palmerston, and that his proceeding was
unwarrantable, he stands in a better position in the country, and has
gained credit and influence by what he did. Abroad, where nobody
understands our affairs, he is supposed to have played a very great
part, and to have given indubitable proof of great political power.
_December 9th._--Within these few days the Budget, which was not ill
received at first, has excited a strong opposition, and to-morrow there
is to be a pitched battle and grand trial of strength between the
Government and Opposition upon it, and there is much difference of
opinion as to the result. The Government have put forth that they mean
to resign if beaten upon it. Derby and Disraeli were both remarkably
well received at the Lord Mayor's dinner the night before last, and this
is an additional proof that, in spite of all their disreputable conduct,
they are not unpopular, and I believe, if the country were polled, they
would as soon have these people for Ministers as any others. Nobody
knows what part Palmerston is going to take.
DEFEAT ON THE BUDGET.
_December 18th._--The last few days have been entirely occupied by the
interest of the Budget debate and speculations as to the result. We
received the account of the division at Panshanger yesterday morning,
not without astonishment; for although the opinion had latterly been
gaining ground that the Government would be beaten, nobody expected such
a majority against them.[1] Up to the last they were confident of
winning. The debate was all against them, and only exhibited their
weakness in the House of Commons. It was closed by two very fine
speeches from Disraeli and Gladstone, very different in their style, but
not unequal in their merits.
[Footnote 1: The division on the Budget took place on December 16 after
five nights' debate, the numbers being--for the Government, 286;
against, 305; adverse majority, 19.]
_Panshanger, December 19th._--I went to town yesterday morning to hear
what was going on. Lord Derby returned from Osborne in the middle of the
day, and the Queen had sent for Lords Lansdowne and Aberdeen. She had
been gracious to Derby, and pressed him to stay on, if it were only for
a short time. I saw Talbot, and from the few words he let drop I
gathered that they have already resolved to keep together, and to enter
on a course of bitter and determined opposition. Not that he said this,
of course, but he intimated that he had no idea of any new Government
that might be formed being able to go on even for a short time, and that
they would very speedily be let in again. The language of the Carlton
corresponds with this, and I have no doubt they will be as virulent and
as mischievous as they can. It remains to be seen, if a good Government
is formed, whether some will not be more moderate, and disposed to give
the new Cabinet a fair trial.
Clarendon writes me word that the meeting at Woburn between John
Russell, Aberdeen, Newcastle, and himself has been altogether
satisfactory, everybody ready to give and take, and anxious to promote
the common cause, without any selfish views or prejudices. Newcastle is
particularly reasonable, disclaiming any hostility to John Russell, and
only objecting to his being at present the nominal head of the
Government, because there is rightly or wrongly a prejudice against him,
which would prevent some Liberals and some Peelites joining the
Government if he was placed in that position; but he contemplates his
ultimately resuming that post, and he (Newcastle) is ready to do
anything in office or out. There is no disposition to take in Cobden and
Bright, but they would not object to Molesworth.
I went over to Brocket just now, and found the Palmerstons there. He is
not pleased at the turn matters have taken, would have liked the
Government to go on at all events some time longer, and is disgusted at
the thought of Aberdeen being at the head of the next Ministry. This is
likewise obnoxious to the Whigs at Brooks's, and there will be no small
difficulty in bringing them to consent to it, if Lansdowne refuses.
Beauvale said if Palmerston had not been laid up, and prevented going to
the House of Commons, he thinks this catastrophe would not have
happened, for Palmerston meant to have done in a friendly way what
Charles Wood did in an unfriendly one, and advised Disraeli to postpone
and remake his Budget, and this advice so tendered he thinks Dizzy would
have taken, and then the issue would have been changed and deferred till
after the recess. But I don't believe this fine scheme would have taken
effect, or that Dizzy would or could have adopted such a course.
Beauvale says he is pretty sure Palmerston will not take office under
Aberdeen's Premiership; on the other hand, Aberdeen has no objection to
him, and will invite Palmerston, if the task devolves upon him. Ellice
fancies Lansdowne will decline, and that Aberdeen will fail, and that it
will end in Derby coming back, reinforced by Palmerston and some
Peelites. The difficulties are certainly enormous, but by some means or
other I think a Government will be formed. The exclusions will be very
painful, and must be enormous. Lord Derby met Granville and others at
the station on Friday, and he said he calculated the new Cabinet could
not consist of less than thirty-two men, and many then left out. It will
be a fine time to test the amount of patriotism and unselfishness that
can be found in the political world.
THE COALITION MINISTRY.
_London, December 21st._--I came to town yesterday morning, and heard
that the day before (Sunday) a very hostile feeling towards Aberdeen had
been prevailing at Brooks's, but no doubt was entertained that the
Government would be formed. In the afternoon Clarendon came to me on his
way to the House of Lords, and told me all that had passed up to that
time. On receiving the Queen's summons, a meeting took place between
Lansdowne and Aberdeen at Lansdowne House, at which each did his best to
persuade the other to accept the commission to form a Government.
Lansdowne pleaded absolute physical inability, and his friends seem to
be quite satisfied that he really could not undertake it. Accordingly
Aberdeen gave way, and departed for Osborne on a reiterated summons,
and, after telling the Queen all that had passed between Lansdowne and
himself, undertook the task. Nothing could be more cordial all this time
than the relations between himself and John Russell; but as soon as it
became known that Aberdeen was to form the new Government, certain
friends of John Russell set to work to persuade him that it would be
derogatory to his character to have any concern in it, and entreated him
to refuse his concurrence. These were David Dundas and Romilly, and
there may have been others. This advice was probably the more readily
listened to, because it corresponded with his original view of the
matter and his own natural disposition, and it produced so much effect
that yesterday morning he went to Lansdowne and told him that he had
resolved to have nothing to do with the new Government. Lansdowne was
thunderstruck, and employed every argument he could think of to change
this resolution. It so happened that he had written to Macaulay and
asked him to call on him to talk matters over, and Macaulay was
announced while Lord John was still there. Lansdowne told him the
subject of their discussion, and the case was put before Macaulay with
all its pros and cons for his opinion. He heard all Lansdowne and Lord
John had to say, and then delivered his opinion in a very eloquent
speech, strongly recommending Lord John to go on with Aberdeen, and
saying that, at such a crisis as this, the refusal of his aid, which was
indispensable for the success of the attempt, would be little short of
treason. Lord John went away evidently shaken, but without pronouncing
any final decision. Clarendon then called at Lansdowne House, and heard
these particulars, and Lansdowne entreated him to go and see Lord John
and try his influence over him. Clarendon had the day before given him
his opinion in writing to the same effect as Macaulay. He went, saw him,
and repeated all he had before written. Lord John took it very well,
and, when he left him, said, 'I suppose it will be as you wish,' and
when I saw Clarendon he seemed reassured, and tolerably confident that
this great peril of the whole concern being thus shipwrecked _in limine_
had passed away. After the House of Lords where I heard Derby's strange
and inexcusable speech, we again discussed the matter, when he said Lord
John had raised another difficulty, for he said he would not take the
Foreign Office, alleging, not without truth, that it was impossible for
him or any man to perform the duties of so laborious an office and lead
the House of Commons. Lord John also signified to Clarendon that he
should insist on _his_ being in the Cabinet, which Clarendon entreated
him not to require. Newcastle, who was there, suggested that Lord John
might take the Foreign Office for a time, and if he found the two duties
incompatible, he might give it up, and Clarendon seemed to think this
might be done, and at all events he means to persuade Lord John (as no
doubt he will) to make up his mind to take it, for his not doing so
would certainly be very inconvenient. Should Lord John prove obstinate
in this respect, I have no doubt Clarendon will himself be put there.
LORD ST. LEONARD'S.
We talked about the Great Seal, and Senior had been with Lord Lansdowne,
who appears to incline very much to getting Lord St. Leonard's[1] to
stay if he will, but Senior thinks he will not; certainly not, unless
with the concurrence of his present colleagues, which it is doubtful if
Derby in his present frame of mind would give. The Chancellor was at
Derby's meeting in the morning, which looks like a resolution to go out
with them. It will be a good thing if he will remain, but it will do
good to the new Government to invite him, whether he accepts or refuses.
We talked of Brougham, but Clarendon, though anxious to have Brougham in
as President of the Council, thinks he would not do for the woolsack,
and that it will be better to have Cranworth if Lord St. Leonard's will
not stay. There is a great difficulty in respect to the retiring
pension. There can only be four, and Sugden's will make up the number,
so that a fresh Chancellor could have none except at the death of one
of the others. The worst part of the foregoing story is, that Lord John
will not join cordially and heartily, and it is impossible to say,
during the difficult adjustment of details, what objections he may not
raise and what embarrassments he may not cause.
There was a meeting at Lord Derby's yesterday morning, at which he told
his friends he would continue to lead them, and he recommended a
moderation, in which he probably was not sincere, and which they will
not care to observe. Lord Delawarr got up and thanked him. Nothing can
be more rabid than the party and the ex-ministers, and they are
evidently bent on vengeance and a furious opposition. I fell in with
Lord Drumlanrig and Ousely Higgins yesterday morning, one a moderate
Derbyite (always Free Trader), the other an Irish Brigadier. Drumlanrig
told me he knew of several adherents of Derby who were resolved to give
the new Government fair play, and would not rush into opposition, and
Ousely Higgins said he thought the Irish would be all right, especially
if, as the report ran, Granville was sent to Ireland; but there is no
counting on the Irish Brigade, whose object it is to embarrass every
Government. If they could be friendly to any, it would, however, be one
composed of Aberdeen, Graham, and Gladstone, the opponents of the
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill.
[Footnote 1: Sir Edward Burtenshaw Sugden was one of the most eminent
equity lawyers of the day, distinguished as an advocate in the Court of
Chancery and by his important legal writings. He was twice Lord
Chancellor of Ireland under the two Administrations of Sir Robert Peel,
and he received the Great Seal of England on the formation of Lord
Derby's Administration in 1852, with a peerage under the title of Baron
St. Leonards. But he owed his celebrity and his promotion to his
eminence as a lawyer, far more than to his activity as a politician.]
THE DUKE OF BEDFORD CONSULTED.
_December 22nd._--On going to The Grove yesterday afternoon, I found a
letter Clarendon had received from Lansdowne in bad spirits enough. He
had seen Aberdeen, who had received no answer from John Russell, and
Aberdeen was prepared, if he did not get his acceptance the next
morning, to give the thing up. Lansdowne was greatly alarmed and far
from confident Lord John would agree, at all events, that he would not
take the Foreign Office, in which case Lansdowne said he (Clarendon)
must take it. Nothing could look worse. This morning Clarendon received
a letter from Aberdeen announcing that Lord John had agreed to lead the
House of Commons, either without an office or with a nominal one, and
asking Clarendon to take the Foreign Office. We came up to town
together, he meaning to accept unless he can prevail on Lord John to
take it, if it be only for a time, and he is gone to see what he can do
with him. He told me last night that when he was at Woburn last week,
the Duke informed him that he had had a confidential communication from
Stockmar, asking for his advice, whom the Queen should send for if the
Government was beaten and if Derby resigned. He had just received this
letter, and had not answered it, and consulted Clarendon what he should
say. Clarendon advised him to recommend Lansdowne and Aberdeen, and he
wrote to that effect. The very morning after the division, just as they
were going hunting, the hounds meeting at the Torr, a Queen's messenger
arrived with another letter, requesting he would communicate more fully
his sentiments at the present crisis. The messenger was ordered to keep
himself secret, and not to let his mission transpire. The Duke, under
Clarendon's advice, wrote a long letter back, setting forth in detail
all that had, not long ago, passed about Palmerston and Lansdowne, and
his notions of the difficulties and exigencies of the present time. He
said that it was evident Lord John could not make a Government, and that
he was himself conscious of it.
_December 23rd._--It appears that on Tuesday (21st) Aberdeen went to
Palmerston, who received him very civilly, even cordially, talked of old
times, and reminded him that they had been acquainted for sixty years
(since they were at Harrow together), and had lived together in the
course of their political lives more than most men. Aberdeen offered him
the Admiralty, saying he considered it in existing circumstances the
most important office, and the one in which he could render the greatest
service to the country, but if he for any reason objected to that
office, he begged him to say what other office he would have. Palmerston
replied that he had no hostile feeling towards him, but they had for so
many years been in strong opposition to each other, that the public
would never understand his taking office in Aberdeen's Government, and
he was too old to expose himself to such misconceptions. And so they
parted, on ostensibly very friendly terms, which will probably not
prevent Palmerston's joining Derby and going into furious opposition. In
the course of the day yesterday both Clarendon and Lansdowne called on
Palmerston, and he expressed great satisfaction at Clarendon's
appointment to the Foreign Office.
In the afternoon I called on Lady Clanricarde, who gave me to understand
that Clanricarde was likely to become a personage of considerable
influence and power (and therefore worth having), inasmuch as the Irish
Band had made overtures to him, and signified their desire to act under
his guidance. She said this was not the first overture he had received
of the kind from the same quarter; that for various reasons he had
declined the others, but she thought at the present time he might very
well listen to it; that they were very anxious to be led by a gentleman,
and a man of consideration and station in the world. All this, to which
I attach very little credit, was no doubt said to me in order to be
repeated, and that it might impress on Aberdeen and his friends and
colleagues the importance of securing Clanricarde's services and
co-operation; and I am the more confirmed in this by receiving a note
from the Marchioness in the evening, begging I would not repeat what she
had told me.
There was nothing new yesterday in the purlieus of Whiggism, but I think
somewhat more of acquiescence, and a disposition to regard this
combination as inevitable. The Derbyites quite frenzied, and prepared to
go any lengths. Lonsdale told me the party were delighted with Derby's
intemperate speech in the House of Lords, which seems to have been
rehearsed at his own meeting the same morning; and the other day twenty
ruffians of the Carlton Club gave a dinner there to Beresford, to
celebrate what they consider his acquittal! After dinner, when they got
drunk, they went upstairs, and finding Gladstone alone in the
drawing-room, some of them proposed to throw him out of the window. This
they did not quite dare to do, but contented themselves with giving some
insulting message or order to the waiter, and then went away.
LORD PALMERSTON ACCEPTS OFFICE.
_Hatchford, Friday, 24th._--The great event of yesterday was
Palmerston's accession to the Government. Lord Lansdowne had called on
him the day before, and had, I suspect, little difficulty in persuading
him to change his determination and join the new Cabinet. He said he
would place himself in Lord Lansdowne's hands, and yesterday morning I
heard as a secret, though it was speedily published, that he had agreed
to take the Home Office. The next thing was Lord John's consent to take
the Foreign Office. This he was persuaded to do by Clarendon, who
engaged to help him in the work, and relieve him by taking it himself
the moment Lord John should find himself unequal to it, and on these
conditions he consented. It was settled that Gladstone should be
Chancellor of the Exchequer, but Delane went to Aberdeen last night for
the purpose of getting him to change this arrangement on the ground of
the difficulty there would be about the Income Tax.
The important part of forming the Cabinet is now done, and nothing
remains but the allotment of the places. It will be wonderfully strong
in point of ability, and in this respect exhibit a marked contrast with
the last; but its very excellence in this respect may prove a source of
weakness, and eventually of disunion. The late Cabinet had two paramount
chiefs, and all the rest nonentities, and the nominal head was also a
real and predominant head. In the present Cabinet are five or six
first-rate men of equal or nearly equal pretensions, none of them likely
to acknowledge the superiority or defer to the opinions of any other,
and every one of these five or six considering himself abler and more
important than their Premier. They are all at present on very good terms
and perfectly satisfied with each other; but this satisfaction does not
extend beyond the Cabinet itself; murmurings and grumblings are already
very loud. The Whigs have never looked with much benignity on this
coalition, and they are now furious at the unequal and, as they think,
unfair distribution of places. These complaints are not without reason,
nor will it make matters better that John Russell has had no
communication with his old friends and adherents, nor made any
struggle, as it is believed, to provide for them, although his adhesion
is so indispensable that he might have made any terms and conditions he
chose. Then the Radicals, to judge from their press, are exceedingly
sulky and suspicious, and more likely to oppose than to support the new
Government. The Irish also seem disposed to assume a menacing and half
hostile attitude, and, having contributed to overthrow the last
Government, are very likely (according to the policy chalked out for
them after the election) to take an early opportunity of aiding the
Derbyites to turn out this. Thus hampered with difficulties and beset
with dangers, it is impossible to feel easy about their prospects. If,
however, they set to work vigorously to frame good measures and remove
practical and crying evils, they may excite a feeling in their favour in
the country, and may attract support enough from different quarters in
the House of Commons to go on, but I much fear that it will at best be a
perturbed and doubtful existence. Such seems the necessary condition of
every Government nowadays, and unfortunately there is a considerable
party which rejoices in such a state of things, and only desires to
aggravate the mischief, because they think its continuance and the
instability of every Government will be most conducive to the ends and
objects which they aim at.
_London, December 28th._--The remonstrances against Gladstone's being
Chancellor of the Exchequer were unavailing, but he says he is not tied
up by anything he said about the Income Tax. This will nevertheless be a
great difficulty, for Graham and Wood, though not perhaps so much
committed as Gladstone, are both against the alteration, which the
public voice undoubtedly demands. Last night the new Ministers took
their places on the Treasury bench, and the Tories moved over to the
opposite side. Aberdeen made his statement, which was fair enough and
not ill received, but it was ill delivered, and he omitted to say all he
might and ought to have said about Lord Lansdowne, nor did he say enough
about John Russell. He said, on the other hand, more than enough about
foreign policy, and gave Derby a good opportunity of attacking that part
of his speech. Derby was more moderate and temperate than on the first
night, and made a pretty good speech. He was wrong in dilating so much
on what had passed in the House of Commons, and he made very little of
the case of combination; he was severe on Graham and his speech at his
election at Carlisle, and Graham heard it all. Nobody else said a word.
IRRITATION OF THE WHIGS.
The Government is now complete, except some of the minor appointments
and the Household. It has not been a smooth and easy business by any
means, and there is anything but contentment, cordiality, and zeal in
the confederated party. The Whigs are excessively dissatisfied with the
share of places allotted to them, and complain that every Peelite
without exception has been provided for, while half the Whigs are
excluded. Though they exaggerate the case, there is a good deal of
justice in their complaints, and they have a right to murmur against
Aberdeen for not doing more for them, and John Russell for not insisting
on a larger share of patronage for his friends.[1] Clarendon told me
last night that the Peelites have behaved very ill, and have grasped at
everything, and he mentioned some very flagrant cases, in which, after
the distribution had been settled between Aberdeen and John Russell,
Newcastle and Sidney Herbert, for they appear to have been the most
active in the matter, persuaded Aberdeen to alter it and bestow or offer
offices intended for Whigs to Peelites and in some instances to
Derbyites who had been Peelites. Clarendon has been all along very
anxious to get Brougham into the Cabinet as President of the Council,
and he proposed it both to Lord John and Aberdeen, and the latter
acquiesced, and Clarendon thought it was going to be arranged that
Granville should be President of the Board of Trade, and Brougham
President of Council; but Newcastle and Sidney Herbert not only upset
this plan, but proposed that Ellenborough should be President of
Council, and then, when he was objected to, Harrowby. They also wanted
that Jersey should remain Master of the Horse, Jonathan Peel go again to
the Ordnance, and Chandos continue a Lord of the Treasury. With what
object they wished for these appointments I have not an idea, but the
very notion of them is an insult to the Whigs, and will be resented
accordingly.
Lord Lansdowne seems to have taken little or no part in all this. He
hooked Palmerston, and, having rendered this great service, he probably
thought he had done enough. The Whigs at Brooks's are very angry, and
Bessborough told me that he thought his party so ill used, that he had
implored Lord John to withdraw even now rather than be a party to such
injustice. Lord John seems to have been very supine, and while the
Peelites were all activity, and intent on getting all they could, he let
matters take their course, and abstained from exercising the influence
in behalf of his own followers which his position and the
indispensability of his co-operation enabled him to do. This puts them
out of humour with him as much as with Aberdeen and his friends.
We had a great reunion here (at Lord Granville's) last night, with half
the Cabinet at dinner or in the evening. I told Graham what the feelings
of the Whigs were. He said they had a very large and important share,
the Chancellors of England and of Ireland, etc., and he defended some of
the appointments and consequent exclusions on special grounds. They have
made Monsell, an Irish Catholic convert, Clerk of the Ordnance, together
with some other Irish Catholic appointments, and he said that these were
necessary in order to reconquer in Ireland what had been lost by the
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, and that it was of more consequence to
conciliate that large part of the Empire than to provide for the Ansons
and the Pagets; and on the same ground he justified the appointment of
St. Germans instead of Lord Carlisle as Lord Lieutenant. All this may be
very true, but the Whigs to be left out to make room for these
substitutes will not be convinced or pacified by the political
expediency which Graham sets forth, nor will such appointments be at all
popular here. If, however, they really should be the means of rallying
the Irish Brigade to the support of the Government, it may be patronage
well bestowed. But this makes it a disagreeable start, and may be
hereafter productive of serious consequences. Nothing can be more
shortsighted, as well as unfair, than the conduct of the Peelites in
trying to thrust their own people instead of Whigs into the offices, for
they can only hope to keep their places at all by the zealous support of
the whole Whig force, themselves bringing next to nothing in point of
numbers, and to encounter such a numerous and compact Opposition will
require the zealous co-operation of all who wish well to the Liberal
cause, and who are against Derby. Newcastle talked to me last night
about Aberdeen's speech, acknowledged its deficiencies, and said he had
told Aberdeen what he thought of it. Aberdeen acknowledged it all, said
he was so unaccustomed to make such statements, that he had forgotten or
overlooked it, and wished he could have spoken it again to repair the
omission. They all seem _at present_ very harmonious in their
intercourse.
THE CLAIMS OF THE PEELITES.
After dinner last night John Russell and Charles Wood went off to meet
Aberdeen, for the purpose, I believe, of settling some of the
arrangements not yet fixed. Clarendon told me that Charles Wood had been
of use in stimulating John Russell to interfere and prevent some of the
proposed changes which the Peelites wished Aberdeen to make in the list
as originally settled between him and Lord John, and it is very well
that he did. It is impossible not to see that Lord John himself, though
now willing to co-operate and do his best, has never been hearty in the
cause, nor entirely satisfied with his own position; and this has
probably made him more lukewarm, and deterred him from taking a more
active and decided part in the formation of the Government. We are just
going down to Windsor, the old Government to give up seals, wands, etc.,
the new to be sworn in. They go by different railways, that they may
not meet. It is singular that I have never attended a Council during the
nine months Lord Derby was in office, not once; consequently there are
several of his Cabinet whom I do not know by sight--Pakington, Walpole,
and Henley. With my friends I resume my functions.
[Footnote 1: It was, however, Lord John who prevented Mr. Cardwell, the
President of the Board of Trade, from having a seat in the Cabinet, on
the ground that there were already too many Peelites in it.]
_December 29th._--I went down to the Council yesterday at Windsor with
the _ins_, and we saw nothing of the _outs_, who went by another train
and railway. Palmerston was there, looking very ill indeed. They all
seem on very cordial terms. Graham told me he had had a very friendly
conversation with Palmerston, and was greatly rejoiced at being again
united to his old colleague. He acknowledged that it was a great mistake
in Aberdeen to have offered the Mastership of the Horse to Lord Jersey.
Aberdeen has now proposed the Lord Steward's place to Carlisle, which he
will probably not take, and possibly be offended at the offer. I suppose
Aberdeen has been subjected to pressure from various quarters, but might
have made a better selection and distribution than he has done.
LORD ABERDEEN'S ADMINISTRATION.
_January 5th_, 1853.--The elections are all going on well, except
Gladstone's, who appears in great jeopardy. Nothing could exceed the
disgraceful conduct of his opponents, lying, tricking, and shuffling, as
might be expected from such a party. The best thing that could happen
for Gladstone would be to be beaten, if it were not for the triumph it
would be to the blackguards who have got up the contest; for the
representation of Oxford is always an embarrassment to a statesman, and
Peel's losing his election there in 1829 was the most fortunate event
possible for him. The only speech of the new Ministers calling for
special notice is Palmerston's at Tiverton, which appears to me to
conceal an _arrière-pensée_. He spoke in civil, even complimentary,
terms of the Derby Government, so much so, that if any break-up or
break-down should occur in this, and Lord Derby return to office, there
appears no reason why Palmerston should not form a fresh coalition with
him; and it looks very much as if he was keeping this contingency in
view, and putting himself in such an attitude as should enable him with
some plausibility to join the camp of such a restoration.
The Cabinet of Lord Aberdeen's Administration consisted of the following
Ministers:--
Earl of Aberdeen First Lord of the Treasury
Lord Cranworth Lord Chancellor
Earl Granville Lord President of the Council
The Duke of Argyll Lord Privy Seal
Mr. Gladstone Chancellor of the Exchequer
Viscount Palmerston Home Secretary of State
The Duke of Newcastle Secretary for Colonies and War
Lord John Russell (and later
the Earl of Clarendon) Foreign Secretary
Sir James Graham First Lord of the Admiralty
Mr. Sidney Herbert Secretary at War
Sir Charles Wood President of the Indian Board
Sir William Molesworth First Commissioner of Works
The Marquis of Lansdowne without office.