By Sven Hedin

Early in the war Sven Hedin, the Swedish explorer and

writer, visited the German front to see the world-war at

first hand. "A People in Arms," published in Leipzig and

dedicated to the German soldiers, is the result. A preface

proclaims the author's neutrality as a Swede and announces

that he "swears before God that I have written not a line

which is not the truth and have depicted nothing which I

have not witnessed with my own eyes." This article is one of

his concluding sketches.

I should like to have seen how the troops of India stood the raw

autumn in Artois and Flanders. But the Indian prisoners at Lille were

transferred to the East in order to make room for fresh contingents.

I, myself, have experienced the difficulty of transplanting Indians to

a colder climate. On my last journey to Tibet I had two Kadschputs

from Cashmere with me. When we got into the mountains they nearly

froze to death, and my caravan leader, Muhamed Isa, declared they

would be about as useful as puppies. I had to send them back. The same

thing happened to me with my Indian cook; outside India he was

absolutely useless. In Tibet they live on meat, in India on

vegetables. How could he stand so sudden a change of both climate and

diet!

Now the press has been claiming that the English have ordered a full

contingent from India to Europe. I found it hard to believe but at the

front I learned that it was true. "How do you treat the Indian

soldiers?" I once asked a couple of officers. "We just arrest them,"

answered one, and the other added: "We don't need to do even that;

they will soon die in the trenches."

When I admit that I myself made a stupid blunder in thinking that

Indians could do service in Tibet, I am justified in claiming that

Lord Charles Beresford made ten times as stupid a blunder when he

expressed the hope of seeing "Indian lances roaming the streets of

Berlin and the little brown Gurkas making themselves comfortable in

the park of Sans Souci."

But the import of Indian troops is more than a stupid blunder--it is a

crime!

For almost a century and a half Great Britain has performed the

shining mission of acting as India's guardian; no other people

probably could successfully carry through so gigantic a task. Indian

troops have fought with honor against their neighbors, and, moreover

have assisted in maintaining order among the 300 millions of their

people.

But never has it occurred to an English government as now to the

Liberal government, to oppose black infidels to Christian Europeans!

That is a crime against culture, against civilization and against

Christianity. And if the English missionaries approve it, then are

they hypocrites and false bearers of the Gospel.

India's English rulers despise--and rightfully--all marital relations

between whites and Hindoos; the children of such marriages are

regarded as mules, and are often called such; they are neither horse

nor ass, they are half caste. In Calcutta they have their own quarter

and are allowed to live in no other part of the city. But--when it

comes to the question of overthrowing the "German barbarians," then an

alliance with the bronze-skinned people is good enough for England!

Is it one of the twentieth century's worthy advances in culture and

civilization that the unsuspecting Indian is brought hundreds of miles

over land and sea that he may on the battlefields of Europe drive to

destruction the first soldiers of the world, the German army? Even

though some may answer this question in the affirmative, I hold

unshaken to my assertion that such a course of action is the very

height of frightfulness! Not frightful to the German soldiers, for I

know what sort of feeling the Indian fighters have for them--respect

and sympathy!

And we aren't much nearer that "roaming about in the streets of

Berlin," and the lindens of Sans Souci are not yet waving above the

warriors from the slopes of the Himalayas.

What must these Indian troops think of their white masters? That the

future will show. Whoever has seen something of the land of a thousand

legends, who has ridden over the crests of the Himalayas, who has

dreamed in the moonlight before the Taj Mahal, who has seen the holy

Ganges slip gray and soft past the wharves of Benares, who has been

entranced by the train of elephants under the mango trees of

Dekkan--in short, whoever has loved India and admired the order and

security which prevails there under the English rule, he will need no

very powerful imagination to understand with what thoughts the Indian

soldiers will go back, and with what feelings their families and their

fellow countrymen in the little narrow huts on the slopes of the

Himalayas will listen to their accounts. Only with a shudder can we

think of this, for it must be said that here a crime against

civilization and Christianity has been done in the name of

civilization.

The question cannot be suppressed: Will the Indian contingent really

be used? Will not the white millions of Great Britain, Canada and

Australia suffice, to say nothing of the French, Belgians, Russians,

Serbians, Montenegrins and Japanese? Apparently not. In _The Times_ of

September 5th appears in large letters: The need for more men. Already

they are in need of more people to overthrow the Kultur of the "German

barbarians"! The English people must be educated by a special method

in order to understand both the cause and the aim of this war.

Otherwise the Englishman will stay at home and play, football and

cricket.

And what is this education of the people? In regard to this the

English press informs us daily. It is a systematic lie! The fatal

reality, that England is slowly sliding to catastrophe, must be hidden

by a strict censorship. The English people has no suspicion of

Hindenburg's victories. The development of the German operations in

Poland is translated into a victorious move of the Russians on Berlin!

The most shameful slander concerning the Kaiser is spread abroad! The

Germans are barbarians who must be annihilated, and the civilized

peoples of Servia, Senegambia and Portugal must take part in this

praiseworthy undertaking!

England carries on this war with a perversion of the truth, and truth

is as rare in the English press as lies in the German.

But do the people really believe what they read in the English

newspapers? Yes, blindly! I have been convinced of this by letters

received from England. An appeal signed by many scholars--among them

several Nobel prize winners--and sent to me, closes with the words:

We regret deeply that under the unwholesome influence of a

military system and its unrestrained dreams of domination,

the country which we have once honored now has become

Europe's common enemy and the enemy of all people who

respect the rights of nations. We must carry to an end this

war which we have entered. For us as for the Belgians it is

a war of defense, which will be fought through for peace and

freedom.

The old story of the splinter and the beam! Is England's rule of the

sea no military system then? Can there be conceived a more

far-reaching militarism than that which stretches out its conquests

over five continents? Which even clutches at the straw which

republican Portugal holds out and announces "the need for more men" in

the newspapers?

What was the Boer War then? An expression perhaps of this same humane

solicitude for the small states which now causes England to break the

lance for Belgium's independence?

It would be useless at this late day to attempt to determine what

would have been the course of the great war had England stayed out of

it. But this much is certain, that Belgium's loss of independence

would have lasted only until the conclusion of peace. The war would

then not have grown as now to be a world-war--to be the greatest and

most tragic catastrophe which the human race has ever suffered. No

nation has ever incurred a greater, a more comprehensive

responsibility than England! And one can only regret most deeply that

these men will have to bear now and in the world to come the full and

oppressive burden of that responsibility.

Calais or Suez?

Which Should be Germany's Objective?

_By special cable to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _from London on July 1, 1915,

came the following information:_

Count von Reventlow, in last Sunday's Deutsche Tageszeitung, explains

the importance and meaning of Calais as a German objective in the west

and as a key to the destruction of the British Empire. Dr. Ernst

Jaeckh, in an article called "Calais or Suez," maintained that if an

English statesman had to make a choice he would undoubtedly give up

Calais and cling to Suez rather than give up Suez and control Calais.

Reventlow maintains there is no reality about this alternative.

About the importance of Suez, Jaeckh and Reventlow are agreed.

Reventlow for his part declares England's main interest in the

Dardanelles operations is the desire to protect Egypt and that this is

the explanation of all her efforts to range the Balkan countries

against Austria-Hungary, Germany, and Turkey. As translated in THE

TIMES he proceeds:

"These efforts are not yet at an end, and they will be continued with

a desperate expenditure of strength and all possible means. It was

believed that the Russian armies and influence exercised upon the

Balkan peoples would make Egypt safe. These hopes are now tottering or

vanishing. All the greater must be the energy of our triple alliance

in order completely to clear the way and then at the proper moment to

take it with firm determination to see the thing through. Here also we

see the correctness of our old argument, that for Germany and her

allies success lies in a long war and that time works for them if they

employ the time in working. Our forces are increasing with time and,

as has been said, Germany has the assured possibility of gaining time.

To strike our chief enemy at a vital point is worth the greatest

efforts and sacrifice of time, quite apart from the fact that we owe

it to the Turkish Empire to assist with all our strength in restoring

Egypt, which was stolen by England."

Reventlow then says that a comparison of "the Calais idea" with Suez

is as idle as the comparison of a chair with a table. He says Jaeckh

is mistaken in supposing Calais does not concern more than the south

coast of England or that it merely threatens one of many ways to and

from England. Reventlow says:

"This by no means completes the Calais idea. From a military or

political or economic point of view one should look at the matter with

the eyes of Great Britain and define the Calais idea as a possibility

for a seafaring continental power to conduct a war against Great

Britain from the continental coast channel and with all military

resources while holding open communication between the Atlantic Ocean

and the North Sea."

[Illustration: GENERAL LOUIS BOTHA

The Boer Commander Who Added German Southwest Africa to the British

Crown

(_Photo from Medem Photo Service._)]

[Illustration: DR. ANTON MEYER-GERHARD

Sent by Count Bernstorff to inform the Kaiser upon the state of

American Opinion

(_Photo from American Press Association._)]

New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 5, August, 1915 · 第 258 / 310 题