Italy's Defection

Dr. Eduard Meyer has contributed an article to the Sueddeutsche

Monatshefte (Munich) on "Ancient Italy and the Rise of the Italian

Nation." Dr. Meyer is professor of history in the University of

Berlin, and is a brother of Dr. Kuno Meyer who recently attracted much

attention in this country by severing his connection with Harvard

University because of a prize "war poem" written by one of the

undergraduates. A postscript reflects Dr. Meyer's present feeling

toward Italy's defection:

The views which I have presented in this article are the

fruit of long years of study and research; and I feel myself

constrained to state explicitly that they are in no wise

influenced by the events which we have experienced during

the last few weeks. But it may be that a short postscript is

necessary.

Italy has not won her present national unity by reason of

her own strength; she owes it to the combinations of the

changing world-situation and the victories of foreign

powers, which her statesmen have known how to use to the

best advantage.

According to Dr. Meyer, Italy's claim to be one of the great powers is

not based on any actual ability to uphold that claim; it merely

happens that her assertion has not been challenged.

She has claimed for herself the status of a great power on a

par with the other large nations of the world; but she has

not possessed the inner strength of herself to support such

a claim without the help of stronger powers.

In August, 1914, Italy had the opportunity to decide her

fate. If she could have made the choice then, if she could

have gone into the world-war with all the might that she

possessed and, staking her whole existence, have fought

toward the highest goal, she might have won for herself a

powerful and self-sufficient place in the world.

On account of his many utterances since the outbreak of the war,

Ludwig Thoma's Maerz (Munich), a weekly founded by him, has attracted

much attention. An article entitled "Italy's Defection," in a recent

issue, is most bitter in tone, accusing Italy of long-standing

intrigue and treachery.

We know that Italy went still further from the fact that at

the renewal of the alliance in 1912 in Paris she expressly

announced that she would not march against France. It will

be remembered how quick the French army command was to take

stock of relations on the southeastern border, with the

result that in the very first days of mobilization their

troops were called from the Savoy Alps and by the eighth of

August were giving battle on the Alsatian border.

But Italy still guarded the neutrality which she had

proclaimed and with apparent reasonableness she was able to

hold that the letter of the Triple Alliance did not compel

her to enter the conflict. Laughing in her sleeve she could

even give it out that her sympathetic neutrality would

sufficiently guarantee to her allies certain suspended

contracts of an economic nature. Neutral Italy furnished

Germany to a considerable extent with products of its own

land and others which were not unwelcome.

That the mobilization of an Italian army on France's borders

might have been able to decide the war as far back as

September, is a consideration which, in the face of this

hypocritical neutrality, one cannot face without driving

one's nails into one's flesh!

It was through the connivance of England that Italy weakly found

herself forced to enter the war against her former allies.

Sir Edward Grey found the way to do it. Italy learned that

England was no longer in a situation to hold the Straits of

Gibraltar and the Suez Canal open and was obliged to take

over the control of Italian imports. Even before this

British agents had control of the port of Genoa and there

was no doubt that through most irritating measures on

England's part which skillfully concealed the motive behind

them, a blow would be struck at the very roots of Italy's

existence and famine would set in. Presently the Italian

politicians and the crown were confronted with a dilemma

which left them the choice only between war and

revolution....

Not every people has the political government which it

deserves; the Italian people are the victims of a

government, essentially undeserved but traditionally

faithless.

But Mars is now shaking the dice and behind the curtain of

the future Revolution stands waiting.

New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 5, August, 1915 · 第 235 / 310 题