CHAPTER XIX.

THE FUTURE OUTLOOK.

The problems discussed in the foregoing chapters have been concerned

chiefly with the new colonies, for it is to them that we must look

for the motive force to expedite union. They must long continue to

be the most important factor in British South Africa, partly from

their accidental position as the late theatre of war, and more

especially from their wealth, the intricacy of their politics, the

high level of ability among their inhabitants, the splendid chances

of their future, and the delicacy of their present status. Union, if

it comes, will come chiefly because of them; and in any union they

will play a great, if not a dominant, part. Whither they pipe, South

Africa must ultimately follow. But this is not because there can be

any differentiation in value between the states, since all are

self-subsistent and independent, but because in the new colonies the

problems which chiefly concern South Africa's future are already

naked to the eye and focussed for observation. The Transvaal will be

important because within it the fight which concerns the whole

future of the African colony will be fought to a finish. It will add

to the problem some features which concern only itself, but the

general lines it shares with its neighbours. The economic strife,

the amalgamation of races, the native question, the movement towards

federation, with all its many aspects, and, last but not least, the

intellectual and political development of its citizens,--this is the

problem of the Transvaal, and in the gravest sense it is the problem

of South Africa's future.

In the preceding pages the separate questions have been briefly

considered. But here we may note one truth which attaches to them

all--the settlement of no single one is easy. Each will defy a supine

statesmanship, and in each failure will be attended with serious

disaster. Patience and a lithe intelligence can alone ensure success,

and it is doubtful if that happy Providence which has now and then taken

charge of our drifting and muddling will interfere in this province to

save us from the consequences of folly. Every question stands on a

needle-point. Mining development--if the wealth of the country is to be

properly exploited--must continue as it has begun, utilising the highest

engineering talent, and straining every nerve to extend the area over

which profits can be made. The labour question requires tact and

patience, prescience of future interests, a recognition of the needs of

the complex organism of which it is but one aspect. The native question

shows the same narrow margin between success and failure, and demands a

degree of forethought and statesmanship which would be an exorbitant

requirement were it not so vital a part of the social and economic

future. Agriculture and settlement can only be made valuable by a close

study of facts, and an intelligence which can correctly estimate data

and bring to bear on them the latest results of experimental science.

Finally, in its financial aspects the problem has a near resemblance to

the most complicated of recent economic tasks, the re-settlement of

Egypt. Burdened with a heavy debt, the country is speculating on its

future and living on its capital. For the next few years it will in all

likelihood achieve solvency; but the margin may be small, and the result

may be secured only by the retention of certain revenue-producing

charges at an unnatural figure. A considerable part of the debt will be

applied to services which will make a good return in time, but for a

little while revenue may barely cover disbursements. In finance, above

all other provinces, there is need of a severe economy, coupled with a

clear recognition of the country's needs and a judicious courage. It is

a gamble, if you like, but with sleepless and ubiquitous watchfulness

the odds are greatly in our favour. The very forces which fight against

us, the complexity of economic and social interests, will become our

servants, if properly understood, and will solidify and preserve our

work, as the house fashioned of granite will stand when the building of

sandstone will crumble. The shaping force of intelligence remains the

one thing needful. Of high and just intentions there can be little

doubt, but in the new South Africa we are more likely to be perplexed by

the fool than the knave. Will the result, as Cromwell asked long ago, be

"answerable to the simplicity and honesty of the design"? Neither to the

one nor the other, but to that rarer endowment, political wisdom.

So much for administrative problems. A country whose future is staked

upon the intelligence of its Government and its people is an

exhilarating spectacle to the better type of man. England has

succeeded before on the same postulates and in harder circumstances.

But there are certain subtler aspects of development, where the same

high qualities are necessary, but where the end to be striven for is

less clear. There is the fusion of the two races, an ideal if not a

practical necessity. As has been said, a political union already

exists after a fashion. There seems little reason to fear any future

disruption, for on the material side Dutch interests are ours, and all

are vitally concerned in the common prosperity. Administrative

efficiency will make the Boer acquiesce in any form of government. But

that which Lord Durham thought far more formidable, "a struggle not of

principles but of races," may continue for long in other departments

than politics, unless we use extraordinary caution in our methods. The

very advance of civilisation may militate against us by vivifying

historical memories and rekindling a clearer flame of racial

resentment. The Dutch have their own ideals, different from ours, but

not incompatible with complete political union. Any attempt to do

violence to their ideals, or any hasty and unconsidered imposition of

unsuitable English forms, will throw back that work of spiritual

incorporation which is the highest destiny of the country. They have a

strong Church and a strong creed, certain educational ideas and social

institutions which must long remain powers in the land. And let us

remember that any South African civilisation must grow up on the soil,

and must borrow much from the Dutch race, else it is no true growth

but a frail exotic. It will borrow English principles but not English

institutions, since, while principles are grafts from human needs,

institutions are the incrusted mosses of time which do not bear

transplanting. It is idle to talk of universities such as Oxford, or

public schools like Winchester, and any attempt to tend such alien

plants will be a waste of money and time. South Africa will create her

own nurseries, and on very different lines. If we are burdened in our

work with false parallels we shall fail, for nothing in the new

country can survive which is not based on a clear-sighted survey of

things as they are, and a renunciation of old formulas. Let us

recognise that we cannot fuse the races by destroying the sacred

places of one of them, but only by giving to the future generations

some common heritage. "If you unscotch us," wrote Sir Walter Scott to

Croker, "you will find us damned mischievous Englishmen," and it will

be a very mischievous Dutchman who is coerced into unsuitable English

ways and taught sentiments of which he has no understanding. When a

people arise who have a common culture bequeathed from their fathers,

and who look back upon Ladysmith and Colenso, the Great Trek and the

Peninsular War, as incidents in a common pedigree, then we shall have

fusion indeed, a union in spirit and in truth. Nothing which has in it

the stuff of life can ever die, and there is something of this

vitality in the Dutch tradition. Our own is stronger, wider, resting

on greater historical foundations, and therefore it will more readily

attract and absorb the lesser. But the lesser will live, transformed,

indeed, but none the less a real part of the spiritual heritage of a

nation where there will be no racial cleavage. The consummation is not

yet, and, maybe, will be long delayed. It will not be in our time;

perhaps our sons may see it; certainly, I think, our grandchildren

will be very near it. Such a development cannot be artificially

hastened, and all that we can do is to see that no barriers of our own

making are allowed to intervene. Meantime we have a _de facto_

political union to make the most of.

What manner of men are the citizens of this new nation to be? They

will have the vigour which belongs to colonial parentage, the

freshness of outlook and freedom from old shibboleths. But they

should have more. They start as no colony has ever started, with the

echoes of a great war still in their ears, with a highly developed

industry and the chances of great wealth, and with a population

showing as high a level of intelligence as any in the world. The

nature of their problem will compel them to remain intellectually

active, and as the eyes of the world are on them they will have few

temptations to lethargy. They may take foolish steps and be beguiled

into rash experiments, but I do not think they will stagnate. And for

this people so much alive there is the chance of an indigenous

culture, born of the old, when they have leisure to make it theirs,

and the freshening influences of their new land and their strenuous

life. South Africa cannot help herself. She must play a large part in

imperial politics; her views on economic questions will be listened to

by all the world; a political future, good or bad, she must accept and

make the most of. But behind it all there is the prospect of that

intimate self-development, that progress in thought, in the arts, in

the amenities of life, which, like righteousness, exalteth a nation.

The finest of all experiments is to unite an older civilisation with

the natural freshness of a virgin soil, and she, alone among the

colonies which have ever been founded, has the power to make it. Not

only is it a new land, but it is Africa, a corner of that mysterious

continent to which the eyes of dreamers and adventurers have always

turned. The boundaries of the unknown are shrinking daily, and where

our forefathers marked only lions and behemoths on the map, we set

down a hundred names and a dozen trading stations. The winds which

blow from the hills of the north tell no longer of mystic interior

kingdoms and uncounted treasures. We know most things nowadays, and

have given our knowledge the prosaic form of joint-stock companies.

But the proverb still justifies itself.[43] Africa is still a home of

the incalculable, not wholly explored or explorable, still a

hinterland to which the youth of the south can push forward in search

of fortune, and from which that breath of romance, which is the life

of the English race, can inspire thinkers and song-makers. Girdled on

three sides by the ocean, and on the fourth looking north to the

inland seas and the eternal snows of Ruwenzori--I can imagine no

nobler cradle for a race. I have said that a structure built with

difficulty is the most lasting. Her complex problems will knit

together the sinews of intelligence and national character, and the

great commonplaces of policy, so eternally true, so inexorable in

their application, will become part of her creed, not from lip-service

but from the sweat and toil of practical work. If to these she can add

other commonplaces, still older and more abiding, of civic duty, of

the intellectual life, of moral purpose, she will present to history

that most rare and formidable of combinations, intellect and vitality,

will and reason, culture guiding and inspiring an unhesitating gift

for action.

There is already a school of political thought in South Africa, a

small school, and thus far so ill-defined that it has no common

programme to put before a world which barely recognises its existence.

It owes its inspiration to Mr Rhodes, but its founder left it no

legacy of doctrine beyond a certain instinct for great things, a fire

of imagination, and a brooding energy. Its members are very practical

men, landowners, mine-owners, rich, capable, with nothing of the

ideologue in their air, the last people one would naturally go to for

ambitions which could not be easily reduced to pounds sterling. But

they are of the school: at heart they are pioneers, the cyclopean

architects of new lands. It is one of South Africa's paradoxes that

there should exist among successful and matter-of-fact men of business

a hungry fidelity to ideals for which we look in vain among the

doctrinaires who do them facile homage. And they are also very

practical in their aims. Mr Rhodes never desired a paper empire or

that vague thing called territorial prestige. What filled his

imagination was the thought of new nations of our blood living a free

and wholesome life and turning the wilderness into a habitable place.

He strove not for profit but for citizens, for a breathing-space, a

playground, for the future. The faults of his methods and the

imperfections of his aims, which are so curiously our own English

faults and imperfections, may have hindered the realisation of his

dreams, but they did not impair that legacy of daimonic force which he

left to his countrymen. You may find it in South Africa to-day, and if

you rightly understand it and feel its hidden movements you will be

aghast at your own parochialism. It is slow and patient, knowing that

"the counsels to which Time hath not been called Time will not

ratify." But with Time on its side it is confident, and it will not

easily be thwarted.

Excursions in colonial psychology are rarely illuminating, lacking as

a rule both sympathy and knowledge; but on one trait there is a

singular unanimity. The two chief obstacles to imperial unity, so runs

a saying, are the bumptious colonial and the supercilious Englishman.

I readily grant the latter, but is the first fairly described? A

colonist is naturally prone to self-assertion in certain walks of

life. If he creates an industry alone and from the start in the teeth

of hardships, having had to begin from the very beginning, he is apt

to lose perspective and unduly magnify his work. If he owns a bakery,

it is the finest in the world, at any rate in the British Empire. He

compares his doings with his neighbours' within his limited horizon,

and he is scarcely to be blamed if he brags a little. His bravado is

only ridiculous when taken out of its surroundings, and at the worst

is more a mannerism than an affection of mind. But on the intellectual

side he is, in my judgment, conspicuously humble, a groper after the

viewless things whose omnipotence he feels dimly. To the home-bred man

history is a commonplace to be taken for granted; to the colonist who

has shaped a workaday life from the wilds, it is a vast mother of

mystery. Traditions, customs, standards staled to us by the vain

emphasis of generations, rise before him as revelations and shrines of

immortal wisdom. What to us is rhetoric is to him the finest poetry;

and for this reason in politics he is prone to follow imaginative

schemes, without testing them by his native caution. Our somewhat

weary intellectual world is a temple which he is ready to approach

with uncovered head. It is not mere innocence, but rather, I think,

that freshness of outlook and optimism which he gathers from his new

land and his contact with the beginnings of things. Truth and beauty

remain the same: it is only the symbols and the mirrors which grow

dim with time; and to the man who is sufficiently near to understand

the symbols, and sufficiently aloof to see no flaw or tawdriness,

there is a double share of happiness. The superficial assurance, the

"bumptiousness" of the saying, is surely a small matter if behind it

there is this true modesty of spirit.

A national life presumes union, but South African federation is simply

a step to a larger goal. It may be objected that in the foregoing

chapters the cardinal problem is treated as less the fusion of the two

races than the development of South Africa on certain lines within our

colonial system. Such has been the intention of the book. The Dutch

have accepted the new _regime_; they will fight, if they fight, on

constitutional lines under our aegis and within our Empire, and in a

sense it may be said that racial union on the political side already

exists. But the further political development of the country, as

self-consciousness is slowly gained--that, indeed, is a matter on

which hang great issues, good or bad, for the English people. Because

the furnace has been so hot, the metal will emerge pure or it will not

emerge at all. A new colony, or rather a new nation, will have been

created, or another will have been added to the catalogue of our

infrequent failures, and the loose territorial mass known as South

Africa will become the prey of any wandering demagogue or aspiring

foreign Power. Our late opponents will take their revenge, if they

seek it, not by reviving the impossible creed of Dutch supremacy, but

by retarding South Africa from what is her highest destiny and her

worthiest line of development. Her future, if she will accept it, is

to be a pioneer in imperial federation: a pioneer, because she has

felt more than any other colony the evils of disintegration, the vices

of the old colonial system, the insecurity of government from above,

and at the same time is in a position to realise the weakness of that

independence which is also isolation. This is not the place to enter

upon so vast a question. To many it is the greatest of modern

political dreams. Without it imperialism becomes empty rhetoric and

braggadocio, a tissue of dessicated phrases, worthy of the worst

accusations with which its enemies have assailed it. Without it our

Empire is neither secure from aggression nor politically sound nor

commercially solvent. Within it alone can any true scheme of common

defence be realised. Moreover, it is the glamour needed to give to

colonial politics that wider imaginative outlook which England enjoys

in virtue of a long descent. Colonial politics tend to become at times

narrow and provincial; in a federation they would gain that larger

view and ampler pride which a man feels who, believing himself to be

humbly born, learns for the first time that he is the scion of a

famous house. Their kinship, instead of the long-remembered sentiment

of a descendant, would become the intimate loyalty of a colleague. And

home politics also would lose the provincialism, equally vicious, if

historically more interesting, which lies somewhere near the root of

our gravest errors, and in relinquishing a facile imperialism find an

empire which needs no rhetoric to enhance its splendour.

But before South Africa can become an ally in federation she must

make her peace with herself. If it is difficult to exaggerate the

need for untiring intelligence in the making of this peace, it is

even harder to over-estimate the profound significance which her

success or failure in the task of self-realisation has for the

prestige of our race. Our colonial methods are on trial in a sphere

where all the world can watch. And while our aim is a colony, the

means must be different from those which we have hitherto used in our

expansion. A nascent colony was neglected till it asserted itself and

appeared already mature on the political horizon. But in the growth

of this colony England must play a direct part, since for good or for

ill her destinies are linked with it, and supineness and a foolish

interference will equally bring disaster. There is one parallel, not

indeed in political conditions, but in the qualities required for the

shaping of the country. If we can show in South Africa that spirit of

sleepless intelligence which has created British India, then there is

nothing to fear. For, as I understand history, India was made by

Englishmen who brought to the task three qualities above others. The

first was a wide toleration for local customs and religions--a desire

to leave the national life intact, and to mould it slowly by those

forces of enlightenment in which sincerely, if undogmatically, they

believed. The second was the extension of rigorous justice and full

civil rights to every subject, a policy which in the long-run is the

only means of bringing a subject race into the life of the State.

Last, and most vital of all, they showed in their work a complete

efficiency, proving themselves better statesmen, financiers, jurists,

soldiers, than any class they had superseded. This efficiency is the

key-note of the South African problem, so far as concerns British

interests. If the imperial Power shows itself inspired with energy,

acumen, a clear-eyed perception of truth as well as with its

traditional honesty of purpose, South Africa will gladly follow where

it may lead. But she will be quick to criticise formalism and

intolerant of a fumbling incapacity.

_Sed nondum est finis._ We stand at the beginning of a new path, and

it is impossible to tell whither it may lead, what dark fords and

stony places it may pass through, and in what sandy desert or green

champaign it may end. Political prophecy is an idle occupation.

American observers on the eve of the French Revolution saw England on

the verge of anarchy and France a contented country under a beloved

king. Even so acute a writer as de Tocqueville assumed that America

would continue an agricultural country without manufactures, and that

the fortunes of her citizens would be small. If philosophers may err,

it is well for a humble writer to be modest in his conclusions. In

the past pages an effort has been made neither to minimise the

difficulties nor to over-estimate the chances of South African

prosperity. "Whosoever," said Ralegh, "in writing a modern history

shall follow truth too near the heels, it may haply strike out his

teeth." I can ask for no better fate than to see all my forecasts

falsified, the dangers proved to have no existence, the chances shown

a thousandfold more roseate. But whatever may be the destiny of this

or that observation, there can be no dispute, I think, upon the

gravity of the problem and the profound importance of its wise

settlement. And when all is said that can be said it is permissible

to import into our view a little of that ancestral optimism which has

hitherto kept our hearts high in our checkered history, for optimism,

when buttressed by intelligence, is but another name for courage.

There is an optimism more merciless than any pessimism, which, seeing

clearly all the perils and discouragements, the hollowness of smooth

conventional counsels and the dreary list of past errors, can yet

pluck up heart to believe that there is no work too hard for the

English race when its purpose is firm and its intelligence awakened.

With this belief we may well look forward to a day when the old

unhappy things will have become far off and forgotten, and South

Africa, at peace with herself, will be the leader in a new and

pregnant imperial policy; and the words of the poet of another empire

will be true in a nobler and ampler sense of ours, "They who drink

of the Rhone and the Orontes are all one nation."

[43] "Out of Africa comes ever some new thing" is generally

quoted in the Latin of Pliny, but it is probably as old

as the first Ionian adventurers who sailed to Egypt or

heard wild Phoenician tales. It is found in Aristotle:

~Legetai tis paroimia hoti aei pherei Libye ti kainon~

(Hist. Anim., viii. 28).

INDEX.

Agricultural Bureau of the United States, the, 283.

Agricultural prospects in South Africa, 267-270.

Altenroxel, Mr H. S., 121-124.

Amsterdam, 134, 139-141, 177.

Angling in South Africa, 55, 182-184.

Angoni, the, 15.

Arabs, the, 4, 8, 23, 29.

Army in South Africa, the, 368-385;

value of training ground, 373;

necessity of reorganisation on new model, 375, 376, 381-385.

Assegai River, the, 143.

Athole, 57, 140, 141.

Australia, land legislation in, 276-279;

labour party in, 321;

federation of, 363-365;

local forces in, 368, 369.

Austro-Hungary, parallel with, 360, 361.

Baines, Mr, 8.

Bantu races, the. See Kaffir.

Barberton, 214, 228, 274, 341, 342.

Barnard, Lady Anne, 35.

Barolongs, the, 15, 45, 286, 306.

Baronga, the, 30 n.

Barreto, 25, 27 n.

Basutoland, 11, 12, 16, 17, 216, 286, 326.

Bataungs, the, 43, 45.

Bechuanaland, 11, 12, 15, 286, 326.

Belfast, 341.

Bell's Kop, 134.

Bent's 'Ruined Cities of Mashonaland' quoted, 8, 10.

Bethel, 218.

Bezuidenhout, Frederick, 36.

Bilad Ghana, discovery of, 21.

Birds of South Africa, 54, 178-181.

Blaauwberg, 152, 153.

Bleloch, Mr W., quoted, 192.

Bloemfontein, 216.

Bloemfontein Conference of March 1903, the, 362.

Bloemhof, 265, 341, 342.

Boers, the, origin of, 35;

as hunters, 49-54;

horsemanship of, 55;

character of, 58-76;

farming methods of, 256-260;

political attitude of, 343-345, 389, 390.

Boschdaal, 108.

Botha, General, 105, 138.

Brak River, the (Zoutpansberg), 153, 154.

Bruderstroom, the, 116.

Bruintje Hoogte, 36.

Bryce, Mr James, quoted, 271 n., 326 n., 350, 355 n.

Buffalo River, the, 5.

Bushmen, the, 5, 6.

Byles, Mr, 53.

Cabral, Pedro Alvarez, 23.

Calicut, 23, 25.

Callaway, Bishop, his works, 14 n.

Cam, Diego, his discovery of the Congo, 22.

Canada, nature of federation of, 363, 365;

local forces in, 368.

See Durham, Lord.

Cape Colony, native taxation in, 298;

constitution of, 325;

franchise in, 339;

local forces in, 369, 378, 379.

Cape of Good Hope, discovery of, 22.

Carolina, 131.

Casalis, M., 14 n.

Castrol's Nek, 144.

Celliers, Sarel, 44, 62.

Cetewayo, 15.

Climate, 195.

Coal, 193.

Commando Nek, 82, 110.

Compensation, to slave-owners in Cape Colony, 39, 40;

to loyalists in Cape Colony and Natal, 244.

Compies River, 141.

Congo Free State, 367.

Conquered territory, the, 216.

Constabulary, the South African, 105, 115, 246, 249, 376.

_Constitutie_ of Orange Free State, the, 327-329.

Conto, Portuguese writer, quoted, 9.

Copper-mining, 159, 193.

Coster River, the, 107.

Cost of gold-mining, 203 n.

Cost of living in new colonies, 220, 221.

Crocodile Poort, 82, 110-112, 161.

Crocodile River, 15. See Limpopo.

Crown Colony administration, nature of, 331-334.

Customs Union, the South African, 235-241, 355.

da Gama, Vasco, 23, 24.

d'Albuquerque, Affonso, 24.

Damaraland, German acquisition of, 366.

de Barros, 19.

de Buys, Conrad, story of, 36, 37.

Decentralisation, colonial, 29;

administration in Transvaal, 242, 243.

Delarey, General, 88, 102, 138.

de Silveira, Gonsalvo, 26.

Diamonds, 193, 194.

Dias, Diniz, 20.

Diaz, Bartolomeo, 22.

Dingaan, 3, 15.

Dingiswayo, 14.

do Espirito Santa, Luiz, 27.

Dominicans in East Africa, the, 26, 27.

dos Santos, 19.

Drakensberg Mountains, the, 43, 113, 144, 173, 177.

Durham, Lord, his Report on Canada, 331, 389.

Dutch East India Company founded, the, 26.

Dutch, the. See Boers.

Education, 309, 389.

Egypt, 7, 84;

comparison of South Africa with, 224, 253, 388.

Elands River (Lydenburg), 129.

Elands River (Rustenburg), 106.

Ericsen, Mr, 52, 53.

Ermelo, 57, 137.

Expenditure of Transvaal, the normal, 241.

Federation, Imperial, 395, 396.

Federation of South Africa, the, 347, 348-367;

advantages of, 350-353;

tendencies towards, 353-355;

tendencies against, 355-358;

the first steps towards, 359-363;

nature of, 364-367.

Forestry in the Transvaal, 194.

Fourteen Streams, 215.

Franchise in the new colonies, axioms which govern, 338;

types of, 339, 340;

division of constituencies, 341, 342.

Francis, Mr, 53.

Frere, Sir Bartle, 348.

Fura, Mount, 9, 25.

Game laws in Transvaal, 169-171.

Game reserves, 170, 171, 185.

Glenelg, Lord, his Kaffir policy, 38, 40.

Glen Grey Act, the, 298, 299, 307.

Goa, 24, 25.

Gold, how found in Transvaal, 191-194;

quartz and alluvial, mining for, 193;

nature of industry, 196-200.

Gold Law Commission, Report of, 227-231.

Gordon-Cumming, Mr, 53, 168.

Graaff-Reinet, 3, 7, 40.

Greylingstad, 192.

Grey, Sir George, 348.

_Grondwet_, the Transvaal, 328, 340.

Guaranteed Loan, the, 216, 222, 244-250, 360.

Haenertsburg, 115, 116, 120.

Hall and Neal, Messrs, their 'Ancient Ruins of

Rhodesia,' 10 n.

Harrier packs, 181.

Harrismith, 214.

Hartley, Mr, 50, 53.

Havilah, 9.

Heidelberg, 192.

Henry the Navigator, Prince, 20-22.

High Commissionership, functions of, 353.

Hillier, Dr A., quoted, 6 n.

Himyarites. See Sabaeans.

History of South Africa, difficulties in way of, 4.

Hottentots, the, 6, 7.

Huguenot strain in the Boers, the, 35, 60.

India, 208 n., 370.

Ingwenya Mountains, the, 131.

Inhambane, 28.

Inter-Colonial Council, the, 246-248, 359-362.

Irene, Mr van der Byl's park at, 57.

Iron ore, 193.

Irrigation, 263, 268.

Jacottet, M., his works on folk-lore, 14 n.

Jesuits in East Africa, the, 26, 27.

Jew, the, 100, 154, 313.

Johannesburg, 311-324;

description of, 311, 312;

false ideas of, 314, 315;

force of social persistence in, 315-317;

critical position of, 317;

present stage of development, 319;

labour party in, 320;

solidarity of spirit in, 322.

Johnston, Sir Harry, 204.

Joubert's Hoogte, 144.

Junod, M., his works on folk-lore, 14 n., 30 n.

Kaffir races, the, 5, 11;

religion and law of, 12;

folk-lore of, 13, 30 n.;

superstitions of, 150, 164;

as hunters, 164;

as farmers, 265, 292;

their political future, 284-310;

taxation of, 298-301;

education of, 309.

Kalahari, the, 102, 169, 173.

Keane, Professor, 8, 9, 10 n.

Kirk, the Dutch, 42, 328, 389.

Klerksdorp, 93, 192, 215.

Komati Poort, 214, 216.

Komati River, the, 130, 141.

Korannafontein, 99.

Koranna tribe, the, 6, 99.

Krabbefontein, 122, 123.

Kruger, Paul, 43, 69, 110, 317, 330.

Labour party in the Transvaal, the, 319-321.

Labour question in the Transvaal, the, 200-214;

nature of labour on mines, 201;

Kaffir labour, 202;

Central African labour, 204, 205;

white labour, 205-208;

Asiatic labour, 208-212;

labour for the railways, 218, 219;

compulsory labour, 292-295.

Lake Banagher, 132.

Lake Chrissie, 136, 137, 220.

Land settlement in South Africa, 244;

sums alloted for, 252, 255-283;

extent of Crown land, 256, 273, 274;

political importance of settlement, 270-273;

Government scheme of, 274-280;

comparison with Australasian precedents, 276-279.

Lebombo flats, the, 134.

Lebombo hills, the, 118, 172.

Legislative Councils of Transvaal and Orange

River Colony, the, 336, 337.

Letaba River, the, 113, 117-124.

Letsitela River, the, 113.

Leydsdorp, 113, 114, 216.

Lichtenburg, 97, 100, 101, 218, 264.

Lichtenstein, his 'Travels in South Africa,' 36 n.

Limpopo River, the, 7, 36, 45, 63, 106, 147, 150,

156, 160, 161, 172, 287.

Linschoten, publication of his works, 26.

Livingstone, 8.

Lobengula, 15, 16.

Louis Trichard, 154.

Lydenburg, 37, 43, 121, 129, 186, 216, 274, 341, 342.

Macdonald, John, 53.

Machadodorp, 129.

Machadodorp-Carolina railway, the, 130, 215, 217.

Machubi, 124.

Mackenzie, John, quoted, 294.

Magalakween River, the, 149.

Magaliesberg, the, 15, 44, 82, 107-112, 160, 312.

Magata, 9, 286.

Magata's Nek, 107.

Magatoland, 172, 184.

Main Reef formation, extent of, 192.

Majajie's location, 117, 304.

Makalanga, the, 10, 11, 12, 24-27.

Makasi Spruit, the, 96.

Malapoch, 152.

Malietsie's location, 150.

Malmani Oog, 102-104.

Manicaland, 11.

Manuza, 27.

Marah, 37.

Marico, river and district, 15, 45, 106, 177, 274, 342.

Maritz, Gerrit, 44.

Market, nature of, 219, 261, 266, 267.

Mashonaland, 10, 11, 169, 286.

Mazimba, the, 11.

Middelburg, 193, 341.

Missionaries, 101, 309.

Monomotapa, 10, 11, 24-27.

Mont aux Sources, 134, 153.

Mooi River, the, 43, 87, 184.

Mosega, 3, 44.

Moshesh, 3, 16, 17.

Mosilikatse, 15, 16, 43-45, 112.

Mountaineering in South Africa, 153.

Mozambique, 23, 25.

Municipal government in Transvaal, 335.

Murchison Hills, the, 117.

_Mynpacht_, 229, 230.

Natal, discovery of, 23;

native taxation in, 298;

constitution of, 325;

franchise in, 339;

local forces in, 369, 379.

Native Labour Association, the, 202, 213, 351.

Natives. See Kaffirs.

Nauraghes, the Sardinian, 8, 9.

Neolithic age, traces of, 6.

Netherlands railway, the, 217.

New Scotland, 140, 141.

Nomenclature, Dutch, 47, 48, 82.

Nyl, the river, 34.

Nylstroom, 341.

Occupation farms in Transvaal, 255.

Ogilby's 'Itinerarium Angliae' quoted, 282.

Olifant's Poort, 82.

Olifant's River, 121, 172, 173.

Ophir, 9, 21.

Orange River Colony, the, 176;

railway system of, 217 n., 246;

financial position of, 223, 224, 248;

taxation of natives in, 298;

census of, 342.

Oswell, Mr, 53, 168.

Ovampas, the, 11.

Palaeolithic age, traces of, 5.

Panda, 16.

Parties in the Transvaal, probable division of, 344, 345.

Phoenicians, the, 4, 8, 160.

Pietersburg, 113, 114, 148, 214, 216, 341.

Piet Potgieter's Rust, 42, 341.

Piet Retief, 142, 143.

Pongola River, the, 129, 141, 144.

Portuguese in East Africa, the, 4, 7, 11;

their age of discovery, 19-24;

their African empire, 24-32.

Potchefstroom, 87, 192, 274.

Potgieter, Andries, 43, 44.

Prazos, the Portuguese, 28, 119.

Prester John, 21, 24.

Pretoria, 42, 312, 341.

Pretoria-Pietersburg railway, the, 217.

Pungwe River, the, 169.

Railway Extension Conference, the, 216.

Railway system in South Africa, the, 214-219, 246;

revenue of, 249.

Reitz, Mr F. W., his songs, 69.

Repatriation, 94, 95, 109, 136, 138, 139, 149, 244.

Retief, Pieter, 37, 38, 142.

Revenue of Transvaal, the, 224-241;

mining revenue, 225.

Rhodes, Mr C. J., his native policy, 307;

his policy of federation, 348;

his influence on South African politics, 392, 393.

Rhodesia, 7, 8-10, 161, 173, 210, 215, 326, 379.

Rooijantjesfontein, 100.

Rooi Rand, the, 118.

Rustenburg, 82, 107-110, 171, 216, 274.

Ruwenzori, 147, 392.

Sabaeans, the, 8, 9.

Sabi game preserve, 171.

Sabi River, the, 9.

Sand River, the (Zoutpansberg), 114, 216.

Sardinha, Manoel, 27.

Schlichter, Dr, 8, 10 n.

Schoon Spruit, the, 93.

Scriptural parallels, the Boer sense of, 34.

Selati railway, the, 120.

Selons River, the, 107.

Selous, Mr, quoted, 10, 50, 52, 53, 168.

Sharpe, Sir A., 53.

Slaangaapies mountains, the, 132, 141-143.

Slachter's Nek, story of, 36, 41.

Slave question in Cape Colony, the, 38-40.

Smith, Sir Harry, 41.

Sofala, 24-28.

Somerset, Lord Charles, 38.

Spelonken, the, 113, 149.

Springbok Flats, 171, 264, 265 n.

Springs-Ermelo railway, the, 215.

Squatters' law, the, 304, 305.

Standerton, 265, 341.

Stock diseases, 262;

prevention of, 262 n.

Swaziland, 129, 132-135, 177, 215, 286, 326.

Taqui, 155, 156.

Tarshish, 9.

Taxation in Transvaal, 225, 226;

of unoccupied lands, 232, 233;

of share quotations, 234.

Tchaka, 3, 14-16.

Tete, 28.

Thaba Bosigo, 16.

Thaba 'Nchu, 43.

Theal, Dr, his work, 14 n.

Tobacco-growing, 110, 269.

Transvaal, estimated population of, 342.

Trek, the Great, 15, 33-48.

Trichard, Louis, 42, 43.

Trout Acclimatisation Society of the Transvaal, 184.

Trusts, possibility of, in South Africa, 197-199.

Umpilusi River, the, 132, 134.

Usutu River, the, 183.

Uys, the family of, 44, 48.

Van Rensburg, Jan, 42, 43.

Van Riebeck, Jan, 210 n.

Van Rooyen, Mr, 54.

Vechtkop, 3, 43.

Veld, nature of, 80;

bush veld, 87;

veld fires, 99;

quality of soil of, 257, 265.

_Vergunnings_, 230.

Volksraad, the, of the Orange Free State, 328;

of the Transvaal, 328;

second, 329.

Volunteer forces in South Africa, the, 379, 380 n.

Voortrekkers, the. See Trek, the Great.

Wakkerstroom, 108, 145.

War debt, the, 222, 244-250, 318.

Warm Baths, 220, 341.

Waterberg, 171, 218, 264, 342.

_Werfs_, 229, 230.

Willcocks, Sir W., his Report on Irrigation, 263.

Wilmot, Mr A., his 'Monomotapa,' 10 n., 28 n.

Winburg, 44.

Wolkberg, the, 113, 116.

Wolmaranstad, 96, 97, 218.

Wood Bush, the, 113-128, 149, 186, 228.

Zambesi River, the, 7, 10, 147, 168, 172, 177, 296, 350, 367.

Zeerust, 102-105, 177.

Zimbabwes, the, 7-11.

Zoutpansberg, 37, 43, 150-154, 156, 171, 274, 342.

Zulus, the, 11, 14, 15.

THE END.

PRINTED BY WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS.

* * * * *

Transcriber's Note

The following changes were made to the original text:

Page 23, "Muslin" changed to "Muslim" (with Muslim pilgrims)

Page 280, "other" changed to "another" (for another two)

Page 376, L restored to Footnote 39 (L270,000)

All other inconsistencies in spellings and hyphenations were retained

as printed in the original text.

The African Colony: Studies in the Reconstruction · 第 9 / 9 章