THE DESCENT
Non his juventus orta parentibus infecit aequor sanguine
Punico.--HORACE.
THE MESSAGE
I
IN THE MAKING
"Such as I am, sir--no great subject for a boaster, I admit--you see
in me a product of my time, sir, and of very worthy parents, I
assure you."--EZEKIEL JOY.
As a very small lad, at home in Tarn Regis, I had but one close chum,
George Stairs, and he went off with his father to Canada, while I was
away for my first term at Elstree School. Then came Rugby, where I had
several friends, but the chief of them was Leslie Wheeler. Just why we
should have been close friends I cannot say, but I fancy it was mainly
because Leslie was such a handsome fellow, and always seemed to cut a
good figure in everything he did; while I, on the other hand, excelled
in nothing, and was not brilliant even in the expression of my
discontent, which was tolerably comprehensive. Withal, in other matters
beside discontent, I was a good deal of an extremist, and by no means
lacking in enthusiasm.
My father, too, was an enthusiast in his quiet way. His was the
enthusiasm of the student, and his work as historian and archaeologist
absorbed, I must suppose, a great deal more of his interest and energy
than was ever given to his cure of souls. He was rector of Tarn Regis,
in Dorset, before I was born, and at the time of his death, to be
present at which I was called away in the middle of the last term of my
third year at Cambridge. I was to have spent four years at the
University; but, as the event proved, I never returned there after my
hurried departure, three days prior to my father's death.
The personal tie between my father and those among whom he lived and
worked was not a very close or intimate bond. His contribution to the
Cambridge History was greatly appreciated by scholars, and his
archaeological research won him the respect and esteem of his peers in
that branch of study. But I cannot pretend that his loss was keenly felt
by his parishioners, with most of whom his relations had been strictly
professional rather than personal. A good man and true, without a trace
of anything sordid or self-seeking in his nature, my father was yet
singularly indifferent to everything connected with the daily lives and
welfare of his fellow creatures.
In this he was typical of a considerable section of the country clergy
of the time. I knew colleagues of his who were more pronounced examples
of the type. One in particular I call to mind (whose living was in the
gift of a Cambridge college, like my father's), who, though a good
fellow and a clean-lived gentleman, was no more a Christian than he was
a Buddhist--less, upon the whole. Among scholarly folk he made not the
slightest pretence of regarding the fundamental tenets of the Christian
faith in the light of anything more serious than interesting historical
myths, notable sections in the mosaic of folk-lore, which it was his
pride and delight to study and understand.
Such men as A---- R---- and my father (and there were many like them,
and more who shared their aloofness while lacking half their virtues)
lived hard-working, studious lives, in which the common kinds of
self-indulgence played but a very small part. Honourable, kindly at
heart, gentle, rarely consciously selfish, these worthy men never gave a
thought to the current affairs of their country, to their own part as
citizens, or to the daily lives of their fellow countrymen. Indeed, they
exhibited a kind of gentle intolerance and contempt in all topical
concerns; and though they preached religion and drew stipends as
expounders of Christianity, they no more thought of "prying" or
"interfering," as they would have said, into the actual lives and hearts
and minds of those about them, than of thrusting their hands into their
parishioners' pockets.
Stated in this bald way the thing may sound incredible, but those whose
recollections carry them back to the opening years of the century will
bear me out in saying that this was far from being either the most
distressing or the most remarkable among the outworkings of what was
then extolled as a broad spirit of tolerance. Our "tolerance," our
vaunted "cosmopolitanism," were far more dangerous factors of our
national life, had we but known it, than either the insularity of our
sturdy forbears or the strength of our enemies had ever been.
Even my dear mother did not, I think, feel the shock of her bereavement
so much as might have been supposed. One may say, without disrespect,
that the loss of my father gave point and justification to my mother's
attitude toward life. Kind, gentle soul that she was, my mother was
afflicted with what might be called the worrying temperament; a
disposition characteristic of that troublous time. My memory seems to
fasten upon the matter of domestic labour as representing the crux and
centre of my dear mother's grievances and topics of lament prior to my
father's death. The subject may seem to border upon the ridiculous, as
an influence upon one's general point of view; but at that time it was
really more tragic than farcical, and I know that what was called "the
servant question"--as such it was gravely treated in books and papers,
and even by leader-writers and lecturers--formed the basis of a great
deal of my mother's conversation, just as I am sure that it coloured her
outlook upon life, and strengthened her tendency to worry over
everything, from the wear-and-tear of house-linen to the morality of the
people. All this was incomprehensible and absurd to my father, though,
had he but thought of it, it was really more human than his own
attitude; for certainly my mother was interested and concerned in the
daily lives of her fellow creatures, though not in a cheering or
illuminating manner perhaps.
But, as I say, the deprecatory, worrying attitude had become second
nature with my mother long years before her widowhood, and had lined and
seamed her poor forehead and silvered her hair before my Rugby days
were over. Bereavement merely gave point to a mood already well
established.
That I should not return to Cambridge was decided as a matter of course
within the week of my father's funeral, when we learned that the little
he had left behind him would not even pay for the dilapidations of the
rectory. There was practically nothing, when my father's affairs were
put in order, beyond my mother's little property, a recent legacy, the
investment of which in Canadian railway stocks brought in about a
hundred and fifty a year.
Thus I found myself confronted with a sufficiently serious situation for
a young man whose training so far had no more fitted him for taking part
in any particular division of the battle of life, where the prize sought
is an income, than for the administration of the planet Mars. Rugby was
better than some of the great public schools in this respect, for a lad
with definite purposes and ambitions, but its curriculum had far less
bearing upon the working life of the age than it had upon its games and
pastimes and the affairs of nations and peoples long since passed away.
Yet Rugby belonged to a group of schools that were admittedly the best,
and certainly the most outrageously costly, of the educational
establishments of the period.
I think my sister Lucy was more shocked than any one else by the death
of our father. I say shocked, because I am not certain whether or not
the word grieved would apply accurately. For one thing, Lucy had never
before seen any dead person. Neither had I, for that matter; but Lucy
was more affected by the actual presence in the house of Death, than I
was. Twice a day for years she had kissed our father's forehead. Now and
again she had sat upon the arm of his chair and stroked his thin hair.
These demonstrations were connected, I believe, with the quest of
favours--permission, money, and so forth; but doubtless affection played
a part in them.
As for Lucy's home life, a little conversation I recall on the occasion
of her driving me to the station when I was leaving for what proved my
last term at Cambridge, seems to me to throw some light. I had but
recently learned of Lucy's engagement to marry Doctor Woodthrop, of
Davenham Minster, our nearest market-town. I had found Woodthrop a
decent fellow enough, but thirty-four as against Lucy's twenty-one,
inclining ominously to corpulence, and as flatly prosaic and
unadventurous a spirit as a small country town could produce. Now, as
Lucy seemed to me to have hankerings in the direction of social
pleasures and the like, with a penchant for brilliancy and daring, I was
a little puzzled about her engagement, for Woodthrop was one who kept a
few conversational pleasantries on hand, as a man keeps old pipes on a
rack, for periodical use at suitable times.
"So you are actually going to be married, Loo?" I said.
"Oh, well, engaged, Dick," she replied, with a little blush.
"With a view, I presume. Then I suppose it follows that you are in
love--h'm?"
"Why, Dick, what a cross-examiner you are!" The blush increased.
"Well, my dear girl, surely it's a natural assumption, is it not?"
"Oh, I suppose so. But----"
"Yes?"
"Well, I don't think in real life it's the same thing that you read
about in novels, do you, Dick?"
"What? Being in love?"
"Yes."
"Well, perhaps not; but I imagine it ought to be something pretty
pronounced, you know, even in such a pale reflection of the novels as
real life. I gather that it ought to be; seriously, Loo, I think it
ought to be. I suppose you do love Woodthrop, don't you?"
My sister looked a little distressed, and I half-regretted having put so
direct a question. I was sufficiently the product of my day to be
terribly afraid of any kind of interference with my fellow creatures.
Our apotheosis of individual liberty had made any such action anathema,
"bad form," a sin more resented in the sinner than cowardice or
dishonesty, or than any kind of wickedness which was strictly personal
and, as you might say, self-contained. Our one object of universal
reverence and respect was the personal equation.
"There, Loo," I said, "I didn't mean to tease you." Thus, in accordance
with my traditions, I brushed aside and apologized for my natural
interest in her well-being in the same way that my poor father and his
like brushed away all matters of topical import, and the average man of
the period brushed aside all concern with his fellow men, all
responsibility for the common weal.
"No," she said, "I know you didn't. And, indeed, Dick, I suppose I don't
love Herbert as well as I ought; but--but, Dick, you don't know what it
is to be a girl. You can go off to Cambridge, and presently you will go
out into the world and live your own life in your own way. But it's
different for me, Dick. A girl is not supposed to want to live her own
life; she is just part of the home, and the home----. Well, Dick, you
know father's life, and mother--poor mother----"
"Yes," I said, "that's so."
"Well, Dick, I'm afraid it seems pretty selfish, but I do want to live
my own way, and I do get terribly tired of--of----"
"Of the 'servant question,' for instance."
"Exactly."
"And you think you can live your own life with Woodthrop?"
"Why, I think he is very kind and good, Dick, and he says there's no
reason why I shouldn't hunt, if I can manage with one mount, and we can
have friends of mine to stay, and--and so on."
"Yes, I see. You will be mistress of a house."
"And, of course, I like him very much, Dick; he really is good."
"Yes."
That was how Lucy felt about her marriage. There seemed to me to be a
good deal lacking; but then I was rather given to concentrating my
attention upon flaws and gaps. And when I was next at home, at the time
of my father's death, I could not help feeling that the engagement was
something to be thankful for. A hundred and fifty a year would mean a
good deal of pinching for my mother alone, as things went then; but for
mother and Lucy together it would have been painfully short commons.
Life, even in the country, was an expensive business at that time
despite the current worship of cheapness and of "free" trade, as our
Quixotic fiscal policy was called. The sum total of our wants and
fancied wants had been climbing steadily, while our individual
capability in domestic and other simple matters had been on the decline
for a long while.
In the end we decided that my mother and Lucy should establish
themselves in apartments on the outskirts of Davenham Minster, which
apartments would serve my mother permanently, with the relinquishment of
a single room after Lucy's marriage. I saw them both established,
gathered my few personal belongings in a trunk and a couple of bags, and
started for London on a brilliantly fine morning toward the end of June.
At that time a young man went to London as a matter of course, when
launching out for himself. It was not that folk liked living in the huge
city (though, curiously enough, many did), but they gravitated toward it
because the great aim, always, and in those conditions necessarily, was
to make money. There was more money "knocking about," so people said, in
London than anywhere else; so that was the place for which one made.
I started for London with a capital of precisely eleven guineas over and
above my railway fare--and left it again on the same day.
II
AT THE WATER'S EDGE
"Now a little before them, there was on the left-hand of the Road, a
Meadow, and a Stile to go over into it, and that Meadow is called
By-Path-Meadow."--_The Pilgrim's Progress._
My friend, Leslie Wheeler, had left Cambridge a few months before my
summons home, in order to enter his father's office in Moorgate Street.
His father was of the mysteriously named tribe of "financial agents,"
and had evidently found it a profitable calling.
As I never understood anything of even the nomenclature of finance, I
will not attempt to describe the business into which my friend had been
absorbed; but I remember that it afforded occupation for dozens of
gentlemanly young fellows, the correctness of whose _coiffure_ and
general appearance was beyond praise. These beautifully groomed young
gentlemen sat upon high stools at desks of great brilliancy. They used
an ingenious arrangement of foolscap paper to protect their shirt-cuffs
from contact with baser things, and one of the reasons for the evident
care lavished upon the disposition of their hair may have been the fact
that they made it a point of honour to go hatless when taking the air or
out upon business during the day. Their general appearance and
deportment in the office and outside always conveyed to me the
suggestion that they were persons of some wealth and infinite leisure;
but I have been assured that they were hard-working clerks, whose
salaries, even in these simpler days, would not be deemed extravagant.
These salaries, I have been told, worked out at an average of perhaps
L120 or L130 a year.
Now London meant no more to me at that time than a place where, upon
rare occasions, one dined in splendour, went to a huge and gilded
music-hall, cultivated a bad headache, and presently sought to ease it
by eating a nightmarish supper, and eating it against time. My allowance
at Cambridge had, no doubt fortunately for my digestion, allowed of but
few excursions to the capital; but my friend Wheeler lived within twenty
miles of it, and I figured him already burgeoning as a magnate of
Moorgate Street. Therefore I had of course written to him of my proposed
descent upon the metropolis, and had been very kindly invited to spend a
week at his father's house in Weybridge before doing anything else.
Accordingly then, having reached Waterloo by a fast train, I left most
of my effects in the cloak-room there, and taking only one bag,
journeyed down to Weybridge.
My friend welcomed me in person in the hall of his father's big and
rather showy house, he having returned from the City earlier than usual
for that express purpose. I had already met his mother and two sisters
upon four separate occasions at Cambridge. Indeed, I may say that I had
almost corresponded with Leslie's second sister, Sylvia. At all events,
we had exchanged half a dozen letters, and I had even begged, and
obtained, a photograph. At Cambridge I thought I had detected in this
delicately pretty, soft-spoken girl, some sympathy and fellow-feeling in
the matter of my own crude gropings toward a philosophy of life. You may
be sure I did not phrase it in that way then. The theories upon which my
discontent with the prevailing order of things was based, seemed to me
then both strong and practical; a little ahead of my time perhaps, but
far from crude or unformed. As I see it now, my creed was rather a
protest against indifference, a demand for some measure of activity in
social economy. That my muse was socialistic seems to me now to have
been mainly accidental, but so it was, and its nutriment had been drawn
largely from such sources as Carpenter's _Civilization: its Cause and
Cure_, in addition to the standard works of the Socialist leaders.
It is quite possible that one of the reasons of my continued friendship
with Leslie Wheeler was the fact that, in his agreeable manner, he
represented in person much of the butterfly indifference to what I
considered the serious problems of life, against which my fulminations
were apt to be directed. I may have clung to him instinctively as a
wholesome corrective. At all events, he submitted, in the main
good-humouredly, to my frequently personal diatribes, and, by his very
complaisance and merry indifference, supplied me again and again with
point and illustration for my sermons.
Leslie's elder sister, Marjory, was his counterpart in petticoats;
merry, frivolous, irresponsible, devoted to the chase of pleasure, and
obdurately bent upon sparing neither thought nor energy over other
interests; denying their very existence indeed, or good-humouredly
ridiculing them when they were forced upon her. She was a very handsome
girl; I was conscious of that; but, perhaps because I could not
challenge her as I did her brother, her character made no appeal to me.
But Sylvia, on the other hand, with her big, spiritual-looking eyes,
transparently fair skin, and earnest, even rapt expression; Sylvia
stirred my adolescence pretty deeply, and was assiduously draped by me
in that cloth of gold and rose-leaves which every young man is apt to
weave from out of his own inner consciousness for the persons of those
representatives of the opposite sex in whom he detects sympathy and
responsiveness.
Mrs. Wheeler spoke in a kind and motherly way of my bereavement, and the
generosity of youth somehow prevented my appreciation of this being
dulled by the fact that, until reminded, she had forgotten whether I had
lost a father or a mother. Indeed, though not greatly interested in
other folk's affairs, I believe that while the good soul's eyes rested
upon the supposed sufferer, or his story, she was sincerely sorry about
any kind of trouble, from her pug's asthma to the annihilation of a
multitude in warfare or disaster. She had the kindest heart, and no
doubt it was rather her misfortune than her fault that she could not
clearly realize any circumstance or situation which did not impinge in
some way upon her own small circle.
I met Leslie's father for the first time at dinner that evening. One
could hardly have imagined him sparing time for visits to Cambridge. He
was a fine, soldierly-looking man, with no trace of City pallor in his
well-shaven, purple cheeks. Purple is hardly the word. The ground was
crimson, I think, and over that there was spread a delicate tracery, a
sort of netted film, of some kind of blue. The eyes had a glaze over
them, but were bright and searching. The nose was a salient feature,
having about it a strong predatory suggestion. The forehead was low,
surmounted by exquisitely smooth iron-gray hair. Mr. Wheeler was
scrupulously fine in dress, and used a single eye-glass. He gave me
hearty welcome, and I prefer to think that the apparent chilling of his
attitude to me after he had learned of my financial circumstances was
merely the creation of some morbid vein of hyper-sensitiveness in
myself.
At all events, we were all very jolly together that evening, and I went
happily to bed, after what I thought a hint of responsive pressure in my
handshake with Sylvia, and several entertaining anecdotes from Mr.
Wheeler as to the manner in which fortunes had been made in the purlieus
of Throgmorton Street. Launching oneself upon a prosperous career in
London seemed an agreeably easy process at the end of that first evening
in the Wheeler's home, and the butterfly attitude toward life appeared
upon the whole less wholly blameworthy than before. What a graceful
fellow Leslie was, and how suave and genial the father when he sat at
the head of his table toying with a glass of port! And these were
capable men, too, men of affairs. Doubtless their earnestness was strong
enough below the surface, I thought--for that night.
III
AN INTERLUDE
"To observations which ourselves we make,
We grow more partial for th' observer's sake."
POPE.
Though in no sense unfriendly or lacking in sympathy, I noticed that
Leslie Wheeler showed no inclination to be drawn into intimate
discussion of my prospects. I was not inclined to blame my friend for
this, but told myself that he probably acted upon paternal instructions.
For me, however, it was impossible to lay aside for long, thoughts
regarding my immediate future. I was aware that a nest-egg of eleven or
twelve pounds was not a very substantial barrier between oneself and
want. Mr. Wheeler told no more stories of fortunes built out of nothing
in the City, but he did take occasion to refer casually to the fact that
City men did not greatly care for the products of public schools and
universities, as employees.
I was more than half-inclined to ask why, in this case, Leslie had been
sent to Rugby and Cambridge, but decided to avoid the personal
application of his remark. It was, after all, no more than the
expression of a commonly accepted view, striking though it seems as a
comment upon the educational system of the period, when one remembers
the huge proportion of the middle and upper-class populace which was
absorbed by commercial callings of one kind or another.
There was practically no demand for physical prowess or aptitude,
outside the field of sport and games, nor even for those qualities which
are best served by a good physical training. One need not, therefore, be
greatly surprised that the public schools should have given no physical
training outside games, and that even of the most perfunctory character,
the majority qualifying as interested spectators merely, of the prowess
of the minority. But it certainly is remarkable, that no practical
business training, nor studies of a sort calculated to be of use in
later business training, should have been given in the schools most
favoured by those for whom business was a life's calling. In this, as in
so many other matters, I suppose we were guided and directed entirely by
habit and tradition; the line of least resistance.
When I talked of my prospects with handsome Leslie Wheeler--his was his
father's face, unblemished and unworn--our conversation was always three
parts jocular, at all events upon his side. I was to recast society and
mould our social system anew by means of my pen, and of journalism. I
was to provide "the poor blessed poor" with hot-buttered rolls and
devilled kidneys for breakfast, said Leslie, and introduce old-age
pensions for every British workman who survived his twenty-first
birthday.
I would not be understood to suggest that this sort of facetiousness
indicated the average attitude of the period with regard to the horrible
fact that the country contained millions of people permanently in a
state of want and privation. But it was a quite possible attitude then.
Such people as my friend could never have mocked the sufferings of an
individual. But with regard to the state of affairs, the pitiful
millions, as an abstract proposition, indifference was the rule, a tone
of light cynicism was customary, and "the poor we have always with us,"
quoted with a deprecatory shrug, was an accepted conversational refuge,
even among such people as the clergy and charitable workers.
And this, if one comes to think of it, was inevitable. The life and
habits and general attitude of the period would have been absolutely
impossible, in conjunction with any serious face-to-face consideration
of a situation which embraced, for example, such preposterously
contradictory elements as these:
The existence of huge and growing armies of absolutely unemployed men;
the insistence of the populace, and particularly the business people,
upon the disbandment of regiments, and upon great naval and military
reductions, involving further unemployment; the voting of considerable
sums for distribution among the unemployed; violent opposition to the
mere suggestion of State aid to enable the unemployed of England to
migrate to those parts of the Empire which actually needed their labour;
the increasing difficulty of the problem which was wrapped up in the
question of "What to do with our sons"; the absolute refusal of the
nation to admit of universal military service; the successive closing by
tariff of one foreign market after another against British manufactures,
and the hysterical refusal of the people to protect their own markets
from what was graphically called the "dumping" into them of the surplus
products of other peoples.
It is a queer catalogue, with a ring of insanity about it; but these
were the merest commonplaces of life at that time, and the man who
rebelled against them was a crank. My friend Leslie's attitude was
natural enough, therefore; and, with a few exceptions, it was my own,
for, curiously enough, the political school I favoured was, root and
branch, opposed to the only possible remedies for this situation.
Liberals, Radicals, Socialists, and the majority of those who arrogated
to themselves the title of Social Reformers; these were the people who
insisted, if not upon the actual evils and sufferings indicated in this
illustrative note of social contradictions, then upon violent opposition
to their complements in the way of mitigation and relief. And I was
keenly of their number.
Many of these matters I discussed, or perhaps I should say, dilated
upon, in conversation with Sylvia, while her brother and father were in
London. We would begin with racquets in the tennis-court, and end late
for some meal, after long wanderings among the pines. And in Sylvia, as
it seemed to me, I found the most delightfully intelligent
responsiveness, as well as sympathy. My knowledge of feminine nature,
its extraordinary gifts of emotional and personal intuition, was of the
scantiest, if it had any existence at all. But my own emotional side was
active, and my mind an inchoate mass of ideals and more or less
sentimental longings for social betterment. And so, with Sylvia's
gentle acquiescence, I rearranged the world.
Much I have forgotten, and am thus spared the humiliation of recounting.
But, as an example of what I recall, I remember a conversation which
arose from our passing a miniature rifle-range which some local
resident--"Some pompous Jingo of retrogressive tendencies," I called
him--had erected with a view to tempting young Weybridge into
marksmanship; a tolerably forlorn prospect at that time.
"Is it not pathetic," I said, "in twentieth-century England, to see such
blatant attacks upon progress as that?"
Sylvia nodded gravely; sweetly sympathetic understanding, as I saw it.
And, after all, why not? Understanding of my poor bubbling mind, anyhow,
and--Nature's furnishing of young women's minds is a mighty subtle
business, not very much more clearly understood to-day than in the era
of knight-errantry.
Sylvia nodded gravely, as I spurned the turf by the range.
"Here we are surrounded by quagmires of poverty, injustice, social
anomalies, and human distress, and this poor soul--a rich pork-butcher,
angling for the favours of a moribund political party, I dare
say--lavishes heaven knows how many pounds over an arrangement by which
young men are to be taught how to kill each other with neatness and
despatch at a distance of half a mile! It is more tragical than
farcical. It is enough to make one despair of one's fellow countrymen,
with their silly bombast about 'Empire,' and their childish waving of
flags. 'Empire,' indeed; God save the mark! And our own little country
groaning, women and children wailing, for some measure of common-sense
internal reform!"
"It is dreadful, dreadful," said Sylvia. My heart leapt out to meet the
gentle goodness of her. "But still, I suppose there must be soldiers,"
she added. Of course, this touched me off as a spark applied to tinder.
"But that is just the whole crux of the absurdity, and as long as so
unreal a notion is cherished we can never be freed from the slavery of
these huge armaments. Soldiers are only necessary if war is necessary,
and war can only be necessary while men are savages. The differences
between masters and men are far more vital and personal than the
differences between nations; yet they have long passed the crude stage
of thirsting for each other's destruction as a means of settling
quarrels. War is a relic of barbarous days. So long as armies are
maintained, unscrupulous politicians will wage war. If we, who call
ourselves the greatest nation in Christendom, would even deserve the
credit of plain honesty, we must put away savagery, and substitute
boards of arbitration for armies and navies."
"Yes, I see," said Sylvia, her face alight with interest, "I feel that
must be the true, the Christian view. But suppose the other nations
would not agree to arbitration?"
"But there is not a doubt they would. Can you suppose that any people
are so insensate as really to like war, carnage, slaughter, for their
own sake, when peaceful alternatives are offered?"
"No, I suppose not; and, indeed, I feel that all you say is true, Mr.
Mordan."
"Please don't say 'Mr. Mordan,' Sylvia. Even your mother and sister call
me Dick. No, no, the other nations would be only too glad to follow our
lead, and we, as the greatest Power, should take that lead. What could
their soldiers do to a soldierless people, anyhow; and even if we lost
at the beginning, why, 'What shall it profit a man if he gain the whole
world and lose his own soul?' Of what use is the dominion of a huge,
unwieldy empire when even a tiny country like this is so administered
that a quarter of its population live always on the verge of starvation?
Let the Empire go, let Army and Navy go, let us concentrate our energies
upon the arts of peace, science, education, the betterment of the
conditions of life among the poor, the right division of the land among
those that will till it. Let us do that, and the world would have
something to thank us for, and we should soon hear the last of these
noisy, ranting idiots who are eternally waving flags like lunatics and
mouthing absurd phrases about imperialism and patriotism, national
destiny, and rubbish of that sort. Our duty is to humanity, and not to
any decayed symbols of feudalism. The talk of patriotism and imperialism
is a gigantic fraud, and the tyranny of it makes our names hated
throughout the world. We have no right to enforce our sway upon the
peace-loving farmers and the ignorant blacks of South Africa. They
rightly hate us for it, and so do the millions of India, upon whom our
yoke is held by armies of soldiers who have to be maintained by their
victims. It casts one down to think of it, just as the sight of those
ridiculous rifle-butts and the thought of the diseased sentiment behind
them depresses one."
"It all seems very mad and wrong, but--but I wish you would not take it
so much to heart," said Sylvia.
"That is very sweet of you," I told her; "and, indeed, there is not so
much real cause to be downhearted. The last elections showed clearly
enough that the majority of our people are alive to all this. The leaven
of enlightenment is working strongly among the people, and the old
tyranny of Jingoism is dying fast. One sees it in a hundred ways. Boer
independence has as warm friends in our Parliament as on the veld. The
rising movements of internationalism, of Pan-Islam, the Swadeshi
movement, the rising toward freedom in India; all these are largely
directed from Westminster. The Jingo sentiment toward Germany, a really
progressive nation, full of natural and healthy ambitions, is being
swept away by our own statesmen; by their courteous and friendly
attitude toward the Kaiser, who delights to honour our present Minister
of War. Also, the work of disarmament has begun. The naval estimates are
being steadily pruned, and whole regiments have been finally disbanded.
And all this comes from within. So you see we have some grounds for
hopefulness. It is a great step forward, for our own elected leaders to
show the enthusiastic and determined opposition they are showing to the
old brutal pretensions of England to sway the world by brute strength.
But, forgive me! Perhaps I tire you with all this--Sylvia."
"No, no, indeed you don't--Dick, I--I think it is beautiful. It--it
seems to make everything bigger, more kind and good. It interests me,
immensely."
And I knew perfectly well that I had not tired her--wearisome though the
recital of it all may be now. For I knew instinctively how the personal
note told in the whole matter. I had been really heated, and perfectly
sincere, but a kind of subconscious cunning had led me to utilize the
heat of the moment in introducing between us, for example, the use of
first names. Well I knew that I was not wearying Sylvia. But coldly
recited now, I admit the rhodomontade to be exceedingly tiresome. My
excuse for it is that it serves to indicate the sort of ideas that were
abroad at the time, the sort of sentiments which were shaping our
destiny.
After all, I was an educated youth. Many of my hot statements, too, were
of fact, and not merely of opinion and feeling. It is a fact that the
sentiment called anti-British had come to be served more slavishly in
England than in any foreign land. The duration of our disastrous war in
South Africa was positively doubled, as the result of British influence,
by Boer hopes pinned upon the deliberate utterances of British
politicians. In Egypt, South Africa, India, and other parts of the
Empire, all opposition to British rule, all risings, attacks upon our
prestige, and the like, were aided, and in many cases fomented, steered,
and brought to a successful issue--not by Germans or other foreigners,
but by Englishmen, and by Englishmen who had sworn allegiance at St.
Stephens. It is no more than a bare statement of fact to say that, in
the very year of my arrival in London, the party which ruled the State
was a party whose members openly avowed and boasted of their opposition
to British dominion, and that in terms, not less, but far more sweeping
than mine in talking to Sylvia among the pines at Weybridge.
But if Sylvia appreciated and sympathized in the matter of my
sermonizing, the rest of the family neither approved the sermons nor
Sylvia's interest in them. I was made to feel in various ways that no
import must be attached to my attentions to Sylvia. Marjory began to
shadow her sister in the daytime, and, as she was frankly rather bored
by me, I could not but detect the parental will in this.
Then with regard to my social and political views, Mr. Wheeler joined
with his son in openly deriding them. In Leslie's case the thing never
went beyond friendly banter. Leslie had no political opinions; he
laughed joyously at the mere notion of bothering his head about such
matters for a moment. And, in his way, he represented an enormous
section of the younger generation of Englishmen in this. The father, on
the other hand, was equally typical of his class and generation. This
was how he talked to me over his port:--
"I tell you what it is, you know, Mordan: you're a regular firebrand,
you know; by Jove, you are; an out-and-out Socialistic Radical: that's
what you are. By gad, sir, I don't mince my words. I consider
that--er--opinions like yours are a danger to the country; I do,
indeed; a danger to the country, and--er--to the--to the Empire. I do,
by gad. And as for your notions about disarmament and that, why, even if
our army reductions are justifiable, which, upon my word, I very much
doubt, it's ridiculous to suppose we can afford to cut down our Navy.
No, sir, the British Navy is Britain's safeguard, and it ought not to be
tampered with. I'm an out-and-out Imperialist myself, and--er--I can
tell you I have no patience with your Little Englandism."
I am not at all sure whether the class Mr. Wheeler belonged to was not
almost the most dangerous class of all. The recent elections showed this
class to be a minority. Of course, this section had its strong men, but
that it also included a large number of men like Leslie's father was a
fact--a fact which yielded pitiful evidence of its weakness. These men
called themselves "out-and-out Imperialists," and had not a notion of
even the meaning of the word they used. Still less had they any notion
of accepting any role which involved the bearing of responsibilities,
the discharge of civic and national duties.
Mr. Wheeler's aim in life was to make money and to enjoy himself. He
would never have exercised his right to vote if voting had involved
postponing dinner. He liked to talk of the British Empire, but he did
not even know precisely of what countries it consisted, and I think he
would cheerfully have handed Canada to France, Australia to Germany,
India to Russia, and South Africa to the Boers, if by so doing he could
have escaped the paying of income-tax.
On Sunday night, my last night at Weybridge, I walked home from church
alone with Sylvia. Marjory was in bed with a sore throat, and whatever
their notions as to my undesirability, neither Mr. nor Mrs. Wheeler were
inclined to attend evening service. Leslie was not home from golf at
Byfleet. We were late for dinner, Sylvia and I, and during our walk she
promised to write to me regularly, and I promised many things, and
suggested many things, and was only deterred from actual declaration by
the thought of the poor little sum which stood between me and actual
want.
Next morning I went up to town with Leslie and his father to open my
campaign in London. As a first step toward procuring work, I was to
present a letter of introduction from a Cambridge friend to the editor
of the _Daily Gazette_. After that, as Leslie said, I was to "reform
England inside out."
IV
THE LAUNCHING
"O Friend! I know not which way I must look
For comfort, being, as I am, opprest
To think that now our life is only drest
For show; mean handi-work of craftsman, cook,
Or groom!--We must run glittering like a brook
In the open sunshine, or we are unblest;
The wealthiest man among us is the best;
No grandeur now in Nature or in book
Delight us...."
WORDSWORTH.
Looking back now upon that lonely launch of mine in London, I see a very
curious and sombre picture. In the living I am sure there must have been
mitigations, and light as well as shade. In the retrospect it seems one
long disillusion. I see myself, and the few folk with whom my relations
were intimate, struggling like ants across a grimy stage, in the midst
of an inferno of noise, confusion, pointless turmoil, squalor, and
ultimate cataclysm. The whole picture is lurid, superhuman in its
chaotic gloom; but in the living, I know there were gleams of sunlight.
The tragic muddle of that period was so monstrous, that even we who
lived through it are apt in retrospect to see only the gloom and
confusion. It is natural, therefore, that those who did not live through
it should be utterly unable to discern any glimpse of relief in the
picture. And that leads to misconception.
As a fact, I found very much to admire in London when I sallied forth
from the obscure lodging I had chosen in a Bloomsbury back street, on
the morning which brought an end to my stay with the Wheelers at
Weybridge. Also, it was not given to me at that time to recognize as
such one tithe of the madness and badness of the state of affairs. Some
wholly bad features were quite good in my eyes then.
London still clung to its "season," as it was called, though motor-cars
and railway facilities had entirely robbed this of its sharply defined
nineteenth-century limits. Very many people, even among the wealthy,
lived entirely in London, spending their week-ends in this or that
country or seaside resort, and devoting the last months of summer with,
in many cases, the first months of autumn, to holiday-making on the
Continent, or in Scotland, or on the English moors or coasts.
The London season was not over when I reached town, and in the western
residential quarters the sun shone brightly upon many-coloured awnings
and beautiful decorative plants and flowers. The annual rents paid by
people who lived behind these flowers and awnings frequently ran into
thousands of pounds, with ten shillings in each pound additional by way
of rates and taxes. To live at all, in this strata, would cost a man and
his wife perhaps eighty to a hundred pounds a week, without anything
which would have been called extravagance.
Hundreds of people who lived in this way had neighbours within a
hundred yards of their front doors who never had enough to eat. Even
such people as these had to pay preposterous rents for the privilege of
huddling together in a single wretched room. But many of their wealthy
neighbours spent hundreds, and even thousands of pounds a year over
securing comfort and happiness for such domestic animals as horses,
dogs, cats, and the like. Amiable, kindly gentlefolk they were, with
tender hearts and ready sympathies. Most of them were interested in some
form of charity. Many of them specialized, and these would devote much
energy to opposing the work of other charitable specialists. Lady
So-and-so, who advocated this panacea, found herself bitterly opposed by
Sir So-and-so, who wanted all sufferers to be made to take his nostrum
in his special way. Then sometimes poor Lady So-and-so would throw up
her panacea in a huff, and concentrate her energies upon the work of
some society for converting Jews, who did not want to be converted, or
for supplying red flannel petticoats for South Sea Island girls, who
infinitely preferred cotton shifts and floral wreaths. Even these futile
charities were permitted to overlap one another to a bewilderingly
wasteful extent.
But the two saddest aspects of the whole gigantic muddle so far as
charitable work went, were undoubtedly these: The fact that much of it
went to produce a class of men and women who would not do any kind of
work because they found that by judicious sponging they could live and
obtain alcohol and tobacco in idleness; and the fact that where
charitable endeavour infringed upon vested interests, licit or illicit,
it was savagely opposed by the persons interested.
The discipline of the national schools was slack, intermittent, and of
short reach. There was positively no duty to the State which a youth was
bound to observe. Broadly, it might be said that at that time discipline
simply did not enter at all into the life of the poor of the towns, and
charity of every conceivable and inconceivable kind did enter into it at
every turn.
The police service was excellent and crime exceedingly difficult of
accomplishment. The inevitable result was the evolution in the towns of
a class of men and women, but more especially of men, who, though
compact of criminal instincts of every kind, yet committed no offence
against criminal law. They committed nothing. They simply lived,
drinking to excess when possible, determined upon one point only: that
they never would do anything which could possibly be called work. It is
obvious that among such people the sense of duty either to themselves,
to each other, or to the State, was merely non-existent.
London had long since earned the reputation of being the most charitable
city in the world. Its share in the production of an immense loafer
class formed one sad aspect of London's charity when I first came to
know the city. Another was the opposition of vested interests--the
opposition of the individual to the welfare of the mass. One found it
everywhere. An instance I call to mind (it happened to be brought
sharply home to me) struck at the root of the terribly rapid production
of degenerates, by virtue of its relation to pauper children--that is,
the children to whom the State, through its boards of guardians, stood
in the light of parents, because their natural parents were dead, or in
prison, or in lunatic asylums, or hopelessly far gone in the state of
criminal inactivity which qualified so many for all three estates.
Huge institutions were built at great expense for the accommodation of
these little unfortunates. Here they were housed in the most costly
manner, the whole work of the establishment being carried on by a highly
paid staff of servants and officials. The children were not allowed to
do anything at all, beyond the learning by rote of various theories
which there was no likelihood of their ever being able to apply to any
reality of life with which they would come in contact.
They listened to lectures on the making of dainty dishes in the best
style of French cookery, and in many cases they never saw a box of
matches. They learned to repeat poetry as parrots might, but did not
know the difference between shavings and raw coffee. They learned vague
smatterings of Roman history, but did not know how to clean their boots
or brush their hair. It was as though experts had been called upon to
devise a scheme whereby children might be reared into their teens
without knowing that they were alive or where they lived, and this with
the greatest possible outlay of money per child. Then, at a given age,
these children were put outside the massive gates of the institutions
and told to run away and become good citizens.
It followed as a matter of course that most of them fell steadily and
rapidly into the pit; the place occupied by the criminally inactive, the
"public-house props." So they returned poor, heavy-laden creatures, by
way of charity, to the institutions of the "rates," thus completing the
vicious circle of life forced upon them by an incredibly wrong-headed,
topsyturvy administration.
For the maintenance of this vicious circle enormous sums of public money
were required. Failing such vast expenditure, Nature unaided would have
righted matters to some extent, and the Poor Law guardians would have
become by so much the less wielders of power and influence, dispensers
of public money. Some of these Poor Law guardians gave up more or less
honest trades to take to Poor Law guardianship as a business; and they
waxed fat upon it.
Every now and again came disclosures. Guardians were shown to have paid
ten shillings a score for such and such a commodity this year, and next
year to have refused a tender for the supply of the same article at 9s.
8d. a score, in favour of the tender of a relative or protege of one of
their number at 109s. 8d. a score. I remember the newspapers showing up
such cases as these during the week of my arrival in London. The public
read and shrugged shoulders.
"Rascally thieves, these guardians," said the Public; and straightway
forgot the whole business in the rush of its own crazy race for money.
"But," cried the Reformer to the Public, "this is really your business.
It is your duty as citizens to stop this infamous traffic. Don't you see
how you yourselves are being robbed?"
You must picture our British Public of the day as a flushed, excited
man, hurrying wildly along in pursuit of two phantoms--money and
pleasure. These he desired to grasp for himself, and he was being
furiously jostled by millions of his fellows, each one of whom desired
just the same thing, and nothing else. Faintly, amidst the frantic
turmoil, came the warning voices in the wilderness:
"This is your business. It is your duty as citizens," etc.
Over his shoulder, our poor possessed Public would fling his answer:
"Leave me alone. I haven't time to attend to it. I'm too busy. You
mustn't interrupt me. Why the deuce don't the Government see to it? Lot
of rascals! Don't bother me. I represent commerce, and, whatever you do,
you must not in any way interfere with the Freedom of Trade."
The band of the reformers was considerable, embracing as it did the
better, braver sort of statesmen, soldiers, sailors, clergy, authors,
journalists, sociologists, and the whole brotherhood of earnest
thinkers. But the din and confusion was frightful, the pace at which the
million lived was terrific; and, after all, the cries of the reformers
all meant the same thing, the one thing the great, sweating public was
determined not to hear, and not to act on. They all meant:
"Step out from your race a moment. Your duties are here. You are passing
them all by. Come to your duties."
It was like a Moslem call to prayer; but, alas! it was directed at a
people who had sloughed all pretensions to be ranked among those who
respond to such calls, to any calls which would distract them from their
objective in the pelting pursuit of money and pleasure.
But I am digressing--the one vice which, unfortunately for us, we never
indulged or condoned at the time of my arrival in London. I wanted to
give an instance of that aspect of charity and attempted social reform
which aroused the opposition of vested interests and chartered brigands
in the great money hunt. It was this: A certain charitable lady gave
some years of her life to the study of those conditions in which, as I
have said, the criminally inactive, the hopelessly useless, were
produced by authorized routine, at a ruinous cost in money and
degeneracy, and to the great profit of an unscrupulous few.
This lady then gave some further years, not to mention money, influence,
and energy, to the evolution of a scheme by which these pauper children
could really be made good and independent citizens, and that at an
all-round cost of about one-fifth of the price of the guardians' method
for converting them into human wrecks and permanent charges upon the
State. The wise practicability of this lady's system was admitted by
independent experts, and denied by nobody. But it was swept aside and
crushed, beaten down with vicious, angry thoroughness, in one
quarter--the quarter of vested interest and authority; quietly,
passively discouraged in various other quarters; and generally ignored,
as another interrupting duty call, by the rushing public.
Here, then, were three kinds of opposition--the first active and
deadly, the other two passive and fatal, because they withheld needed
support. The reason of the first, the guardians' opposition, was frankly
and shamelessly admitted in London at the time of my arrival there. The
guardians said:
"This scheme would reduce the rates. We want more rates. It would reduce
the amount of money at our disposal. We aim at increasing that. It would
divert certain streams of cash from our own channel into other channels
in other parts of the Empire. We won't have it." But their words were
far less civil and more heated than these, though the sense of them was
as I have said.
The quiet, passive opposition was that of other workers in charity and
reform. They said in effect:
"Yes, the scheme is all right--an excellent scheme. But why do you take
it upon yourself to bring it forward in this direct manner? Are you not
aware of the existence of our B---- nostrum for pauper children, or our
C---- specific for juvenile emigration? Your scheme, admirable as it is,
ignores both these, and therefore you must really excuse us if we----
Quite so! But, of course, as co-workers in the good cause, we wish you
well----", and so forth.
The opposition of the general public I have explained. It was not really
opposition. It was simply a part of the disease of the period; the
dropsical, fatty degeneration of a people. But the mere fact that the
reformers sent forth their cries and still laboured beside the public's
crowded race-course; that such people as the lady I have mentioned
existed--and there were many like her--should show that London as I
found it was not all shadow and gloom, as it seems when one looks back
upon it from the clear light of better days.
The darkness, the confusion, and the din, were not easy to see and hear
through then. From this distance they are more impenetrable; but I know
the light did break through continually in places, and good men and
women held wide the windows of their consciousness to welcome it,
striving their utmost to carry it into the thick of the fight. Many
broke their hearts in the effort; but there were others, and those who
fell had successors. The heart of our race never was of the stuff that
can be broken. It was the strongest thing in all that tumultuous world
of my youth, and I recall now the outstanding figures of men already
gray and bowed by long lives of strenuous endeavour, who yet fought
without pause at this time on the side of those who strove to check the
mad, blind flight of the people.
London, as I entered it, was a battle-field; the perverse waste of human
energy and life was frightful; but it was not quite the unredeemed chaos
which it seems as we look back upon it.
Even in the red centre of the stampede (Fleet Street is within the City
boundaries) men in the race took time for the exercise of human
kindliness, when opportunity was brought close enough to them. The
letter I took to the editor of the _Daily Gazette_ was from an old
friend of his who knew, and told him, of my exact circumstances. This
gentleman received me kindly and courteously. He and his like were
among the most furiously hurried in the race, but their handling of
great masses of diffuse information gave them, in many cases, a wide
outlook, and where, as often happened, they were well balanced as well
as honest, I think they served their age as truly as any of their
contemporaries, and with more effect than most.
This gentleman talked to me for ten minutes, during which time he
learned most of all there was to know about my little journalistic and
debating experience at Cambridge, and the general trend of my views and
purposes. I do not think he particularly desired my services; but, on
the other hand, I was not an absolute ignoramus. I had written for
publication; I had enthusiasm; and there was my Cambridge friend's
letter.
"Well, Mr. Mordan," he said, turning toward a table littered deep with
papers, and cumbered with telephones and bells, "I cannot offer you
anything very brilliant at the moment; but I see no reason why you
should not make a niche for yourself. We all have to do that, you
know--or drop out to make way for others. You probably know that in
Fleet Street, more perhaps than elsewhere, the race is to the swift.
There are no reserved seats. The best I can do for you now is to enter
you on the reporting staff. It is stretching a point somewhat to make
the pay fifty shillings a week for a beginning. That is the best I can
do. Would you care to take that?"
"Certainly," I told him; "and I'm very much obliged to you for the
chance."
"Right. Then you might come in to-morrow. I will arrange with the
news-editor. And now----" He looked up, and I took my hat. Then he
looked down again, as though seeking something on the floor. "Well, I
think that's all. Of course, it rests with you to make your own place,
or--or lose it. I sympathize with what you have told me of your
views--of course. You know the policy of the paper. But you must
remember that running a newspaper is a complex business. One's methods
cannot always be direct. Life is made up of compromises, and--er--at
times a turn to the left is the shortest way to the right--er--Good
night!"
Thus I was given my chance within a few hours of my descent upon the
great roaring City. I was spared much. Even then I knew by hearsay, as I
subsequently learned for myself, that hundreds of men of far wider
experience and greater ability than mine were wearily tramping London's
pavements at that moment, longing, questing bitterly for work that would
bring them half the small salary I was to earn.
I wrote to Sylvia that night, from my little room among the cat-infested
chimney-pots of Bloomsbury; and I am sure my letter did not suggest that
London was a very gloomy place. My hopes ran high.
[Illustration: THE ROARING CITY]
V
A JOURNALIST'S EQUIPMENT
"... Rapine, avarice, expense,
This is idolatry; and these we adore:
Plain living and high thinking are no more:
The homely beauty of the good old cause
Is gone; our peace, our fearful innocence,
And pure religion breathing household laws."
WORDSWORTH.
Acting on the instructions I had received overnight, I presented myself
at the office of the _Daily Gazette_ in good time on the morning after
my interview with the editor. A pert boy showed me into the
news-editor's room, after an interval of waiting, and I found myself
confronting the man who controlled my immediate destiny. He was
dictating telegrams to a shorthand writer, and, for the moment, took no
notice whatever of me. I stood at the end of his table, hat in hand,
wondering how so young-looking a man came to be occupying his chair.
He looked about my age, but was a few years older. His face was as
smooth as the head of a new axe, and had something else chopper-like
about it. He reminded me of pictures I had seen in the advertisement
pages of American magazines; pictures showing a wedge-like human face,
from the lips of which some such an assertion as "It's _you_ I want!"
was supposed to be issuing. I subsequently learned that this Mr.
Charles N. Pierce had spent several years in New York, and that he was
credited with having largely increased the circulation of the _Daily
Gazette_ since taking over his present position. He suddenly raised the
even, mechanical tone in which he dictated, and snapped out the words:
"Right. Get on with those now, and come back in five minutes."
Then he switched his gaze on to me, like a searchlight.
"Mr. Mordan, I believe?"
I admitted the charge with my best smile. Mr. Pierce ignored the smile,
and said:
"University man?"
Accepting his cue as to brevity, I said: "Yes. Corpus Christi,
Cambridge."
He pursed his thin lips. "Ah well," he said, "you'll get over that."
In his way he was perfectly right; but his way was as coldly offensive
as any I had ever met with.
"Well, Mr. Mordan, I've only three things to say. Reports for this paper
must be sound English; they must be live stories; they must be short.
You might ask a boy to show you the reporters' room. You'll get your
assignment presently. As a day man, you'll be here from ten to six.
That's all."
And his blade of a face descended into the heart of a sheaf of papers.
As I reached the door the blade rose again, to emit a kind of thin bark:
"Ah!"
I turned on my heel, waiting.
"Do you know anything about spelling?"
I tried to look pleasant, as I said I thought I was to be relied on in
this.
"Well, ask my secretary for tickets for the meeting at Memorial Hall
to-day; something to do with spelling. Don't do more than thirty or
forty lines. Right."
And the blade fell once more, leaving me free to make my escape, which I
did with a considerable sense of relief. I found the secretary a meek
little clerk, with a curious hidden vein of timid facetiousness. He
supplied me with the necessary ticket and a hand-bill of particulars.
Then he said:
"Mr. Pierce is quite bright and pleasant this morning."
"Oh, is he?" I said.
"Yes, very--for him. He's all right, you know, when you get into his
way. Of course, he's a real hustler--cleverest journalist in London,
they say."
"Really!" I think I introduced the right note of admiration. At all
events, it seemed to please this little pale-eyed rabbit of a man, who,
as I found later, was reverentially devoted to his bullying chief, and
positively took a kind of fearful joy in being more savagely browbeaten
by Pierce than any other man in the building. A queer taste, but a
fortunate one for a man in his particular position.
For myself, I was at once repelled and gagged by Pierce's manner. I
believe the man had ability, though I think this was a good deal
overrated by himself, and by others, at his dictation; and I dare say he
was a good enough fellow at heart. His manner was aggressive and
feverish enough to be called a symptom of the disease of the period. If
the blood in his veins sang any song at all to Mr. Pierce, the refrain
of that song must have been, "Hurry, hurry, hurry!" He and his like
never stopped to ask "Whither?" or "Why?" They had not time. And
further, if pressed for reasons, destination, and so forth, they would
have admitted, to themselves at all events, that there could be no other
goal than success; and that success could mean no other thing than the
acquisition of money; and that the man who thought otherwise must be a
fool--a fool who would soon drop out altogether, to go under, among
those who were broken by the way.
My general aim and purpose in journalistic work, at the outset, was the
serving of social reform in everything that I did. As I saw it, society
was in a parlous state indeed, and needed awaking to recognition of the
fact, to the crying need for reforms in every direction. That attitude
was justifiable enough in all conscience. The trouble was that I was at
fault, first, in my diagnosis; second, in my notions as to what kind of
remedies were required; and third, as to the application of those
remedies.
Like the rest of the minority whose thoughts were not entirely occupied
by the pursuit of pleasure and personal gain, I saw that the greatest
obstacle in the path of the reformer was public indifference. But with
regard to the causes of that indifference, I was entirely astray. I
clung still to the nineteenth-century attitude, which had been
justifiable enough during a good portion of that century, but had
absolutely ceased to be justifiable before its end came. This was the
attitude of demanding the introduction of reforms from above, from the
State.
Though I fancied myself in advance of my time in thought, when I joined
the staff of the _Daily Gazette_, I really was essentially of it. Even
my obscure work as reporter very soon brought me into close contact with
some of the dreadful sores which disfigured the body social and politic
at that time. But do you think they taught me anything? No more than
they taught the blindest racer after money in all London. They moved me,
moved me deeply; they stirred the very foundations of my being; for I
was far from being insensitive. But not even in the most glaringly
obvious detail did they move me in the right direction. They merely
filled me with resentment, and a passionate desire to bring improvement,
aid, betterment; a desire to force the authorities into some action.
Never once did it occur to me that the movement must come from the
people themselves.
Poverty, though frequently a dreadful complication, was far from being
at the root of all the sores. The average respectable working-class
wage-earner with a wife and family, who earned from 25s. to 35s. or 40s.
a week, would spend a quarter of that wage upon his own drinking;
thereby not alone making saving for a rainy day impossible, but docking
his family of some of the real necessities of life. But this was
accepted as a matter of course. The man wanted the beer; he must have
it. The State made absolutely no demand whatever upon such a man. But it
did for him and his, more than he did for himself and his family. And,
giving positively nothing to the State, he complainingly demanded yet
more from it.
These were respectable men. A large number of men spent a half, and even
three-quarters of their earnings in drink. The middle class spent
proportionately far less on liquor, and far more upon display of one
kind and another; they seldom denied themselves anything which they
could possibly obtain. The rich, as a class, lived in and for
indulgence, in some cases refined and subtle, in others gross; but
always indulgence. The sense of duty to the State simply did not exist
as an attribute of any class, but only here and there in individuals.
I believe I am strictly correct in saying that in half a century, while
the population increased by seventy-five per cent., lunacy had increased
by two hundred and fifty per cent.
Yet the majority rushed blindly on, paying no heed to any other thing on
earth than their own gratification, their own pursuit of the money for
the purchase of pleasure. One of the tragic fallacies of the period was
this crazy notion that not alone pleasure, but happiness, could be
bought with money, and in no other way. And the few who were stung by
the prevailing suffering and wretchedness into recognition of our
parlous state, we, for the most part, cherished my wild delusion, and
insisted that the trouble could be remedied if the State would contract
and discharge new obligations. We clamoured for more rights, more help,
more liberty, more freedom from this and that; never seeing that our
trouble was our incomplete comprehension of the rights and privileges
we had, with their corresponding obligations.
Though I knew them not, and as a _Daily Gazette_ reporter was little
likely to meet them, there were men who strove to open the eyes of the
people to the truth, and strove most valiantly. I call to mind a great
statesman and a great general, both old men, a great pro-consul, a great
poet and writer, a great editor, and here and there politicians with
elements of greatness in them, who fought hard for the right. But these
men were lonely figures as yet, and I am bound to say of the people's
leaders generally, at the time of my journalistic enterprise, that they
were a poor, truckling, uninspired lot of sheep, with a few clever
wolves among them, who saw the people's madness and folly and preyed
upon it masterfully by every trick within the scope of their ingenuity.
Even those who were honourable, disinterested, and, for such a period,
unselfish, were for the most part the disciples of tradition and the
slaves of that life-sapping curse of British politics: the party spirit,
which led otherwise honourable men to oppose with all their strength the
measures of their party opponents, even in the face of their country's
dire need.
Then there was the anti-British faction, a party which spread
fast-growing shoots from out the then Government's very heart and root.
The Government's half-hearted supporters were not anti-British, but they
were not readers of the _Daily Gazette_; they were not, in short,
whole-hearted Government supporters. They were Whigs, as the saying
went. My party, the readers of the _Gazette_, the out-and-out
Government party, to whom I looked for real progress, real social
reform; they were unquestionably riddled through and through with this
extraordinary sentiment which I call anti-British, a difficult thing to
explain nowadays.
With the newly and too easily acquired rights and liberties of the
nineteenth century, with its universal spread of education, cheap
literature, and the like, there came, of course, increased knowledge, a
wider outlook. No discipline came with it, and one of its earliest
products was a nervous dread of being thought behind the time, of being
called ignorant, narrow-minded, insular. People would do anything to
avoid this. They went to the length of interlarding their speech and
writings with foreign words often in ignorance of the meaning of those
words. Broad-minded, catholic, tolerant, cosmopolitan--those were the
descriptive adjectives which all desired to earn for themselves. It
became a perfect mania, particularly with the young and clever, the
half-educated, the would-be "smart" folk.
But it was also the honest ambition of many very worthy people, who
truly desired broad-minded understanding and the avoidance of prejudice.
This sapped the bulldog qualities of British pluck and persistence
terribly. You can see at a glance how it would shut out a budding Nelson
or a Wellington. But its most notable effect was to be seen among
politicians, who were able to claim Fox for a precedent.
To believe in the superiority of the British became vulgar, a proof of
narrow-mindedness. But, by that token, to enlarge upon the inferiority
of the British indicated a broad, tolerant spirit, and a wide outlook
upon mankind and affairs. From that to the sentiment I have called
anti-British was no more than a step. Many thoroughly good, honourable,
benevolent people took that step unwittingly, and all unconsciously
became permeated with the vicious, suicidal sentiment, while really
seeking only good. Such people were saved by their natural goodness and
sense from becoming actual and purposeful enemies of their country. But
as "Little Englanders"--so they were called--they managed, with the best
intentions, to do their country infinite harm.
But there were others, the naturally vicious and unscrupulous, the
morbid, the craven, the ignorant, the self-seeking; these were the
dangerous exponents of the sentiment. With them, Little Englandism
progressed in this wise: "There are plenty of foreigners just as good as
the British; their rule abroad is just as good as ours." Then: "There
are plenty of foreigners far better than the British; their rule abroad
is better than ours." Then: "Let the people of our Empire fend for
themselves among other peoples; our business is to look after
ourselves." Then: "We oppose the people of the Empire; we oppose British
rule; we oppose the British." From that to "We befriend the enemies of
the British" was less than a step. It was the position openly occupied
by many, in and out of Parliament.
"We are for you, for the people; and devil take Flag, Empire, and
Crown!" said these ranters; drunken upon liberties they never
understood, freedom they never earned, privileges they were not
qualified to hold.
There were persons among them who spat upon the Flag that protected
their worthless lives, and cut it down; sworn servants of the State who
openly proclaimed their sympathy with the State's enemies; carefully
protected, highly privileged subjects of the Crown, who impishly slashed
at England's robes, to show her nakedness to England's foes.
And these were supporters, members, proteges of the Government, and
readers of the _Daily Gazette_, upheld in all things by that organ. And
I, the son of an English gentleman and clergyman, graduate of an English
university, I looked to this party, the Liberal Government of England,
as the leaders of reform, of progress, of social betterment. And so did
the country; the British public. Errors of taste and judgment we
regretted. That was how we described the most ribald outbursts of the
anti-British sentiment.
It is hard to find excuse or palliation. Instinct must have told us that
the demands, the programme, of such diseased creatures, could only
aggravate the national ills instead of healing them. Yes, it would seem
so. I can only say that comparatively few among us did see it. Perhaps
disease was too general among us for the recognition of symptoms.
This then was the mental attitude with which I approached my duties as a
reporter on the staff of a London daily newspaper of old standing and
good progressive traditions. And my notion was that in every line
written for publication, the end of social reform should be served,
directly or indirectly. My idea of attaining social reformation was
that the people must be taught, urged, spurred into extracting further
gifts from the State; that the public must be shown how to make their
lives easier by getting the State to do more for them. That was as much
as my education and my expansive theorizing had done for me. Assuredly I
was a product of my age.
I had forgotten one thing, however, and that was the thing which Mr.
Charles N. Pierce began now to drill into me, by analogy, and with a
good deal more precision and directness than I had ever seen used at
Rugby or Cambridge. This one thing was that the _Daily Gazette_ was not
a philanthropic organ, but a people's paper; and that the people did not
want instructing but interesting.
"But," I pleaded, "surely, for their own sakes, in their own
interests----"
"Damn their own sakes!"
"Well, but----"
"There's no 'but' about it. The public is an aggregation of individuals.
This paper must interest the individual. The individual doesn't care a
damn about the people. He cares about himself. He is very busy making
money, and when he opens his paper he wants to be amused and interested;
and he is not either interested or amused by any instruction as to how
the people may be served. He doesn't want 'em served. He wants himself
served and amused. That's your job."
I believe I had faint inclinations just then to wonder whether, after
all, there might not be something to be said for the bloated Tories:
the opponents of progress, as I always considered them. My thoughts ran
on parties, in the old-fashioned style, you see. Also I was thinking, as
a journalist, of the characteristics which distinguished different
newspapers.
I cordially hated Mr. Charles N. Pierce, but he really had more
discernment than I had, for he said:
"Don't you worry about teaching the people to grab more from the State.
They'll take fast enough; they'll take quite as much as is good for 'em,
without your assistance. But, for giving, the angel Gabriel and two
advertisement canvassers wouldn't make 'em give a cent more than they're
obliged."
VI
A JOURNALIST'S SURROUNDINGS
"Religion crowns the statesman and the man,
Sole source of public and of private peace."
YOUNG.
I am bound to suppose that I must have been a tolerably tiring person to
have to do with during my first year in London. The reason of this was
that I could never concentrate my thoughts upon intimate, personal
interests, either my own or those of the people I met. My thoughts were
never of persons, but always of the people; never of affairs, but always
of tendencies, movements, issues, ultimate ends. Probably my crude
unrest would have made me tiresome to any people. It must have been
peculiarly irritating to my contemporaries at that period, who, whatever
they may have lacked, assuredly possessed in a remarkable degree the
faculty of concentration upon their own individual affairs, their
personal part in the race for personal gain.
I remember that I talked, even to the poor, overworked servant at my
lodging, rather of the prospects of her class and order than of anything
more intimate or within her narrow scope. Poor Bessie! She was of the
callously named tribe of lodging-house "slaveys"; and what gave me some
interest in her personality, apart from the type she represented, was
the fact that she had come from the Vale of Blackmore, a part of Dorset
which I knew very well. I even remembered, for its exceptional
picturesqueness and beauty of situation, the cottage in which Bessie had
passed her life until one year before my arrival at the fourth-rate
Bloomsbury "apartments" house in which she now toiled for a living.
There was little enough of the sap of her native valley left in Bessie's
cheeks now. She had acquired the London muddiness of complexion quickly,
poor child, in the semi-subterranean life she led.
I was moved to inquire as to what had led her to come to London, and
gathered that she had been anxious to "see a bit o' life." Certainly she
saw life, of a kind, when she entered her horrible underground kitchen
of a morning, for, as a chance errand once showed me, its floor was a
moving carpet of black-beetles until after the gas was lighted. In
Bloomsbury, Bessie's daily work began about six o'clock--there were four
stories in the house, and coals and food and water required upon every
floor--and ended some seventeen hours later. Occasionally, an exacting
lodger would make it eighteen hours--the number of Bessie's years in the
world--but seventeen was the normal.
The trains which every day came rushing in from the country to the
various railway termini of London were almost past counting. The "rural
exodus," as it was called, was a sadly real movement then. Every one of
them brought at least one Bessie, and one of her male counterparts, with
ruddy cheeks, a tin box, and bright eyes straining to "see life."
Insatiable London drew them all into its maw, and, while sapping the
roses from their cheeks, enslaved many of them under one of the greatest
curses of that day: the fascination of the streets.
So terrible a power was exercised by this unwholesome passion that men
and women became paralyzed by it, and incapable of plucking up courage
enough to enable them to leave the streets. I talked with men--poor,
sodden creatures, whose greasy black coats were buttoned to their
stubbly chins to hide the absence of collar and waistcoat--who supported
a wretched existence in the streets, between begging, stealing, opening
cab-doors, and the like, in constant dread of police attention. Among
these I found many who had refused again and again offers of help to
lead an honest, self-dependent life, for the sole reason that these
offers involved quitting the streets.
The same creeping paralysis of the streets kept men from emigration to
parts of the Empire in which independent prosperity was assured for the
willing worker. They would not leave the hiving streets, with their
chances, their flaunting vice, their incessant bustle, and their
innumerable drinking bars.
The disease did not stop at endowing the streets with fascination for
these poor, undisciplined, unmanned creatures; it implanted in them a
lively fear, hard to comprehend, but very real to them, of all places
outside the streets, with their familiar, pent noises and enclosed
strife.
I met one old gentleman, the head of an important firm of printers, who,
being impressed with the squalid wretchedness of the surroundings in
which his work-people lived, decided to shift his works into the
country. He chose the outskirts of a charmingly situated garden city,
then in course of formation. He gave his people a holiday and
entertained them at a picnic party upon the site of his proposed new
works. He set before them plans and details of pleasant cottages he
meant to build for them, with good gardens, and scores of conveniences
which they could never know in the dingy, grimy tenements for which they
paid extortionate rents in London.
There were four hundred and thirty-eight of these work-people.
Twenty-seven of them, with some hesitation, expressed their willingness
to enter into the new scheme for their benefit. The remaining four
hundred and eleven refused positively to leave their warrens in London
for this garden city, situated within an hour's run of the metropolis.
Figure to yourself the attitude of such people, where the great open
uplands of the Empire were concerned: the prairie, the veld, the bush.
Consider their relation to the elements, or to things elemental. We went
farther than "Little Englandism" in those days; we produced little
street and alley men by the hundred thousand; and then we bade them
exercise their rights, their imperial heritage, and rule an Empire. As
for me, I was busy in my newspaper work trying to secure more rights for
them; for men whose present freedom from all discipline and control was
their curse.
The reporters' room at the office of the _Daily Gazette_ was the working
headquarters of five other men besides myself. One was a Cambridge man,
one had been at Oxford, one came from Cork, and the other two were
products of Scotch schools. Two of the five would have been called
gentlemen; four of them were good fellows; the fifth had his good
points, but perhaps he had been soured by a hard upbringing. One felt
that the desire for money--advancement, success, or whatever you chose
to call it; it all meant the one thing to Dunbar--mastered every
feeling, every instinct even, in this young man, and made him about as
safe and agreeable a neighbour as a wolf might be for a kennel of dogs.
A certain part of our time was devoted to waiting in the reporters' room
for what Mr. Pierce called our "assignments," to this or that reporting
task. Also, we did our writing here, and a prodigious amount of talking.
The talk was largely of Fleet Street, the ruffianism of Mr. Pierce, the
fortunes of our own and other journals, the poorness of our pay, the
arduousness of our labours, the affairs of other newspaper offices, and
the like. But at other times we turned to politics, and over our pipes
and copy paper would readjust the concert of Europe and the balance of
world power. More often we dealt with local politics, party intrigue,
and scandals of Parliament; and sometimes--more frequently since my
advent, it may be--we entered gaily upon large abstractions, and
ventilated our little philosophies and views of the eternal verities.
By my recollection of those queer confused days, my colleagues were
cynically anarchical in their political views, unconvinced and
unconvincing Socialists, and indifferent Agnostics. I am not quite sure
that we believed in anything very thoroughly--except that things were in
a pretty bad way. Earnest belief in anything was not a feature of the
period. I recall one occasion when consideration of some tyrannical act
of our immediate chief, the news-editor, led our talk by way of
character and morality to questions of religion. The _Daily Gazette_, I
should mention, was a favourite organ with the most powerful religious
community--the Nonconformists. Campbell, one of the two Scotch
reporters, hazarded the first remark about religion, if I remember
aright: something it was to the effect that men like Pierce had neither
religion nor manners. Brown, the Cambridge man, took this up.
"Well now," he said, "that's a queer thing about religion. I'd like you
to tell me what anybody's religion is in London."
"It's the capital of a Christian country, isn't it?" said Dunbar.
"Yes," admitted Brown. "That's just it. We're officially and politically
Christian. It's a national affair. We're a Christian people; but who
knows a Christian individual? Ours is a Christian newspaper, Christian
city, Christian country, and all the rest of it. There's no doubt about
it. All England believes; but no single man I ever meet admits that he
believes. I suppose it's different up your way, Campbell. One gathers
the Scotch are religious?"
"H'm! I won't answer for that," growled Campbell. "As a people, yes, as
you say; but as individuals--well, I don't know. But my father's a
believer; I could swear to it."
"Ah, yes; so's mine. But I'm not talking of fathers. I mean our
generation."
"Well," I began, "for my part, I'm not so sure of the fathers."
"Oh, we can count you out," said Kelly, the Irishman. "All parsons' sons
are atheists, as a matter of course; and bad hats at that."
"Rather a severe blow at our Christianity, isn't it?" said Brown.
I had no more to say on this point, not wishing to discuss my father.
But I knew perfectly well that that good, kind man had cherished no
belief whatever in many of what were judged to be the vital dogmas of
Christianity.
"Well, I've just been thinking," said Campbell, "and upon my soul,
Brown--if I've got one--I believe you're right. I don't know any one of
our generation who believes. Every one thinks every one else believes,
and everybody is most careful not to be disrespectful about the belief
everybody else is supposed to hold. But, begad, nobody believes himself.
We all wink at each other about it; accepting the certainty of every one
else's belief, and only recognizing as a matter of course that you and
me--we've got beyond that sort of thing."
"Well, I've often thought of it," said Brown. "I'll write an article
about it one of these days."
"Who'll you get to publish it?"
"H'm! Yes, that's a fact. And yet, hang it, you know, how absurd! Who
is there in this office that believes?"
"Echo answers, 'who?'"
"I happen to know that both Rainham and Baddeley go to church," said
Dunbar, naming a proprietor and a manager.
"I don't see the connection," said Brown.
"Because there isn't any," said Campbell. "But Dunbar sees it, and so
does the British public, begad. That's the kernel of the whole thing.
That's why every one thinks every one else, except himself, believes.
Rainham and Baddeley think their wives, and sons, and servants, and
circle generally believe, and therefore would be shocked if Rainham and
Baddeley didn't go to church. And every one else thinks the same. So
they all go."
"But, my dear chap, they don't all go. The parsons are always
complaining about it. The women do, but the men don't--not as a rule, I
mean; particularly when they've got motors, and golf, and things. You
know they don't. Here's six of us here. Does any one of us ever go to
church?"
Dunbar, looking straight down over his nose, said: "I do--often."
"You're a fine fellow, Dunbar, sure enough," said Campbell; "and I
believe you'll be a newspaper proprietor in five years. You've got your
finger on the pulse. Can you look me in the face and say you believe?"
Dunbar smiled in his knowing way and wobbled. "I certainly believe it's
a good thing to go to church occasionally," he said.
"And I believe you'll make a fortune in Fleet Street, my son."
"Well, in my humble opinion," said Kelly, "the trouble with you people
in England is not so much that you don't believe; a good many believe,
in a kind of a way, like they believe in ventilation, without troubling
to act on it. They believe, but they don't think about it; they don't
care, it isn't real. The poor beggars 'ld go crazy with fear of
hell-fire, if the sort of armchair belief they have was real to 'em. It
isn't real to 'em, like business, and money, and that, or like
patriotism is in Japan."
"Well, it really is a rum thing," said Brown, with an affectation of
pathos, "that in all this Christian country I shouldn't know a single
believer of my generation."
"It's a devilish bad thing for the country," said Campbell. And even
then, with all my fundamentally rotten sociological nostrums, I had a
vague feeling that the Scotchman was right there.
"Well, then, that's why it's good to go to church," said Dunbar, with an
air of finality.
"I still don't see the connection," murmured Brown.
"Because it still isn't there. But, of course, it's perfectly obvious.
That's why Dunbar sees it, and why he'll presently run a paper." Then
Campbell turned to Dunbar, and added slowly, as though speaking to a
little child: "You see, my dear, it's not their not going to church
that's bad; it's their not believing."
If I remember rightly, Mr. Pierce ended the conversation, through his
telephone, by assigning to Brown the task of reporting a clerical
gathering at Exeter Hall. Brown was credited with having a particularly
happy touch in the reporting of religious meetings. He certainly had an
open mind, for I remember his saying that day that he thought
Christianity was perhaps better adapted to a skittish climate like ours
than Buddhism, and that Ju-Ju worship in London would be sure to cause
friction with the County Council.
As I see it now, there was a terribly large amount of truth in the view
taken by Brown and Campbell and Kelly about belief in England, and more
particularly in London. But there were devout men of all ages who did
not happen to come within their circle of acquaintance. I met Salvation
Army officers occasionally, who were both intelligent, self-denying, and
hard-working; and I suppose that with them belief must have been at
least as powerful a motive as devotion to their Army, their General, and
the work of reclamation among the very poor. Also, there were High
Church clergymen, who toiled unceasingly among the poor. Symbolism was a
great force with them; but there must have been real belief there. Also,
there were some fine Nonconformist missions. I recall one in West
London, the work of which was a great power for good in such infected
warrens as Soho. But it certainly was not an age of faith or of earnest
beliefs. The vast majority took their Christianity, with the national
safety and integrity, for granted--a thing long since established by an
earlier generation; a matter about which no modern could spare time for
thought or effort.
I believe it was on the day following this particular conversation in
the reporters' room that I met Leslie Wheeler by appointment at
Waterloo, and went down to Weybridge with him for the week-end. My
friend was in even gayer spirits than usual, and laughingly told me that
I must "Work up a better Saturday face than that" before we got to
Weybridge.
I had known Leslie Wheeler since our school-days; and I remember lying
awake in the room next his own at Weybridge that night, and wondering
why in the world it was I felt so out of touch with my high-spirited
friend. During that Saturday afternoon and evening I had been pretty
much preoccupied in securing as much as possible of Sylvia's attention.
But the journey down had been made with Leslie alone, and when his
father had gone to bed, we two had spent another half-hour together in
the billiard-room, smoking and sipping whiskey and soda. Leslie was in
the vein most usual with him, of "turning to mirth all things on earth";
and I was conscious, upon my side, of a notable absence of reciprocal
feeling, of friendly rapport. And I could find no explanation for this,
as I lay thinking of it in bed.
Looking backward, I see many causes which probably contributed to my
feeling of lost touch. I had only been about a month in London, but it
had been a busy month, and full of new experiences, of intimate touch
with realities of London life, sordid and otherwise. It was all very
unlike Rugby and Cambridge; very unlike the life of the big luxurious
Weybridge house, and even more unlike lichen-covered Tarn Regis. In
those days I took little stock of such mundane details as bed and board.
But these things count; I had been made to take note of them of late.
I paid 12s. 6d. a week for my garret, and 7s. a week for my breakfast,
1s. for lighting, and 1s. for my bath. That left me with 28s. 6d. a week
for daily lunch and dinner, clothes, boots, tobacco, and the eternal
penny outgoings of London life. The purchase of such a trifle as a box
of sweets for Sylvia made a week's margin look very small. Already I had
begun to note the expensiveness of stamps, laundry work, omnibus fares,
and such matters. My training had not been a hopeful one, so far as
small economies went. Leslie twitted me with neglecting golf, and
failing to attend the Inter-'Varsity cricket match. He found economy,
like all other things under heaven, and in heaven for that matter,
suitable subjects for the exercise of his tireless humour. But I
wondered greatly that his incessant banter should jar upon me; that I
should catch myself regarding him with a coldly appraising eye. Indeed,
it troubled me a good deal; and the more so when I thought of Sylvia.
I flatly declined to admit that London had affected my feeling for
Sylvia. Whatever one's view, her big violet eyes were abrim with gentle
sympathy. I watched her as I sat by her side in church, and thought of
our irreverent talk at the office. Here was sincere piety, at all
events, I thought. Mediaevalism never produced a sweeter devotee, a
worshipper more rapt. I could not follow her into the place of ecstasy
she reached. But, I told myself, I could admire from without, and even
reverence. Could I? Well, I was somewhat strengthened in the belief that
very Sunday night by Sylvia's father.
VII
A GIRL AND HER FAITH
"If faith produce no works, I see
That faith is not a living tree."
HANNAH MORE.
During that Sunday at Weybridge I saw but little of my friend Leslie. It
was only by having obtained special permission from the _Daily Gazette_
office that I was able to remain away from town that day. My leisure was
brief, my chances few, I felt; and that seemed to justify the devoting
of every possible moment to Sylvia's company.
Sylvia's church was not the family place of worship. When Mrs. Wheeler
and Marjory attended service, it was at St. Mark's, but Sylvia made her
devotions at St. Jude's, a church famous in that district for its high
Anglicanism and stately ritual.
The incumbent of St. Jude's, his Reverence, or Father Hinton, as Sylvia
always called him, was a tall, full-bodied man, with flashing dark eyes,
and a fine, dramatic presence. I believe he was an indefatigable worker
among the poor. I know he had a keen appreciation of the dramatic
element in his priestly calling, and in the ritual of his church, with
its rich symbolism and elaborate impressiveness. Even from my brief
glimpses of the situation, I realized that this priest (the words
clergyman and vicar were discouraged at St. Jude's) played a very
important, a vital part, in the scheme of Sylvia's religion. I think
Sylvia would have said that the personality of the man was nothing; but
she would have added that his office was much, very much to her.
She may have been right, though not entirely so, I think. But it is
certain that, in the case of Father Hinton, the dramatic personality of
the man did nothing to lessen the magnitude of his office in the minds
of such members of his flock as Sylvia. I gathered that belief in the
celibacy of the clergy was, if not an article of faith, at least a part
of piety at St. Jude's.
Before seven o'clock on Sunday morning I heard footsteps on the gravel
under my window, and, looking out, saw Sylvia, book in hand, leaving the
house. She was exquisitely dressed, the distinguishing note of her
attire being, as always in my eyes, a demure sort of richness and
picturesqueness. Never was there another saint so charming in
appearance, I thought. Her very Prayer Book, or whatever the volume
might be, had a seductive, feminine charm about its dimpled cover.
I hurried over my dressing and was out of the house by half-past seven
and on my way to St. Jude's. Breakfast was not until half-past nine, I
knew. The morning was brilliantly sunny; and life in the world, despite
its drawbacks and complexities, as seen from Fleet Street, seemed an
admirably good thing to me as I strode over a carpet of pine-needles,
and watched the slanting sun-rays turning the tree trunks to burnished
copper.
The service was barely over when I tiptoed into a seat beside the door
at St. Jude's. At this period the appurtenances of ritual in such
churches as St. Jude's--incense, candles, rich vestments, and the
like--rivalled those of Rome itself. I remember that, fresh from the
dewy morning sunshine without, these symbols rather jarred upon my
senses than otherwise, with a strong hint of artificiality and
tawdriness, the suggestion of a theatre seen by daylight. But they meant
a great deal to many good folks in Weybridge, for, despite the earliness
of the hour, there were fifty or sixty women present, besides Sylvia,
and half a dozen men.
I could see Sylvia distinctly from my corner by the door, and I was made
rather uneasy by the fact that she remained in her place when every one
else had left the building. Five, ten minutes I waited, and then walked
softly up the aisle to her place. I did not perceive, until I reached
her side, that she was kneeling, or I suppose I should have felt obliged
to refrain from disturbing her. As it was, Sylvia heard me, and, having
seen who disturbed her, rose, with the gravest little smile, and, with a
curtsy to the altar, walked out before me.
I found that Sylvia generally stayed on in the church for the eight
o'clock service; and I was duly grateful when she yielded to my
solicitations and set out for a walk with me instead. I had taken a few
biscuits from the dining-room and eaten them on my way out; but I
learned later, rather to my distress, that Sylvia had not broken her
fast. I must suppose she was accustomed to such practices, for she
seemed to enjoy almost as much as I did our long ramble in the fresh
morning air.
I learned a good deal during that morning walk, and the day that
followed it, the greater part of which I spent by Sylvia's side. Upon
the whole, I was perturbed and made uneasy; but I continued to assure
myself, perhaps too insistently for confidence or comfort, that Sylvia
was wholly desirable and sweet. It was perhaps unfortunate for my peace
of mind that the day was one of continuous religious exercises. The fact
tinged all our converse, and indeed supplied the motive of most of it.
I did not at the time realize exactly what chilled and disturbed me, but
I think now that it was what I might call the inhumanity of Sylvia's
religion. I dipped into one of her sumptuous little books at some time
during the day, and I remember this passage:
"To this end spiritual writers recommend what is called a 'holy
indifference' to all created things, including things inanimate, place,
time, and the like. Try as far as possible to be indifferent to all
things. Remember that the one thing important above all others to you is
the salvation of your own soul. It is the great work of your life, far
greater than your work as parent, child, husband, wife, or friend."
It was a reputable sort of a book this, and fathered by a respected
Oxford cleric.
There was singularly little of the mystic in my temperament. My mind, as
you have seen, was surcharged with crude but fervent desires for the
material betterment of my kind. I was nothing if not interested in human
well-being, material progress, mortal ills and remedies. Approaching
Sylvia's position and outlook from this level then, I thrust my way
through what I impatiently dismissed as the "flummery"; by which I meant
the poetry, the picturesqueness, the sacrosanct glamour surrounding his
Reverence and St. Jude's; and found, or thought I found, that Sylvia's
religion was at worst a selfish gratification of the senses of the
individual worshipper, and at best a devout and pious ministration to
the worshipper's own soul; in which the loving of one's neighbour and
caring for one another seemed to play precisely no part at all.
True it was, as I already knew, that in the East End of London, and
elsewhere, some of the very High Church clergy were carrying on a work
of real devotion among the poor, and that with possibly a more
distinguished measure of success than attended the efforts of any other
branch of Christian service. They did not influence anything like the
number of people who were influenced by dissenting bodies, but those who
did come under their sway came without reservation.
But the point which absorbed me was the question of how this particular
aspect of religion affected Sylvia. In this, at all events, it seemed to
me a far from helpful or wholesome kind of religion. Sylvia liked early
morning services because so few people attended them. It was "almost
like having the church to oneself." The supreme feature of religious
life for Sylvia had for its emblem the tinkle of the bell at the service
she always called Mass. The coming of the Presence--that was the C
Major of life for Sylvia. For the rest, meditation, preferably in the
setting provided by St. Jude's, with its permanent aroma of incense and
its dim lights--the world shut out by stained glass--this, with prayer,
genuflections, and the ecstasy of long thought upon the circumstances of
the supreme act of Christ's life upon earth, seemed to me to represent
the sum total of Sylvia's religion.
But, over and above what was to me the chilling negativeness of all
this, its indifference to the human welfare of all other mortals, there
was in Sylvia's religion something else, which I find myself unable,
even now, to put into words. Some indication of it, perhaps, is given by
the little passage I have quoted from one of her books. It was the one
thing positive which I found in my lady's religion; all the rest was to
me a beautiful, intricate, purely artificial negation of human life and
human interest.
This one thing positive struck into my vitals with a chill premonition,
as of something unnatural and, to me, unfathomable. It was a sentiment
which I can only call anti-human. Even as those of Sylvia's persuasion
held that the clergy should be celibate, so it seemed to me they viewed
all purely human loves, ties, emotions, sentiments, and interests
generally with a kind of jealous suspicion, as influences to be
belittled as far as possible, if not actually suppressed.
Puritanism, you say? But, no; the thing had no concern with Puritanism,
for it lacked the discipline, the self-restraint that made Cromwell's
men invincible. There was no Puritanism in the influence which could
make women indifferent to the earthly ties of love and sentiment, to
children, to the home and domesticity, while at the same time implanting
in them an almost feverish appreciation of incense, rich vestments,
gorgeous decorations, and the whole paraphernalia of such a service as
that of St. Jude's, Weybridge. This religion, or, as I think it would be
more just to say, Sylvia's conception of this religion, did not say:
"Deny yourself this or that."
It said:
"Deny yourself to the rest of your kind. Deny all other mortals. Wrap
yourself in yourself, thinking only of your own soul and its relation to
its Maker and Saviour."
This was how I saw Sylvia's religion, and, though she was sweetly kind
and sympathetic to me, Dick Mordan, I was strangely chilled and
perturbed by realization of the fact that nothing human really weighed
with her, unless her own soul was human; that the people, our fellow men
and women, of whose situation and welfare I thought so much, were far
less to Sylvia than the Early Fathers and the Saints; that humanity had
even less import for her, was less real, than to me, was the fascination
of St. Jude's incense-laden atmosphere.
Sylvia's dainty person had an infinite charm for me; the personality
which animated and informed it chilled and repelled me as it might have
been a thing uncanny. When I insisted upon the dear importance of some
one of humanity's claims, the faraway gaze of her beautiful eyes, with
their light that never was on sea or land, her faintly superior
smile--all this thrust me back, as might a blow, and with more baffling
effect.