CHAPTER XIII

HOW THE PEOPLE LIVED--_continued_

It is likely that some of the Celts, before the coming of the later

invaders, had begun to descend from their hill villages and to occupy

the river valleys and clearings in the woodlands; but we do not know

much of their story, and have to piece it together as best we may

from the signs of their residence which they have left. Both before

the Roman occupation of Britain and also for two or more centuries

afterwards, we do not know at all clearly what went on in our island.

But about the Saxons, nearly from their first coming to England, we

have written evidence to give us information. We know something of

how their village societies were formed, and these societies are

extremely interesting to us, because we can see from them how our

present way of living came about, how the landowner and the tenant,

the squire and the agricultural labourer came to be.

[Sidenote: How people lived]

The villages, then, in these Saxon times, consisted of a group of the

"wattle and daub" houses formed in the manner that you have seen. If

they were built near one of the roads, the houses would be on either

side of the road, forming something like what we call "the village

street" now. If they were not near a road they would often be

arranged in a circle, with a clear space in the middle. In this

clear space, surrounded by the houses, we may see the earliest form

of the modern "village green."

{107}

And then, outside the circle of houses would be the lands which the

villagers held and worked. There would be a certain area of this

land which would be cultivated, with the plough, for crops, and,

further, outside that there would be land which would be grazed by

the villagers' cattle and sheep. It would be what we call "common

land," and any freeman in the village would have the right to turn

out on it a certain fixed number of animals. Besides this there

would be a certain area of ground beyond again, called "the waste,"

where the pigs of the villagers might be turned out to feed in the

woods. This area also was defined by law, so that it should not run

into the area allotted to a neighbouring village.

Now the area of cultivated land held by each of the ceorls (the

churls, or free peasants) in the village was generally fixed at

thirty acres. It was reckoned that thirty acres was the limit that a

team of oxen could plough and keep in order during the year. But a

team was reckoned to consist of eight oxen, and each ceorl was only

allowed one pair of oxen.

You will see what this implies. It implies that they shared their

oxen among them, four of the proprietors coming together, with two

oxen each, to make up a team. Thus there was sharing in the oxen and

in the ploughing work that the oxen did, as well as in the common

grazing land. I want you to notice, as a great feature of the early

village life, this sharing or community, this having many things in

common.

Then there were the cattle and the flocks and the pigs; and these

would all need looking after. But each owner did not look after his

own. On the contrary, a herdsman for the cattle, a shepherd for the

sheep, and a swineherd for the pigs were appointed.

The ceorls were not the only freemen. There was a class of freemen,

too, of less importance than these holders of thirty acres. They had

to do some of the {108} work under the thirty-acre men; and perhaps

it was from their class that the swineherd and the shepherd were

taken. Another man who was employed in the same way, as a servant of

the community, was the miller, the corn-grinder.

Below this lower class of freemen, again, came the serfs, the slaves.

In the earliest known documents that show us what the duties and

rights of the freemen in the villages were, there is no mention at

all of the rights and duties of the serfs, because, as a matter of

fact, they had, in law, no rights, and to their duties there was no

limit. They had to do what they were bid, and their masters had as

much authority over them as over cattle. They were indeed owned as

"chattels," or cattle. But it does not follow that they were

ill-treated, for a wise master would not treat even his cattle or his

sheep ill. He would treat them well, because the stronger and

healthier they were the more work they would do for him or the more

milk or wool they would give him. It was to his interest to be kind

to both the two-legged and the four-legged cattle. The slaves were

members of the conquered race for the most part.

[Sidenote: Eorls and cheorls]

And then, besides the ceorls, and probably at first chosen by them

and from among them, was the eorl. His business was to look after

the community in a general way, to preside at its meetings, to act as

its judge, and as its leader in case of quarrels with the neighbours.

In return, he had portions of land given to him amidst the portion of

the ceorls, and the ceorls had to work the land for him, or to get it

worked for him by their slaves. Generally the law was that they had

to give him so many days' work during the week. That is the way in

which their work was measured. They thus paid him what was really

very like a rent for his land, and as time went on it was more and

more in the light of what we call rent that it was {109} regarded.

Similarly, when they brought corn to the mill to be ground, they had

to put a certain portion of the ground corn into a chest especially

kept there for the eorl. And here again, this paying in of the corn

came to convey the idea that the mill belonged to the eorl and that

this was a payment for the privilege of grinding the corn there.

Thus the eorl came more and more into the position of owner of the

land and of all in the village.

Besides the duties that the eorl owed to the ceorls, and the duties

they owed to him, he himself had duties that he owed to the king.

These were chiefly three, to follow the king to war, to maintain the

bridges within the boundaries of the village lands, and to help build

the fortified places, the castles. He also had to see that the

king's taxes were paid, when taxes began to be imposed. And just as,

out of the payments of service and of corn made by the ceorls to the

eorl, the idea grew that these payments were made as a kind of rent

for the land, of which the eorl was the owner, so too, as between the

eorl and the king, the services that the eorl owed and paid began to

be looked on as payments made by the eorl for the land which he held

from the king. Therefore the whole land of the country began to be

regarded as in the king's possession and to be rented, as we should

say, from him by the eorls, by whom it was again in part "sub-let,"

to use our modern term, to the ceorls or peasants.

As we have seen, the area that it was considered right for the ceorl

to hold was thirty acres, but in various ways this might be divided

or added to, so that the original equality did not last long. And as

the population grew, more land had to be taken in, from the waste,

for cultivation, to provide for younger sons.

The eorls had a curious power of forbidding, if they so pleased, the

marriages proposed by the ceorls and their children. Perhaps the

power was originally {110} voted to them by the ceorls themselves as

a means of controlling the population, so that there should not be

more people than the available land could support; but it is a

curious power for any authority to have over men who called and

believed themselves "free." But the fact is that the so-called

freedom of these men became more and more of an illusion; they became

less and less free.

After Christianity was accepted as the religion of England there was

another person, besides those already mentioned, who had a right to

be supported by the community of the village. This was the priest,

and the tenth of some of the produce, which was allotted as his

share, in return for his services as priest, is the origin of those

"tithes" which still are paid to the clergy.

All payments were, for a long time, made "in kind," that is to say,

for instance, in corn, or in wool or milk, or in so many days' work.

Coined metal, as what we call "a medium of exchange," had been known

in England for a very long while, even before the coming of the

Romans, but its use does not seem to have been common. After a

while, however, its use increased, and gradually payment in coin, by

the ceorls to the eorl, began to take the place of payment in kind,

and the eorl might welcome the coin because of its ease of

transmission to the king when the king required money for his wars.

[Sidenote: The chapmen]

At first, as you will see from all this, the villages were very much

what we call self-supporting. They had all they required for food.

They had the wool of their sheep and the hides of their cattle to be

worked up into clothing. They had unlimited firewood from the

forest. So they had little need of money, for exchange. But as they

became more rich than their own needs demanded, in such things as

wool and hides and the foods that did not perish quickly, such as

{111} cheese, then they might begin to exchange these things for

other produce which they could not make for themselves, and which

might be brought in by the travelling merchants, called "chapmen"

(from the word "cheap," to sell, whence we have the London street,

called Cheapside, to-day). These chapmen came on horseback with

their wares and bought and sold in the villages, and then it became

most useful to have coin as a means of exchange. Even the wool was a

bulky stuff to carry; yet it was less inconvenient than some of the

other commodities. The two chief articles of necessity that the

villagers could not supply themselves with were iron implements and

salt.

This wool-selling of the villages, we may be sure, was done in a very

small way at first, but it grew and grew until it became very

important and a source of great riches, as wealth was then estimated,

to England. This was when the carrying of the wool over-Channel, to

the Continent, had been arranged for, and there was a regular trade

going on. That, however, was not to happen until the days when the

Normans were rulers of England and could keep their own kinsmen, the

Scandinavian rovers, from piracy in the narrow sea straits.

At the point of time to which we have now brought down our story, say

800, when Charlemagne was anointed Emperor by the Pope in Rome, the

Danes, from Denmark and perhaps from Norway and Sweden too, were

constantly vexing and harrying all the eastern and southern coasts of

England and the opposite coasts of the Continent. Their way was to

sail up the rivers with their ships, to take everything which they

could easily carry away, to work havoc of every kind, by fire and

sword--then back to their ships and away again.

At this time you will note that the bigger towns were all in the

river valleys, as we have seen already, {112} and also that most of

them were not very far inland. In Britain the Romans had fixed their

capital city in the north, at York, but after they went away the

important part of England was the south. It was the part near the

Continent, where all civilisation and religion and good things came

from--also, where the conquerors of England were apt to come from.

The narrowest sea between the two was what we now call the Straits of

Dover. All these circumstances led to the establishment or to the

growth of Canterbury as one of the great cities of England.

I write of England as of one country, but you will remember that it

still was a disunited, a divided England. It remained so disunited,

and vexed by constant wars between the rival kingdoms, until brought

under one rule in 827, by the power and wisdom of the great King

Egbert, who had come to the throne of Wessex in A.D. 800, the very

year of Charlemagne's consecration at Rome, and held authority over

all England from 827 till his death in 836. I write this vague and

indefinite phrase "held authority" on purpose, because it certainly

was not a very definite rule that he held over the whole country, and

it must have differed in different parts. He even conquered Wales

and all the Celtic part of Britain except Cumbria--our modern

Cumberland. It was towards the end of his reign that his more or

less united kingdom began to be seriously harassed by the Danish

sea-rovers attacking the eastern and southern coasts.

[Sidenote: The sites of the cities]

We have noticed already that the principal towns grew naturally on

the banks of the rivers. There is a further fact about their

situation which we may observe, and that is that the chief and

largest of them were placed just so far up the rivers that they might

get best advantage from the tide. In days long before steam was used

to drive ships, and when they could {113} sail only with the wind

very much in their favour, you can easily understand how valuable the

help of the tide would be, both for coming up and going down a river.

Then, if the town were placed just above the point up to which the

saltish sea-water came, the fresh water coming down could be used for

drinking and for such processes as brewing and tanning hides which

were very early industries; and there would be a constant flow of

water to work the corn-grinding mills. Considerations of that kind

probably influenced the Anglo-Saxons in choosing sites for their

towns such as Canterbury, and Winchester, and London, which became

the capital after the Norman conquest. From the Continent people

could cross the Straits of Dover and find themselves very soon in the

sheltered waters of the Thames estuary or of the Stour which went

past Canterbury. The land about the mouth of the Stour has risen a

good deal since those days, and the passage of ships up the river was

more open and wide then than it is now.

The advantage of Winchester, as a site for a large town, was that

from the mouth of the Seine, which came down past Rouen, a very short

sea-passage would bring the mariner into the sheltered water behind

the Isle of Wight. He could enter that shelter from the east or from

the west, as the wind served best, and he would be out of sight of

land, either French land or English land, for only a very short

distance in the mid-crossing. This was a matter of much importance

to the sailors of those days; they did not at all like to go out of

sight of their landmarks. Then, once in the Solent, as we call it,

the shipman would take advantage of the tide to carry him up

Southampton Water, and very likely some way up the Itchen river,

towards Winchester, before he need run his ship aground and disembark.

{114}

As a further advantage you may see that both Canterbury and

Winchester had high ground close about them on which a fortified camp

could be made for the protection of the town. And we know, in fact,

that such camps were made in the vicinity of both towns. The ground

bears signs of them to this day. The beginnings of London are

thought to have been a British hill fort on the hill where St. Paul's

Cathedral now stands. Of other cities we know that Manchester was a

British settlement and a place where the Druids worshipped, and later

a Roman city. We hear of Birmingham as a village of the Saxon

Beormingas. Liverpool was a fishing village in Saxon times, but not

of sufficient importance to be named in Domesday Book.

This brief account may, I hope, give you some little idea of the

manner in which those people lived, and so laid the foundations of

our life to-day. They were without a great many things which we look

on as absolute necessities. They had, at first, no cotton and no

linen for their clothes. They had no tea or coffee to drink; no

tobacco to smoke. They had beer, which they brewed and sometimes

sweetened with honey, for they understood bee-keeping. The honey was

important for them, for they had no sugar. Neither had they

potatoes; and they grew no root crops for their cattle to eat in

winter.

That fact that they had no root crops was important in their lives,

for it meant that all they had to keep their cattle and sheep alive

on in the winter was such hay as they could make and store. It would

not support a very large stock all through the winter, and the

consequence was that they killed down all their stock, except what

was wanted for breeding purposes, at the beginning of each winter.

Now you may remember I said that one of the chief necessities that

the villagers would have to buy, {115} because they could not produce

it for themselves, was salt. Seeing how many of what we call

necessities, such as sugar and the like, they could do without, you

may wonder that salt should be so necessary. But now that you know

about this killing off of so much of the stock at the beginning of

winter you may begin to see the necessity of the salt. Unless all

this good food was to go bad it must be salted, in order to preserve

it for eating as required. So, in the winter months, they might have

meat sometimes; but it would be salted meat, not fresh.

[Sidenote: Importance of hunting]

But of course that would not apply to any game that they might kill

by hunting in "the waste"--the woodland--nor does it appear that

freemen were forbidden, in Anglo-Saxon times, to hunt. They had

bows, which they made of yew or other wood, and spear shafts and

arrows of ash, and the English very early were famous for their

archery. They were famous too for their breed of hunting dogs, which

were sometimes exported to the Continent, so highly were they valued.

So they had this resource--free hunting in woods which probably were

well stocked with game in comparison with the small human population.

Make a note in your mind of this importance of the game, due to the

fact that they could get no fresh meat from their domestic stock in

winter. It is an importance which partly explains the reason of the

fearfully severe game laws--laws to protect the game--which were

passed a little later.

That is the picture, as well as I have been able to draw it for you,

of the life of those people, our ancestors. You may take it, too, as

something like a picture of the life of the people over a large

part--say, all except the southern parts--of Charlemagne's wide

empire. The feudal system came, to change the conditions, in that

Frankish Empire earlier than it came to England; but even in England

the {116} conditions were such as would pass easily into feudal

arrangements. In theory the ceorls were free, not the vassals of a

lord, but their freedom was becoming more and more of an illusion.

The eorl was there, getting an increasing authority and an increasing

possession of the land, and so making everything ready for the feudal

baron to step into his place. But the state of England did not

render it so necessary for the ceorl to seek protection under his

eorl, as we saw that it became a necessity in France. In England the

king, whether in a divided or a united England, could still protect

the people and exercise his authority over them and see justice done.

When we come to the tenth century we find that the title of eorl, or

earl, for the head man of the village, was no longer in use, but a

person exercising almost exactly the same power, and having the same

privileges as the earl, was now called the "thane." His powers and

privileges were perhaps no greater than those of the earl, but there

was this difference in his position, that there was no longer any

illusion of his being appointed by, and being one of, the villagers.

He was appointed by the king. Generally he had been one of the

king's soldiers, and the lordship of a village seems often to have

been granted him as a reward for good military service. This would

be particularly likely to happen with villages in conquered

districts; and in many districts, with the perpetual warfare going

on, villages must have been conquered and reconquered again and again.

[Sidenote: "Hundreds" and "shires"]

The title of earl, however, did not die out in England, as it did on

the Continent. Either during or before the tenth century, the

villages began to be grouped into what were called "hundreds."

Probably the name arose from the idea that each "hundred" was a

grouping of ten villages, each represented by its ten thirty-acre

men, as we have called them. It is {117} scarcely likely that many

hundreds kept these figures long, or even that many ever had them

precisely exact.

Then a grouping was made of some of the hundreds, and this group of

hundreds was then called a "shire." The title of earl came to be

given to the lord, no longer of a single village, but of a shire--a

much more important post. The earl of the shire was appointed, like

the thane, by the king. There were "hundred courts," as we noticed

before, which the freemen, so-called, of the village could attend and

vote in. And there were also "shire courts," held less often, which

also the freemen might attend, and wherein also they might vote. The

president of the shire court was the earl.

We may compare the earl and his shire, in England, with the comte, or

count, in France, with his comté or county.

Thus, or somewhat thus, went the story of the people's lives in

Europe throughout the time of the rule of the Danish kings in Britain

and up to its conquest by William of Normandy in 1066.

{118}

The greatest story in the world, period 2 (of 3) · 第 13 / 24 章