A CHARACTER SKETCH OF M. KOKOVTSOV
M. Stolypin was not yet dead when people began to make speculations as
to his successor. He had occupied both the office of Minister of the
Interior and that of Head of the Government. There were, therefore, two
most important Departments to provide for, and though candidates were
many, eligible people were but few. The Emperor did not like to see new
faces about him, and this added to the difficulty. Of course intrigues
went on, and ambition as well as eagerness had a considerable part in
them, because, though everybody knew the great danger that attended the
position of Prime Minister, it was nevertheless the most coveted post in
the whole of the Empire. All the colleagues of the murdered statesman
thought themselves entitled to become his successor, and each of them
had his particular circle of friends who went about declaring that their
candidate had the most chances. However, people in the know never
doubted for a single moment that Vladimir Nicolaievitch Kokovtsov was
the only man in Russia strong enough to replace M. Stolypin, and to take
upon himself the onerous duties of Premier. But whether he would consent
to leave the Treasury, at the head of which he had been for some years,
was a matter of much speculation, and this uncertainty alone prevented
the majority of St. Petersburg Society from congratulating him on his
promotion.
Doubts were very soon at an end, and when M. Kokovtsov
[Illustration: FAMOUS RUSSIAN MINISTERS
Prince Gortschakov
Count Ignatieff
M. de Giers
M. Stolypin
M. Kokovtsov]
was summoned to Livadia his nomination was a foregone conclusion.
Nevertheless, he had a surprise in store for the public, because he only
accepted the Premiership, and refused to give up the Department over
which he already presided, saying that he knew nothing about civil
administration, and would only make blunders if he took the burden of it
upon his shoulders. He recommended, therefore, to the Emperor one of his
personal friends, M. Makarov, as the man most able to fulfil the duties
connected with the direction of Home affairs.
M. Kokovtsov was a small man, with a short beard very neatly trimmed,
and a general look of tidiness in every detail of his person as well as
of his clothes. He had a pleasant face and was very affable in his ways,
but he never looked one straight in the eyes, always seeming as if he
was too much occupied with his personal appearance to think of watching
that of others. Somehow or other he gave one the impression that when he
conversed with you he was preoccupied with something he had forgotten,
and the way in which he kept his glance riveted on his coat or on his
trousers suggested the idea that these garments were dusty, and that he
was angry at his valet’s carelessness in brushing them. In a word, one
felt that he was too neat, too well groomed, too polite, too civil, and
too anxious not to forget what he ought to say or what he ought to do.
His manners seemed to have been learned only recently, and somehow one
always expected to find near him, ready to be consulted, some manual of
etiquette for beginners, with indications as to what one must do in good
society, and the errors in which one must not fall if one wants to
frequent the company of cultured people. One would have preferred to
find some hesitation or some impatience in his way of talking or
discussing, but the clear manner in which he expressed himself always
reminded one of fables, recited by children, and learned by them at
school. This is the impression created. In reality, M. Kokovtsov is
certainly a clever, intellectual, and intelligent man, cultivated, and
extremely well read. He speaks several foreign languages, of which fact
he is inordinately proud, and can hold his own everywhere, even with
gentlemen born and bred. His own origin is neither low nor high, but
essentially middle class, and he bears the stamp of having lived for a
long time with middle-class people. His early career in every respect
was a normal one; he rose step by step as years went on, and whatever
duties were imposed upon him he fulfilled exactly and thoroughly. In a
country where political men are many, he would not have been employed
otherwise than as an excellent _sous ordre_. In Russia, where there is
such a poverty of statesmen, he undoubtedly fills the position of one.
Vladimir Nicolaievitch is subtle by temperament, and very secretive in
all he does. He is excessively alive as to his own interests, and it is
said that he does not disdain to use his official position in order to
improve his private one. For instance, his brother was chairman of the
Kieff Voronege Railway, in which he himself possessed a considerable
number of shares. Certain financiers believe that the shares in question
would never have climbed to the high price at which they are now quoted
were it not for this combination of circumstances. Other examples of the
history of commercial concerns in which he was interested have formed
topics for gossip, to the effect that it is very much to be regretted
that he had allowed people connected with him to be suspected of using
the information he could have given to them, or the protection which it
was possible for him to afford to them, in order to enrich themselves or
to improve their positions. Cæsar’s wife enjoyed certainly a better
reputation than certain persons standing in close relationship with our
Prime Minister.
The great defect of M. Kokovtsov is that he is above everything a
financier, and this is not exactly what is required from the Head of a
Government, who ought to look at things and at facts from a higher point
of view than that of pounds, shillings, and pence, though these play
such an important part in the world.
He has had very great successes in his administration of the Russian
Exchequer, and certainly he has made for himself among European
financial and commercial circles an excellent position and reputation,
which he undoubtedly deserves. But his mind has remained for such a long
time concentrated upon purely material questions that it is not to be
wondered if other matters interest him less. Social matters have very
little attraction for him, except perhaps in the sense that the
condition of the working classes being connected with the financial one
of the country could not be neglected. But it is to be doubted whether
he has quite realised the danger that threatens not only Russia, but the
whole world, from the army of artisans and factory workmen who now know
what force they represent, and who want to take the upper hand in
everything. In giving this character sketch I do not wish to detract
from the solid qualities of the Prime Minister, nor to accuse him of
lack of political foresight. On the contrary, I am convinced that he has
made higher politics the subject of his studies, and that he has even
mastered them in a certain sense, as well as a man who has taken to them
late in life can do. His intelligence is extremely perceptive, and he is
not wanting in _finesse_ nor in diplomatic aptitude. His suave manners
ensure him success with those with whom he has to deal, and certainly
these qualities have impressed the Emperor favourably, and won him the
confidence of his Imperial master; but nevertheless he has not proved
himself so far able to take a leading position among Russian
statesmen--I am not even thinking of foreign ones. The energy that
distinguished M. Stolypin is not one of the characteristics of his
successor, who is only firm where he can do so with impunity, and who is
not gifted with the courage or the fatalism that made Stolypin view with
such impassiveness the bullet or the knife which he was but too well
aware would strike him one day. His ambitions also lead him in quite a
different direction than that in which his predecessor travelled. M.
Kokovtsov is not of a fighting temperament or disposition. He entertains
for blood and sanguinary deeds the aversion that every clean man feels
for dirty things, and he is a great lover of his own comfort and his own
welfare. His placid temper makes him avoid every subject of dispute, and
he is more insensible, than is the case with Russians in general, to the
honours and dignities that have been showered upon him lately. Too wise
to take upon himself a risk that might endanger the reputation for
cleverness which he has succeeded in acquiring, he has managed to steer
clear of difficulties and to make others responsible for his mistakes.
His refusal to take upon himself the difficult duties of Minister of the
Interior proceeded from the clear perception he had that this post was
the one where responsibilities are the heavier and where one can the
least escape them.
No one knows whether M. Kokovtsov’s opinions are Liberal or
Conservative, so carefully has he always avoided parading his views
before the public. Some people who know him well affirm that he is an
opportunist. The fact is that he has seldom been cajoled into saying in
private anything else than what he has uttered in public.
His last speech at the opening of the present session of the Duma was
certainly a clever production, but it hardly bears analysis, because
when examined carefully its emptiness becomes immediately apparent, and
one realises that its contents are nothing but vague promises for which
neither the Government represented by him nor the Emperor can be made
responsible, so carefully have they been worded.
The Duma does not care for M. Kokovtsov, and does not appreciate the
adroitness of his mind. At the same time it does not entertain for him
the respect which, in spite of the hatred which he had inspired, it felt
for the character of M. Stolypin. And if the present Legislative
Assembly contained more independent elements, it is probable that the
opposition to the person of the Prime Minister would take a more acute
form. But the last elections have been conducted so entirely under the
influence of the Government that with the exception of the most
prominent members of the Opposition, such as M. Maklakov, M. Milioukov,
and others of the same importance, scarcely any of the Deputies whose
opinions made them the antagonists of the Cabinet were re-elected, and
the official candidates stepped into their places. This last fact was
entirely due to the clever manner in which M. Kokovtsov conducted the
election campaign, and the instructions which he gave to the Governors
of the different provinces of the Empire, as to the best way to ensure
the success of the men in whom he had confidence, and whom he hoped to
find submissive machines ready to vote according to his direction.
Nevertheless, even this Assembly, composed almost entirely of his
creatures and sycophants, became disgusted at some decisions of the
Government and voted against it upon several occasions. In Russia,
however, a Cabinet does not resign if it is in the good graces of the
Sovereign, and M. Kokovtsov never dreamed of retiring on account of the
censure of the Duma.
This does not mean that he will remain long in power. Very likely he had
hoped to be able to resign the responsible post after the tricentennial
celebrations of the Romanoff Dynasty, and as he did not then receive the
title of Count, nor the blue ribbon of St. Andrew, he is doubtless
waiting for another opportunity to arise, after which he will not be
sorry to retire into private life.
His private fortune is considerable, and he has judiciously enlarged it
during the years that he has been in office; he is clever enough to feel
that his personal influence on the Emperor is not quite the same as it
was earlier, and very likely he would prefer to retire into private life
before this fact became generally suspected. I should not therefore be
very much surprised if he left the field free to more enterprising
spirits. He will be glad to retire with the knowledge that during his
tenure of the Premiership no political crime darkened it, and that it
was not disturbed by revolution.
The fact seems clear that the Anarchist party is once more coming to the
front, and that very likely we shall soon see a new rebellion break out,
better organised than the last one, with more partisans, and with more
chances of success. The Universities, where, as usual, riots occurred
earlier than in any other centre, have lately been the scene of
tumultuous meetings, during which the students discussed the measures
adopted by the Government in regard to them and in regard to the
administration of the country. Censure votes were passed, and the
agitation was so strong that at last the police interfered, with its
usual brutality, which only aggravated the discontent of all these young
people, among whom generally are found the first elements of a rebellion
against the organised order of things.
On the other hand, in the different factories, of which so many exist in
St. Petersburg, the anarchist propaganda has also made enormous
progress; the recent strikes that have taken place prove it but too
well. Though the country is certainly more prosperous than it has ever
been, yet the growing cost of living has prevented many people from
feeling this prosperity, and discontent is more apparent than a year or
two ago.
M. Kokovtsov must be aware of this state of things, and very likely he
is just a little tired of the perpetual anxiety under which he is
obliged to work and to live. He is also not quite in accord with his
colleagues, and not able, like M. Stolypin, to impose his own will
against their intentions. His relations with M. Makarov, whom he had
recommended for the post of Minister of the Interior, did not for long
keep on an amicable footing, and the latter had to retire owing to some
differences which arose between him and the Premier. M. Kokovtsov
thought that the choice of the new Minister would be left to him, but
there a surprise awaited him. The Emperor for once wanted to appoint a
man whom he personally liked, and who had pleased him by the manner in
which he had seemed to enter into the spirit of the orders which he had
given to him. And without taking the advice of Vladimir Nicolaievitch,
he appointed in the place of M. Makarov, M. Maklakov, Governor of the
province of Tchernigov, a comparatively young man, under forty-five
years--an age at which Ministers had never before been chosen--who had
attracted his attention during his journey in the south at the time of
M. Stolypin’s assassination. M. Maklakov, whose brother is the leader of
the Opposition in the Duma, is just as Conservative in his opinions as
the latter is Liberal. Like all the members of his family, he is clever,
and some people see in him a second Stolypin. Whether this will be so
remains to be seen, and it is too early to prophesy. The man is unknown,
and of course surrounded by flatterers and jealous people. Those who see
in him the favourite of the Sovereign cringe before him, and try to make
themselves useful to him; those, on the contrary, who doubt his ability
to replace M. Kokovtsov, which rumour says will soon be necessary, do
not find words hard enough to condemn the choice that has placed him at
the head of the most important Department in the Empire.
It seems that what drew the attention of the Emperor to M. Maklakov was
the following occurrence. When Nicholas II. visited Tchernigov--it was
immediately after Mr. Stolypin had been assassinated by the Jew
Bagrov--everybody around the Sovereign was lamenting the death of the
Prime Minister, and one thought that by doing so one was pleasing the
monarch, and that by saying the loss which the country had suffered in
the person of Stolypin was irreparable, one was only giving expression
to the feelings which animated him. M. Maklakov alone remarked that
though it was terrible and sad that such a dastardly crime had put an
end to such a useful life as had been that of the late Minister’s, yet
one had no reason to fear the future, because with such a wise Sovereign
as Nicholas II., one was sure that the interests of Russia would not be
neglected, and that he would know where to look for a worthy successor
to Stolypin and where to find him. The words pleased the Tsar, and when
the retirement of M. Makarov became an accomplished fact, he called M.
Maklakov to St. Petersburg, and appointed him in his place.
M. Kokovtsov did not like this, and resented the way in which he had
been ignored. Friction between the two men has already occurred, and may
in time result in strengthening Vladimir Nicolaievitch in his decision
to retire, not from public life, but from the Premiership, in the full
glory of his success.
In such a position he would always be consulted in important matters and
questions, and could enjoy the liberty of doing what he liked. One of
the amiable weaknesses of the present Prime Minister consists in his
admiration of the fair sex. This has often occasioned severe criticism,
as it was generally felt that when one has assumed the task of ruling an
Empire like Russia, one ought to be more reserved in one’s actions, and
not allow the world to say that one is ready to forget the interests of
the country whenever a fair siren has consented to smile upon one. The
rumour has been current in St. Petersburg that one could obtain what was
wanted from M. Kokovtsov through the intervention of a lady friend.
But, with all his defects, Vladimir Nicolaievitch has done a great
service to the Empire, and that was to place his veto upon the
ridiculous enthusiasm that was engineered quite artificially in the
country for the cause of the Slav kingdoms. At one time it was feared
that these madmen would entangle Russia in a war with Turkey or with
Austria, which it is doubtful would prove to the advantage of Russia. M.
Kokovtsov alone had enough common sense to oppose his influence to that
folly, and to prevent the continuance of this senseless agitation. He
exposed to the Emperor the situation in which Russia found herself, and
the disaster that a war would entail upon her. He spoke of the state of
the finances, and of the ruin which a campaign would bring. He opened
the eyes of Nicholas II. to the condition of the country, and to the
peril that threatened the whole world were a general war of the
different States of Europe to break out. He had the tact to impose
silence on the Chauvinistic newspapers that excited the public mind not
only against the Turks, but also against the Government, which would
not allow itself to be drawn into the quarrel of the Balkan States with
the Sultan, and he contrived, together with M. Sazonov, to avoid
difficulties with Austria, and to ignore the provocations of the
Austrian press.
Of course, it is impossible to tell what the future holds in reserve,
but if only for the ability with which during the course of last winter,
amidst innumerable difficulties, M. Kokovtsov has displayed, for the
dignity with which he has repulsed the advice that was given to him by
people who spoke of the honour of the country engaged in defending the
Slavs, and by the firmness which he preserved the whole time that the
crisis lasted, he deserves the gratitude of Russia and of every sane and
well-intentioned person not only in Russia, but in the rest of Europe
also.