[Footnote 118: Plato, Sophist. p. 258 C. [Greek: o(/ti to\ mê\

o)\n bebai/ôs e)sti\ tê\n au)tou= phu/sin e)/chon . . . ou(/tô de\

kai\ to\ mê\ o)\n kata\ tau)to\n ê)=n te kai\ e)/stin mê\ o)/n,

e)na/rithmon tô=n pollô=n o)/ntôn ei)=dos e(/n.]]

I say nothing about contrariety (concludes Plato), or about any

thing contrary to Ens; nor will I determine whether Non-Ens in

this sense be rationally possible or not. What I mean by Non-Ens

is a particular case under the general doctrine of the communion

or combination of Forms: the combination of Ens with Diversum,

composing that which is different from Ens, and which is therefore

Non-Ens. Thus Ens itself, being different from all other Forms, is

Non-Ens in reference to them all, or an indefinite number of

times[119] (_i.e._ an indefinite number of negative predications

may be made concerning it).

[Footnote 119: Plato, Sophist. pp. 258 E-259 A. [Greek: ê(mei=s

ga\r peri\ me\n e)nanti/ou tino\s au)tô=| (tô=| o)/nti) chai/rein

pa/lai le/gomen, ei)/t' e)/stin ei)/te mê\ lo/gon e)/chon ê)\ kai\

panta/pasin a)/logon; o(\ de\ nu=n ei)rê/kamen ei)=nai to\ mê\

o)/n], &c.]

Non-Ens being thus shown to be one among the many other Forms,

disseminated among all the others, and entering into communion

with Ens among the rest--we have next to enquire whether it enters

into communion with the Form of Opinion and Discourse. It is the

communion of the two which constitutes false opinion and false

proposition: if therefore such communion be possible, false

opinion and false proposition are possible, which is the point

that Plato is trying to prove.[120]

[Footnote 120: Plato, Sophist. p. 260 B.]

[Side-note: Communion of Non-Ens with proposition--possible and

explicable.]

Now it has been already stated (continues Plato) that some Forms

or Genera admit of communion with each other, others do not. In

like manner some words admit of communion with each other--not

others. Those alone admit of communion, which, when put together,

make up a proposition significant or giving information respecting

Essence or Existence. The smallest proposition must have a noun

and a verb put together: the noun indicating the agent, the verb

indicating the act. Every proposition must be a proposition

concerning something, or must have a logical subject: every

proposition must also be of a certain quality. Let us take (he

proceeds) two simple propositions: _Theætêtus is sitting

down_--_Theætêtus is flying._[121] Of both these two, the subject is

the same: but the first is true, the second is false. The first gives

things existing as they are, respecting the subject: the second

gives respecting the subject, things different from those

existing, or in other words things non-existent, as if they did

exist.[122] A false proposition is that which gives things

different as if they were the same, and things non-existent as if

they were existent, respecting the subject.[123]

[Footnote 121: Plato, Sophist. p. 263 A. [Greek: Theai/têtos

ka/thêtai . . . Theai/têtos pe/tetai.]]

[Footnote 122: Plato, Sophist. p. 263 B. [Greek: le/gei de\

au)tô=n] ([Greek: tô=n lo/gôn] of the two propositions) [Greek: o(

me\n a)lêthê\s ta\ o)/nta, ô(s e)sti peri\ sou= . . . O( de\ dê\

pseudê\s e(/tera tô=n o)/ntôn . . . Ta\ mê\ o)/nt' a)/ra ô(s

o)/nta le/gei . . . O)/ntôn de/ ge o)/nta e(/tera peri\ sou=.

Polla\ me\n ga\r e)/phamen o)/nta peri\ e(/kaston ei)=nai/ pou,

polla\ de\ ou)k o)/nta.]]

[Footnote 123: Plato, Sophist. p. 263 D. [Greek: Peri\ dê\ sou=

lego/mena me/ntoi tha/tera ô(s ta\ au)ta/, kai\ mê\ o)/nta ô(s

o)/nta, panta/pasin, ô(s e)/oiken, ê( toiau/tê su/nthesis e)/k te

r(êma/tôn gignome/nê kai\ o)noma/tôn o)/ntôs te kai\ a)lêthô=s

gi/gnesthai lo/gos pseudê/s.]

It is plain that this explanation takes no account of negative

propositions: it applies only to affirmative propositions.]

[Side-note: Imperfect analysis of a proposition--Plato does not

recognise the predicate.]

The foregoing is Plato's explanation of Non-Ens. Before we remark

upon it, let us examine his mode of analysing a proposition. He

conceives the proposition as consisting of a noun and a verb. The

noun marks the logical _subject_, but he has no technical word

equivalent to _subject_: his phrase is, that a proposition must be

_of something_ or _concerning something_. Then again, he not only

has no word to designate the predicate, but he does not even seem

to conceive the predicate as distinct and separable: it stands

along with the copula embodied in the verb. The two essentials of

a proposition, as he states them, are--That it should have a

certain subject--That it should be of a certain quality, true or

false.[124] This conception is just, as far as it goes: but it

does not state all which ought to be known about proposition, and

it marks an undeveloped logical analysis. It indicates moreover

that Plato, not yet conceiving the predicate as a distinct

constituent, had not yet conceived the copula as such: and

therefore that the substantive verb [Greek: e)/stin] had not yet

been understood by him in its function of pure and simple copula.

The idea that the substantive verb when used in a proposition must

mark _existence_ or _essence_, is sufficiently apparent in several

of his reasonings.

[Footnote 124: Since the time of Aristotle, the _quality_ of a

proposition has been understood to designate its being either

affirmative or negative: that being _formal_, or belonging to its

form only. Whether affirmative or negative, it may be true or

false: and this is doubtless a _quality_, but belonging to its

matter, not to its form. Plato seems to have taken no account of

the formal distinction, _negative_ or _affirmative_.]

I shall now say a few words on Plato's explanation of Non-Ens. It

is given at considerable length, and was, in the judgment of

Schleiermacher, eminently satisfactory to Plato himself. Some of

Plato's expressions[125] lead me to suspect that his satisfaction

was not thus unqualified: but whether he was himself satisfied or

not, I cannot think that the explanation ought to satisfy others.

[Footnote 125: Plato, Sophistês, p. 259 A-B. Schleiermacher,

Einleitung zum Sophistes, vol. iv. p. 134, of his translation of

Plato.]

[Side-note: Plato's explanation of Non-Ens is not

satisfactory--Objections to it.]

Plato here lays down the position--That the word _Not_ signifies

nothing more than difference, with respect to that other word to

which it is attached. It does not signify (he says) what is

contrary; but simply what is different. _Not-great_,

_Not-beautiful_--mean what is different from great or beautiful:

Non-Ens means, not what is contrary to Ens, but simply what is

different from Ens.

First, then, even if we admit that Non-Ens has this latter meaning

and nothing beyond--yet when we turn to Plato's own definition of

Ens, we shall find it so all-comprehensive, that there can be

absolutely nothing different from Ens:--these last words can have

no place and no meaning. Plato defines Ens so as to include all

that is knowable, conceivable, thinkable.[126] One portion of this

total differs from another: but there can be nothing which differs

from it all. The Form or nature of Diversum (to use Plato's

phrase) as it is among the knowable or conceivable, is already

included in the total of Ens, and comes into communion (according

to the Platonic phraseology) with one portion of that total as

against another portion. But with Ens as a whole, it cannot come

into communion, for there is nothing apart from Ens. Whenever we

try to think of any thing apart from Ens, we do by the act of

thought include it in Ens, as defined by Plato. _Different from

great_--_different from white_ (_i.e._ not great, not white, sensu

Platonico) is very intelligible: but _Different from Ens_, is not

intelligible: there is nothing except the inconceivable and

incomprehensible: the words professing to describe it, are mere

unmeaning sound. Now this is just[127] what Parmenides said about

Non-Ens. Plato's definition of Ens appears to me to make out the

case of Parmenides about Non-Ens; and to render the Platonic

explanation--_different from Ens_--open to quite as many

difficulties, as those which attach to Non-Ens in the ordinary

sense.

[Footnote 126: Plato, Sophist. pp. 247-248.]

[Footnote 127: Compare Kratylus, 430 A.]

Secondly, there is an objection still graver against Plato's

explanation. When he resolves negation into an affirmation of

something different from what is denied, he effaces or puts out of

sight one of the capital distinctions of logic. What he says is

indeed perfectly true: _Not-great_, _Not-beautiful_, _Non-Ens_,

are respectively different from _great_, _beautiful_, _Ens_. But

this, though true, is only a part of the truth; leaving unsaid

another portion of the truth which, while equally essential, is at

the same time special and characteristic. The negative not only

differs from the affirmative, but has such peculiar meaning of its

own, as to exclude the affirmative: both cannot be true together.

_Not-great_ is certainly different from _great_: so also, _white_,

_hard_, _rough_, _just_, _valiant_, &c, are all different from

_great_. But there is nothing in these latter epithets to exclude

the co-existence of great. _Theætêtus is great_--_Theætêtus is

white_; in the second of these two propositions I affirm something

respecting Theætêtus quite different from what I affirm in the

first, yet nevertheless noway excluding what is affirmed in the

first.[128] The two propositions may both be true. But when I

say--_Theætêtus is dead_--_Theætêtus is not dead_: here are two

propositions which cannot both be true, from the very form of the

words. To explain _not-great_, as Plato does, by saying that it

means _only_ something different from great,[129] is to suppress

this peculiar meaning and virtue of the negative, whereby it

simply excludes the affirmative, without affirming any thing in

its place. Plato is right in saying that _not-great_ does not

affirm the _contrary_ of great, by which he means _little_.[130]

The negative does not affirm any thing: it simply denies. Plato

seems to consider the negative as a species of affirmative:[131]

only affirming something different from what is affirmed by the

term which it accompanies. Not-Great, Not-Beautiful, Not-Just--he

declares to be Forms just as real and distinct as Great,

Beautiful, Just: only different from these latter. This, in my

opinion, is a conception logically erroneous. Negative stands

opposed to affirmative, as one of the modes of distributing both

terms and propositions. A purely negative term cannot stand alone

in the subject of a proposition: _Non-Entis nulla sunt

prædicata_--was the scholastic maxim. The apparent exceptions to

this rule arise only from the fact, that many terms negative in

their form have taken on an affirmative signification.

[Footnote 128: Proklus, in his Commentary on the Parmenidês (p.

281, p. 785, Stallbaum), says, with reference to the doctrine laid

down by Plato in the Sophistês, [Greek: o(/lôs ga\r ai(

a)potha/seis e)ggonoi/ ei)si tê=s e(tero/têtos tê=s noera=s; dia\

tou=to ga\r _ou)ch i(/ppos_, o(/ti e(/teron--kai\ dia\ tou=to

_ou)k a)/nthrôpos_, o(/ti a)/llo.]

Proklus here adopts and repeats Plato's erroneous idea of the

negative proposition and its function. When I deny that Caius is

just, wise, &c., my denial does not intimate simply that I know

him to be something _different_ from just, wise; for he may have

fifty _different_ attributes, co-existent and consistent with

justice and wisdom.

To employ the language of Aristotle (see a pertinent example,

Physic. i. 8, 191, b. 15, where he distinguishes [Greek: to\ mê\

o)\n kath' au(to\] from [Greek: to\ mê\ o)\n kata\ sumbebêko/s]),

we may say that it is not of the essence of the Different to deny

or exclude that from which it is different: the Different may deny

or exclude, but that is only by _accident_--[Greek: kata\

sumbebêko/s]. Plato includes, in the essence of the Different,

that which belongs to it only by accident.

Aristotle in more than one place distinguishes [Greek: diaphora\]

from [Greek: e)nanti/ôsis]--not always in the same language. In

Metaphysic. I. p. 1055 a. 33, he considers that the root of all

[Greek: e)nanti/ôsis] is [Greek: e(/xis] and [Greek: ste/rêsis],

understood in the widest sense, _i.e._ affirmative and negative.

See Bonitz, not. ad loc., and Waitz, ad Categor. p. 12, a. 26. The

last portion of the treatise [Greek: Peri\ E(rmênei/as] was

interpreted by Syrianus with a view to uphold Plato's opinion here

given in the Sophistes (Schol. ad Aristot. p. 136, a. 15

Brandis).]

[Footnote 129: Plato, Sophist. p. 258 B. [Greek: ou)k e)nanti/on

e)kei/nô| sêmai/nousa, a)lla\ _tosou=ton mo/non_, e(/teron

e)kei/nou.]

If we look to the Euthydêmus we shall see that this confusion

between what is different from A, and what is incompatible with or

exclusive of A, is one of the fallacies which Plato puts into the

mouth of the two Sophists Euthydêmus and Dionysodôrus, whom he

exhibits and exposes in that dialogue. [Greek: A)/llo ti ou)=n

e(/teros, ê)= d' o(/s] (Dionysodorus), [Greek: ô)\n li/thou, ou)

li/thos ei)=? kai\ e(/teros ô)\n chrusou=, ou) chruso\s ei)=?

E)/sti tau=ta. Ou)kou=n kai\ o( Chaire/dêmos, e)/phê, e(/teros

ô)\n patro/s, ou)k a)\n patê\r ei)/ê?] (Plat. Euthydem. p. 298

A).]

[Footnote 130: Plato, Sophist. p. 257 B.]

[Footnote 131: Plato, Sophist. pp. 257 E, 258 A.

[Greek: O)/ntos dê\ pro\s o)\n a)nti/thesis, ô(s e)/oik', ei)=nai

xumbai/nei to\ _mê\ kalo/n_. . . .

O(moi/ôs a)/ra to\ mê\ me/ga, kai\ to\ me/ga au)to\ _ei)=nai_

lekte/on.]

Plato distinctly recognises here Forms or Ideas [Greek: tô=n

a)popha/seôn], which the Platonists professed not to do, according

to Aristotle, Metaphys. A. 990, b. 13--see the instructive Scholia

of Alexander, p. 565, a. Brandis.]

[Side-note: Plato's view of the negative is erroneous. Logical

maxim of contradiction.]

The view which Plato here takes of the negative deserves the

greater notice, because, if it were adopted, what is called the

maxim of contradiction would be divested of its universality.

Given a significant proposition with the same subject and the same

predicate, each taken in one and the same signification--its

affirmative and its negative cannot both be true. But if by the

negative, you mean to make a new affirmation, different from that

contained in the affirmative--the maxim just stated cannot be

broadly maintained as of universal application: it may or may not

be valid, as the case happens to stand. The second affirmation may

be, as a matter of fact, incompatible with the first: but this is

not to be presumed, from the mere fact that it is different from

the first: proof must be given of such incompatibility.

[Side-note: Examination of the illustrative propositions chosen by

Plato--How do we know that one is true, the other false?]

We may illustrate this remark by looking at the two propositions

which Plato gives as examples of true and false. _Theætêtus is

sitting down_--_Theætêtus is flying_. Both the examples are of

affirmative propositions: and it seems clear that Plato, in all

this reasoning, took no account of negative propositions: those

which simply deny, affirming nothing. The second of these

propositions (says Plato) affirms _what is not_, as if it were,

respecting the subject But how do we know this to be so? In the

form of the second proposition there is nothing to show it: there

is no negation of any thing, but simply affirmation of a different

positive attribute. Although it happens, in this particular case,

that the two attributes are incompatible, and that the affirmation

of the one includes the negation of the other--yet there is

nothing in the form of either proposition to deny the other:--no

formal incompatibility between them. Both are alike affirmative,

with the same subject, but different predicates. These two

propositions therefore do not serve to illustrate the real nature

of the negative, which consists precisely in this formal

incompatibility. The proper negative belonging to the

proposition--_Theætêtus is sitting down_--would be, _Theætêtus

is not sitting down_. Plato ought to maintain, if he followed out

his previous argument, that Not-Sitting down is as good a Form as

Sitting-down, and that it meant merely--Different from Sitting down.

But instead of doing this Plato gives us a new affirmative proposition,

which, besides what it affirms, conceals an implied negation of the

first proposition. This does not serve to illustrate the purpose

of his reasoning--which was to set up the formal negative as a new

substantive attribute, different from its corresponding

affirmative. As between the two, the maxim of contradiction

applies: both cannot be true. But as between the two propositions

given in Plato, that maxim has no application: they are two

propositions with the same subject, but different predicates;

which happen in this case to be, the one true, the other false--but

which are not formally incompatible. The second is not false

because it differs from the first; it has no essential connection

with the first, and would be equally false, even if the first were

false also.

The function of the negative is to deny. Now denial is not a

species of affirmation, but the reversal or antithesis of

affirmation: it nullifies a belief previously entertained, or

excludes one which might otherwise be entertained,--but it affirms

nothing. In particular cases, indeed, the denial of one thing may

be tantamount to the affirmation of another: for a man may know

that there are only two suppositions possible, and that to shut

out the one is to admit the other. But this is an inference drawn

in virtue of previous knowledge possessed and contributed by

himself: another man without such knowledge would not draw the

same inference, nor could he learn it from the negative

proposition _per se_. Such then is the genuine meaning of the

negative; from which Plato departs, when he tells us that the

negative is a kind of affirmation, only affirming something

different--and when he illustrates it by producing two affirmative

propositions respecting the same subject, affirming different

attributes, the one as matter of fact incompatible with the other.

[Side-note: Necessity of accepting the evidence of sense.]

But how do we know that the first proposition--_Theætêtus is

sitting down_--affirms what is:--and that the second

proposition--_Theætêtus is flying_--affirms what is not? If present,

our senses testify to us the truth of the first, and the falsehood

of the second: if absent, we have the testimony of a witness, combined

with our own past experience attesting the frequency of facts

analogous to the one, and the non-occurrence of facts analogous to

the other. When we make the distinction, then,--we assume that

what is attested by sense or by comparisons and inductions from

the facts of sense, is real, or _is_: and that what is merely

conceived or imagined, without the attestation of sense (either

directly or by way of induction), is not real, or _is not_. Upon

this assumption Plato himself must proceed, when he takes it for

granted, as a matter of course, that the first proposition is

true, and the second false. But he forgets that this assumption

contradicts the definition which, in this same dialogue,[132] he

had himself given of Ens--of the real or _the thing that is_. His

definition was so comprehensive, as to include not only all that

could be seen or felt, but also all that had capacity to be known

or conceived by the mind: and he speaks very harshly of those who

admit the reality of things perceived, but refuse to admit equal

reality to things only conceived. Proceeding then upon this

definition, we can allow no distinction as to truth or falsehood

between the two propositions--_Theætêtus is sitting

down_--_Theætêtus is flying_: the predicate of the second affirms

what is, just as much as the predicate of the first: for it affirms

something which, though neither perceived nor perceivable by

sense, is distinctly conceivable and conceived by the mind. When

Plato takes for granted the distinction between the two, that the

first affirms _what is_, and the second _what is not_--he

unconsciously slides into that very recognition of the testimony

of sense (in other words, of fact and experience), as the

certificate of reality, which he had so severely denounced in the

opposing materialist philosophers: and upon the ground of which he

thought himself entitled, not merely to correct them as mistaken,

but to reprove them as wicked and impudent.[133]

[Footnote 132: Plato, Sophist. pp. 247 D-E, 248 D-E.]

[Footnote 133: Plato, Sophist. p. 246 D.]

[Side-note: Errors of Antisthenes--depended partly on the imperfect

formal logic of that day.]

I have thus reviewed a long discussion--terminating in a

conclusion which appears to me unsatisfactory--of the meaning and

function of the negative. I hardly think that Plato would have

given such an explanation of it, if he had had the opportunity of

studying the Organon of Aristotle. Prior to Aristotle, the

principles and distinctions of formal logic were hardly at

all developed; nor can we wonder that others at that time fell

into various errors which Plato scornfully derides, but very

imperfectly rectifies. For example, Antisthenes did not admit the

propriety of any predication, except identical, or at most

essential, predication: the word [Greek: e)/stin] appeared to him

incompatible with any other. But we perceive in this dialogue,

that Plato also did not conceive the substantive verb as

performing the simple function of copula in predication: on the

contrary he distinguishes [Greek: e)/stin], as marking identity

between subject and predicate--from [Greek: mete/chei], as marking

accidental communion between the two. Again, there were men in

Plato's day who maintained that Non-Ens ([Greek: to\ mê\ o)\n])

was inconceivable and impossible. Plato, in refuting these

philosophers, gives a definition of Ens ([Greek: to\ o)\n]), which

puts them in the right--fails in stating what the true negative

is--and substitutes, in place of simple denial, a second

affirmation to overlay and supplant the first.

[Side-note: Doctrine of the Sophistês--contradicts that of other

Platonic dialogues.]

To complete the examination of this doctrine of the Sophistês,

respecting Non-Ens, we must compare it with the doctrine on the

same subject laid down in other Platonic dialogues. It will be

found to contradict, very distinctly, the opinion assigned by

Plato to Sokrates both in the Theætêtus and in the fifth Book of

the Republic:[134] where Sokrates deals with Non-Ens in its usual

sense as the negation of Ens: laying down the position that

Non-Ens can be neither the object of the cognizing Mind, nor the

object of the opining ([Greek: doxa/zôn]) or cogitant Mind: that

it is uncognizable and incogitable, correlating only with

Non-Cognition or Ignorance. Now we find that this doctrine (of

Sokrates, in Theætêtus and Republic) is the very same as that

which is affirmed, in the Sophistês, to be taken up by the

delusive Sophist: the same as that which the Eleate spends much

ingenuity in trying to refute, by proving that Non-Ens is not the

negation of Ens, but only that which differs from Ens, being

itself a particular variety of Ens. It is also the same doctrine

as is declared, both by the Eleate in the Sophistês and by

Sokrates in the Theætêtus, to imply as an undeniable consequence,

that the falsehood of any proposition is impossible. "A false

proposition is that which speaks the thing that is not ([Greek:

to\ mê\ o)/n]). But this is an impossibility. You can neither

know, nor think, nor speak, the thing that is not. You cannot know

without knowing something: you cannot speak without speaking

something (_i. e._ something that is)." Of this consequence--which

is expressly announced as included in the doctrine, both by the

Eleate in the Sophistês and by the Platonic Sokrates in the

Theætêtus--no notice is taken in the Republic.[135]

[Footnote 134: Plato, Republic, v. pp. 477-478. Theætêt. pp.

188-189. Parmenidês, pp. 160 C, 163 C. Euthydêmus, p. 284 B-C.

Aristotle (De Interpretat. p. 21, a. 22) briefly expresses his

dissent from an opinion, the same as what is given in the Platonic

Sophistês--that [Greek: to\ mê\ o)/n] is [Greek: o)/n ti]. He

makes no mention of Plato, but Ammonius in the Scholia alludes to

Plato (p. 129, b. 20, Schol. Bekk.).

We must note that the Eleate in the Sophistês states both opinions

respecting [Greek: to\ mê\ o)/n]: first that which he

refutes--next that which he advances. The Scholiast may, therefore,

refer to both opinions, as _stated_ in the Sophistês, though one of

them is stated only for the purpose of being refuted.

We may contrast with these views of Plato (in the Sophistês)

respecting [Greek: to\ mê\ o)/n], as not being a negation [Greek:

tou= o)/ntos], but simply a something [Greek: e(/teron tou=

o)/ntos], the different views of Aristotle about [Greek: to\ mê\

o)/n], set forth in the instructive Commentary of M. Ravaisson,

Essai sur la Métaphysique d'Aristote, p. 360.

"Le non-être s'oppose à l'être, comme sa négation: ce n'est donc

pas, non plus que l'être, une chose simple; et autant il y a de

genres de l'être, autant il faut que le non-être ait de genres.

Cependant l'opposition de l'être et du non-être, différente, en

realité, dans chacune des catégories, est la même dans toutes par

sa forme. Dans cette forme, le second terme n'exprime pas autre

chose que l'absence du premier. Le rapport de l'être et du

non-être consiste donc dans une pure contradiction: dernière forme

à laquelle toute opposition doit se ramener."

Aristotle seems to allude to the Sophistês, though not mentioning

it by its title, in three passages of the Metaphysica--E. 1026, b.

14; K. 1064, b. 29; N. 1089, a. 5 (see the note of Bonitz on the

latter passage)--perhaps also elsewhere (see Ueberweg, pp.

153-154). Plato replied in one way, Leukippus and Demokritus in

another, to the doctrine of Parmenides, who banished Non-Ens as

incogitable. Leukippus maintained that Non-Ens equivalent to

[Greek: to\ keno/n], and that the two elements of things were

[Greek: to\ plê=res] and [Greek: to\ keno/n], for which he used

the expressions [Greek: de\n] and [Greek: ou)de/n]. Plato replied

as we read in the Sophistês: thus both he and Leukippus tried in

different ways to demonstrate a positive nature and existence for

Non-Ens. See Aristot. Metaph. A. 985, b. 4, with the Scholia, p.

538, Brandis. The Scholiast cites Plato [Greek: e)n tê=|

Politei/a|], which seems a mistake for [Greek: e)n tô=|

Sophi/stê|].]

[Footnote 135: Socher (Ueber Platon's Schriften, pp. 264-265) is

upon this point more satisfactory than the other Platonic

commentators. He points out--not only without disguise, but even

with emphasis--the discrepancies and contradictions between the

doctrines ascribed to the Eleate in the Sophistês, and those

ascribed to Sokrates in the Republic, Phædon, and other Platonic

dialogues. These are the main premisses upon which Socher rests

his inference, that the Sophistês is not the composition of Plato.

I do not admit his inference: but the premisses, as matters of

fact, appear to me undeniable. Stallbaum, in his Proleg. to the

Sophistês, p. 40 seq., attempts to explain away these

discrepancies--in my opinion his remarks are obscure and

unsatisfactory. Various other commentators, also holding the

Sophistês to be a genuine work of Plato, overlook or extenuate

these premisses, which they consider unfavourable to that

conclusion. Thus Alkinous, in his [Greek: Ei)sagôgê/], sets down

the explanation of [Greek: to\ mê\ o)\n] which is given in the

Sophistês, as if it were the true and Platonic explanation, not

adverting to what is said in the Republic and elsewhere (Alkin. c.

35, p. 189 in the Appendix Platonica annexed to the edition of

Plato by K. F. Hermann). The like appears in the [Greek:

Prolego/mena tê=s Pla/tônos philosophi/as]: c. 21, p. 215 of the

same edition. Proklus, in his Commentary on the Parmenidês, speaks

in much the same manner about [Greek: to\ mê\ o)\n]--considering

the doctrine advanced and defended by the Eleate in the Sophistês,

to represent the opinion of Plato (p. 785 ed. Stallbaum; see also

the Commentary of Proklus on the Timæus, b. iii. p. 188 E, 448 ed.

Schneid.). So likewise Simplikius and the commentators on

Aristotle, appear to consider it--see Schol. ad Aristotel.

Physica, p. 332, a. 8, p. 333, b., 334, a., 343, a. 5. It is plain

from these Scholia that the commentators were much embarrassed in

explaining [Greek: to\ mê\ o)/n]. They take the Sophistês as if it

delivered Plato's decisive opinion upon that point (Porphyry

compares what Plato says in the Timæus, but not what he says in

the Republic or in Theætêtus, p. 333, b. 25); and I think that

they accommodate Plato to Aristotle, in such manner as to obscure

the real antithesis which Plato insists upon in the Sophistês--I

mean the antithesis according to which Plato excludes what is

[Greek: e)nanti/on tou= o)/ntos] and admits only what is [Greek:

e(/teron tou= o)/ntos].

Ritter gives an account (Gesch. der Philos. part ii. pp. 288-289)

of Plato's doctrine in the Sophistês respecting Non-Ens; but by no

means an adequate account. K. F. Hermann also omits (Geschichte

und System der Platonischen Philos. pp. 504-505-507) to notice the

discrepancy between the doctrine of the Sophistês, and the

doctrine of the Republic, and Theætêtus, respecting [Greek: to\

mê\ o)/n]--though he pronounces elsewhere that the Republic is

among the most indisputably positive of all Plato's compositions

(p. 536).]

Again, the doctrine maintained by the Eleate in the Sophistês

respecting Ens, as well as respecting Ideas or Forms, is in other

ways inconsistent with what is laid down in other Platonic

dialogues. The Eleate in the Sophistês undertakes to refute two

different classes of opponents; first, the Materialists, of whom

he speaks with derision and antipathy--secondly, others of very

opposite doctrines, whom he denominates the Friends of Ideas or

Forms, speaking of them in terms of great respect. Now by these

Friends of Forms or Ideas, Schleiermacher conjectures that Plato

intends to denote the Megaric philosophers. M. Cousin, and most

other critics (except Ritter), have taken up this opinion. But to

me it seems that Socher is right in declaring the doctrine,

ascribed to these Friends of Ideas, to be the very same as that

which is laid down by Plato himself in other important

dialogues--Republic, Timæus, Phædon, Phædrus, Kratylus, &c.--and

which is generally understood as that of the Platonic Ideas.[136]

In all these dialogues, the capital contrast and antithesis is that

between Ens or Entia on one side, and Fientia (the transient, ever

generated and ever perishing), on the other: between the eternal,

unchangeable, archetypal Forms or Ideas--and the ever-changing

flux of particulars, wherein approximative likeness of these

archetypes is imperfectly manifested. Now it is exactly this

antithesis which the Friends of Forms in the Sophistês are

represented as upholding, and which the Eleate undertakes to

refute.[137] We shall find Aristotle, over and over again,

impugning the total separation or demarcation between Ens and

Fientia ([Greek: ei)/dê--ge/nesis--chôrista/]), both as the

characteristic dogma, and the untenable dogma, of the Platonic

philosophy: it is exactly the same issue which the Eleate in the

Sophistês takes with the Friends of Forms. He proves that Ens is

just as full of perplexity, and just as difficult to understand,

as Non-Ens:[138] whereas, in the other Platonic dialogues, Ens is

constantly spoken of as if it were plain and intelligible. In

fact, he breaks down the barrier between Ens and Fientia, by

including motion, change, the moving or variable, among the world

of Entia.[139] Motion or Change belongs to Fieri; and if it be

held to belong to Esse also (by recognising a Form or Idea of

Motion or Change, as in the Sophistês), the antithesis between the

two, which is so distinctly declared in other Platonic dialogues,

disappears.[140]

[Footnote 136: Socher, p. 266; Schleiermacher, Einleitung zum

Sophistes, p. 134; Cousin, Oeuvres de Platon, vol. xi. 517,

notes.

Schleiermacher gives this as little more than a conjecture; and

distinctly admits that any man may easily suppose the doctrine

ascribed to these Friends of Forms to be Plato's own

doctrine--"Nicht zu verwundern wäre es, wenn Mancher auf den Gedanken

käme, Platon meinte hier sich selbst und seine eigene Lehre," &c.

But most of the subsequent critics have taken up Schleiermacher's

conjecture (that the Megarici are intended), as if it were

something proved and indubitable.

It is curious that while Schleiermacher thinks that the opinions

of the Megaric philosophers are impugned and refuted in the

Sophistês, Socher fancies that the dialogue was composed by a

Megaric philosopher, not by Plato. Ueberweg (Aechtheit der Platon.

Schr. pp. 275-277) points out as explicitly as Socher, the

discrepancy between the Sophistês and several other Platonic

dialogues, in respect to what is said about Forms or Ideas. But he

draws a different inference: he infers from it a great change in

Plato's own opinion, and he considers that the Sophistês is later

in its date of composition than those other dialogues which it

contradicts. I think this opinion about the late composition of

the Sophistês, is not improbable; but the premisses are not

sufficient to prove it.

My view of the Platonic Sophistês differs from the elaborate

criticism on it given by Steinhart (Einleitung zum Soph. p. 417

seq.) Moreover, there is one assertion in that Einleitung which I

read with great surprise. Steinhart not only holds it for certain

that the Sophistes was composed after the Parmenidês, but also

affirms that it solves the difficulties propounded in the

Parmenidês--discusses the points of difficulty "in the best

possible way" ("in der wünschenwerthesten Weise" (pp. 470-471).

I confess I cannot find that the difficulties started in the

Parmenidês are even noticed, much less solved, in the Sophistês.

And Steinhart himself tells that the Parmenidês places us in a

circle both of persons and doctrines entirely different from those

of the Sophistês (p. 472). It is plain also that the other

Platonic commentators do not agree with Steinhart in finding the

Sophistês a key to the Parmenidês: for most of them (Ast, Hermann,

Zeller, Stallbaum, Brandis, &c.) consider the Parmenidês to have

been composed at a later date than the Sophistês (as Steinhart

himself intimates; compare his Einleitung zum Parmenides, p. 312

seq.). Ueberweg, the most recent enquirer (posterior to

Steinhart), regards the Parmenidês as the latest of all Plato's

compositions--if indeed it be genuine, of which he rather doubts.

(Aechtheit der Platon. Schrift. pp. 182-183.)

M. Mallet (Histoire de l'École de Megare, Introd. pp. xl.-lviii.,

Paris, 1845) differs from all the three opinions of

Schleiermacher, Ritter, and Socher. He thinks that the

philosophers, designated as Friends of Forms, are intended for the

Pythagoreans. His reasons do not satisfy me.]

[Footnote 137: Plato, Sophist. pp. 246 B, 248 B. The same opinion

is advanced by Sokrates in the Republic, v. p. 479 B-C. Phædon,

pp. 78-79. Compare Sophist, p. 248 C with Symposion, p. 211 B. In

the former passage, [Greek: to\ pa/schein] is affirmed of the

Ideas: in the latter passage, [Greek: to\ pa/schein mêde/n].]

[Footnote 138: Plato, Sophist p. 245 E. Yet he afterwards talks of

[Greek: to\ lampro\n tou= o)/ntos a)ei\] as contrasted with

[Greek: to\ skoteino\n tou= mê\ o)/ntos], p. 254 A, which seems

not consistent.]

[Footnote 139: Plato, Sophist. p. 249 B. "Ipsæ ideæ per se

simplices sunt et immutabiles: sunt æternæ, ac semper fuerunt ab

omni liberæ mutatione," says Stallbaum ad Platon. Republ. v. p.

476; see also his Prolegg. to the Parmenidês, pp. 39-40. This is

the way in which the Platonic Ideas are presented in the Timæus,

Republic, Phædon, &c., and the way in which they are conceived by

the [Greek: ei)dô=n phi/loi] in the Sophistês, whom the Eleate

seeks to confute.

Zeller's chapter on Plato seems to me to represent not so much

what we read in the separate dialogues, as the attempt of an able

and ingenious man to bring out something like a consistent and

intelligible doctrine which will do credit to Plato, and to soften

down all the inconsistencies (see Philos. der Griech. vol. ii. pp.

394-415-429 ed. 2nd).]

[Footnote 140: See a striking passage about the unchangeableness

of Forms or Ideas in the Kratylus, p. 439 D-E; also Philêbus, p.

15.

In the Parmenidês (p. 132 D) the supposition [Greek: ta\ ei)/dê

e)sta/nai e)n tê=| phu/sei] is one of those set up by Sokrates and

impugned by Parmenides. Nevertheless in an earlier passage of that

dialogue Sokrates is made to include [Greek: ki/nêsis] and [Greek:

sta/sis] among the [Greek: ei)/dê] (p. 129 E). It will be found,

however, that when Parmenides comes to question Sokrates, What

[Greek: ei)/dê] do you recognise? attributes and subjects only

(the latter with hesitation) are included: no such thing as

actions, processes, events--[Greek: to\ poiei=n kai\ pa/schein]

(p. 130). In Republic vii. 529 D, we find mention made of [Greek:

to\ o)\n ta/chos] and [Greek: ê( ou)=sa bradu/tês], which implies

[Greek: ki/nêsis] as among the [Greek: ei)/dê]. In Theætêt. pp.

152 D, 156 A, [Greek: ki/nêsis] is noted as the constituent and

characteristic of Fieri--[Greek: to\ gigno/menon]--which belongs

to the domain of sensible perception, as distinguished from

permanent and unchangeable Ens.]

[Side-note: The persons whom Plato here attacks as Friends of Forms

are those who held the same doctrine as Plato himself espouses in

Phædon, Republic, &c.]

If we examine the reasoning of the Eleate, in the Sophistês,

against the persons whom he calls the Friends of Forms, we shall

see that these latter are not Parmenideans only, but also Plato

himself in the Phædon, Republic, and elsewhere. We shall also see

that the ground, taken up by the Eleate, is much the same as that

which was afterwards taken up by Aristotle against the Platonic

Ideas. Plato, in most of his dialogues, declares Ideas, Forms,

Entia, to be eternal substances distinct and apart from the flux

and movement of particulars: yet he also declares, nevertheless,

that particulars have a certain communion or participation with

the Ideas, and are discriminated and denominated according to such

participation. Aristotle controverts both these doctrines: first,

the essential separation of the two, which he declares to be

untrue: next, the participation or coming together of the two

separate elements--which he declares to be an unmeaning fiction or

poetical metaphor, introduced in order to elude the consequences

of the original fallacy.[141] He maintains that the two (Entia and

Fientia--Universals and Particulars) have no reality except in

conjunction and implication together; though they are separable by

reason ([Greek: lo/gô| chôrista\--tô=| ei)nai, chôrista/]) or

abstraction, and though we may reason about them apart, and must

often reason about them apart.[142] Now it is this implication and

conjunction of the Universal with its particulars, which is the

doctrine of the Sophistês, and which distinguishes it from other

Platonic dialogues, wherein the Universal is

transcendentalized--lodged in a separate world from particulars. No

science or intelligence is possible (says the Eleate in the Sophistês)

either upon the theory of those who pronounce all Ens to be constant

and unchangeable, or upon that of those who declare all Ens to be

fluent and variable. We must recognise both together, the constant

and the variable, as equally real and as making up the totality of

Ens.[143] This result, though not stated in the language which

Aristotle would have employed, coincides very nearly with the

Aristotelian doctrine, in one of the main points on which

Aristotle distinguishes his own teaching from that of his master.

[Footnote 141: Aristot. Metaphys. A. 991-992.]

[Footnote 142: Aristot. Metaph. vi. 1038, a-b. The Scholion of

Alexander here (p. 763, b. 36, Brandis) is clearer than Aristotle

himself. [Greek: To\ prokei/meno/n e)sti dei=xai ô(s ou)de\n tô=n

katho/lou ou)si/a e)/stin; ou)/te ga\r o( katho/lou a)/nthrôpos

ê)\ o( katho/lou i(/ppos, ou)/te a)/llo ou)de/n; a)ll' e(/kaston

au)tôn _dianoi/as a)po/maxi/s_ e)stin _a)po\ tô=n kath' e(/kasta_

kai\ prô/tôs kai\ ma/lista legome/nôn ou)siô=n kai\ o(moi/ôma.]]

[Footnote 143: Plato, Sophist. p. 249 C-D. [Greek: Tô=| dê\

philoso/phô| kai\ tau=ta ma/lista timô=nti pa=sa a)na/gkê dia\

tau=ta mê/te tô=n e(\n ê)\ kai\ ta\ polla\ ei)/dê lego/ntôn to\

pa=n e(stêko\s a)pode/chesthai, tô=n te au)= pantachê=| to\ o)\n

kinou=ntôn mêde\ to\ para/pan a)kou/ein; a)lla\ kata\ tê\n tô=n

pai/dôn eu)chê/n, o(/sa a)ki/nêta/ te kai\ kekinême/na, to\ o)/n

te kai\ to\ pa=n, xunampho/tera le/gein.]

Ritter states the result of this portion of the Sophistês

correctly. "Es bleibt uns als Ergebniss aller dieser

Untersuchungen über das Seyn, dass die Wahrheit sowohl des

Werdens, als auch des beharrlichen Seyns, anerkannt werden müsse"

(Geschichte der Philos. ii. p. 281).]

[Side-note: The Sophistês recedes from the Platonic point of view,

and approaches the Aristotelian.]

That the Eleate in the Sophistes recedes from the Platonic point

of view and approaches towards the Aristotelian, will be seen also

if we look at the lesson of logic which he gives to Theætêtus. In

his analysis of a proposition--and in discriminating such

conjunctions of words as are significant, from such as are

insignificant--he places himself on the same ground as that which

is travelled over by Aristotle in the Categories and the treatise

De Interpretatione. That the handling of the topic by Aristotle is

much superior, is what we might naturally expect from the fact

that he is posterior in time. But there is another difference

between the two which is important to notice. Aristotle deals with

this topic, as he does with every other, in the way of methodical

and systematic exposition. To expound it as a whole, to distribute

it into convenient portions each illustrating the others, to

furnish suitable examples for the general principles laid down--are

announced as his distinct purposes. Now Plato's manner is quite

different. Systematic exposition is not his primary purpose: he

employs it up to a certain point, but as means towards another and

an independent purpose--towards the solution of a particular

difficulty, which has presented itself in the course of the

dialogue.--"_Nosti morem dialogorum._" Aristotle is demonstrative:

Plato is dialectical. In our present dialogue (the Sophistês), the

Eleate has been giving a long explanation of Non-Ens; an

explanation intended to prove that Non-Ens was a particular sort

of Ens, and that there was therefore no absurdity (though

Parmenides had said that this was absurdity) in assuming it as a

passable object of Cognition, Opination, Affirmation. He now goes

a step further, and seeks to show that it is, actually and in

fact, an object of Opination and Affirmation.[144] It is for this

purpose, and for this purpose only, that he analyses a

proposition, specifies the constituent elements requisite to form

it, and distinguishes one proposition from another.

[Footnote 144: Plato, Sophist. p. 261 D.]

Accordingly, the Eleate,--after pointing out that neither a string

of nouns repeated one after the other, nor a string of verbs so

repeated, would form a significant proposition,--declares that the

conjunction of a noun with a verb is required to form one; and

that opination is nothing but that internal mental process which

the words of the proposition express. The smallest proposition

must combine a noun with a verb:--the former signifying the agent,

the latter, the action or thing done.[145] Moreover, the

proposition must be a proposition _of something_; and it must be

of a certain quality. By a proposition _of something_, Plato

means, that what is called technically the subject of the

proposition (in his time there were no technical terms of logic)

must be something positive, and cannot be negative: by the quality

of the proposition, he means that it must be either true or

false.[146]

[Footnote 145: Plato, Sophist. p. 262 C.]

[Footnote 146: Plato, Sophist. p. 262 E. [Greek: Lo/gon

a)nagkai=on, o(/tan per ê)=|, tino\s ei)=nai lo/gon, _mê\ de/

tinos_, a)du/naton . . . Ou)kou=n kai\ poio/n tina au)to\n ei)=nai

dei=?] Compare p. 237 E.

In the words here cited Plato unconsciously slides back into the

ordinary acceptation of [Greek: mê/ ti]: that is, to [Greek: mê\]

in the sense of negation. If we adopt that peculiar sense of

[Greek: mê/], which the Eleate has taken so much pains to prove

just before in the case of [Greek: to\ mê\ o)\n] (that is, if we

take [Greek: mê\] as signifying not negation but simply

difference), the above argument will not hold. If [Greek: ti/s]

signifies one subject (A), and [Greek: mê/ tis] signifies simply

another subject (B) different from A ([Greek: e(/teron]), the

predicate [Greek: a)du/naton] cannot be affirmed. But if we take

[Greek: mê/ tis] in its proper sense of negation, the [Greek:

a)du/naton] will be so far true that [Greek: ou)k a)/nthrôpos, ou)

Theai/têtos], cannot be the subject of a proposition. Aristotle

says the same in the beginning of the Treatise De Interpretatione

(p. 16, a. 30).]

[Side-note: Aristotle assumes without proof, that there are some

propositions true, others false.]

This early example of rudimentary grammatical or logical analysis,

recognising only the two main and principal parts of speech, is

interesting as occurring prior to Aristotle; by whom it is

repeated in a manner more enlarged, systematic,[147] and

instructive. But Aristotle assumes, without proof and without

supposing that any one will dispute the assumption--that there are

some propositions true, other propositions false: that a name or

noun, taken separately, is neither true nor false:[148] that

propositions (enunciations) only can be true or false.

[Footnote 147: Aristotel. De Interpr. init. with Scholia of

Ammonius, p. 98, Bekk.]

[Footnote 148: In the Kratylus of Plato Sokrates maintains that

names may be true or false as well as propositions, pp. 385 D, 431

B.]

[Side-note: Plato in the Sophistês has undertaken an impossible

task--He could not have proved, against his supposed adversary,

that there _are_ false propositions.]

The proceeding of Plato in the Sophistês is different. He supposes

a Sophist who maintains that no proposition either is false or can

be false, and undertakes to prove against him that there are false

propositions: he farther supposes this antagonist to reject the

evidence of sense and visible analogies, and to acknowledge no

proof except what is furnished by reason and philosophical

deduction.[149] Attempting, under these restrictions, to prove his

point, Plato's Eleatic disputant rests entirely upon the peculiar

meaning which he professes to have shown to attach to Non-Ens. He

applies this to prove that Non-Ens may be predicated as well as

Ens: assuming that such predication of Non-Ens constitutes a false

proposition. But the proof fails. It serves only to show that the

peculiar meaning ascribed by the Eleate to Non-Ens is

inadmissible. The Eleate compares two distinct

propositions--_Theætêtus is sitting down_--_Theætêtus is flying_. The

first is true: the second is false. Why? Because (says the Eleate)

the first predicates Ens, the second predicates Non-Ens, or (to

substitute his definition of Non-Ens) another Ens different from

the Ens predicated in the first.[150] But here the reason

assigned, why the second proposition is false, is not the real

reason. Many propositions may be assigned, which predicate

attributes different from the first, but which are nevertheless

quite as much true as the first. I have already observed, that the

reason why the second proposition is false is, because it

contradicts the direct testimony of sense, if the persons debating

are spectators: if they are not spectators, then because it

contradicts the sum total of their previous sensible experience,

remembered, compared, and generalised, which has established in

them the conviction that no man does or can fly. If you discard

the testimony of sense as unworthy of credit (which Plato assumes

the Sophist to do), you cannot prove that the second proposition

is false--nor indeed that the first proposition is true. Plato has

therefore failed in giving that dialectic proof which he promised.

The Eleate is forced to rely (without formally confessing it), on

the testimony of sense, which he had forbidden Theætêtus to

invoke, twenty pages before.[151] The long intervening piece of

dialectic about Ens and Non-Ens is inconclusive for his purpose,

and might have been omitted. The proposition--_Theætêtus is

flying_--does undoubtedly predicate attributes _which are not_ as

if they were,[152] and is thus false. But then we must consult and

trust the evidence of our perception: we must farther accept _are

not_ in the ordinary sense of the words, and not in the sense

given to them by the Eleate in the Platonic Sophistês. His attempt

to banish the specific meaning of the negative particle, and to

treat it as signifying nothing more than difference, appears to me

fallacious.[153]

[Footnote 149: Plato, Sophist. p. 240 A. It deserves note that

here Plato presents to us the Sophist as rejecting the evidence of

sense: in the Theætêtus he presents to us the Sophist as holding

the doctrine [Greek: e)pistê/mê = ai)/sthêsis]. How these

propositions can both be true respecting the Sophists as a class I

do not understand. The first may be true respecting some of them;

the second may be true respecting others; respecting a third class

of them, neither may be true. About the Sophists in a body there

is hardly a single proposition which can be safely affirmed.]

[Footnote 150: Plato, Sophist. p. 263 C.]

[Footnote 151: Theætêtus makes this attempt and is checked by the

Eleate, pp. 239-240. It is in p. 261 A that the Eleate begins his

proof in refutation of the supposed Sophist--that [Greek: do/xa]

and [Greek: lo/gos] may be false. The long interval between the

two is occupied with the reasoning about Ens and Non-Ens.]

[Footnote 152: Plato, Sophist. p. 263 E. [Greek: ta\ mê\ o)/nta

ô(s o)/nta lego/mena], &c.

The distinction between these two propositions, the first as true,

the second as false (Theætêtus is sitting down, Theætêtus is

flying), is in noway connected with the distinction which Plato

had so much insisted upon before respecting the intercommunion of

Forms, Ideas, General Notions, &c., that some Forms will come into

communion with each other, while others will not (pp. 252-253).

There is here no question of repugnancy or intercommunion of

Forms: the question turns upon the evidence of vision, which

informs us that Theætêtus is sitting down and not standing up or

flying. If any predicate be affirmed of a subject, contrary to

what is included in the definition of that subject, then indeed

repugnancy of Forms might be urged.]

[Footnote 153: Plato, Sophist. p. 257 B.]

[Side-note: What must be assumed in all dialectic discussion.]

In all reasoning, nay in all communication by speech, you must

assume that your hearer understands the meaning of what is spoken:

that he has the feelings of belief and disbelief, and is familiar

with those forms of the language whereby such feelings are

expressed: that there are certain propositions which he believes--in

other words, which he regards as true: that there are certain

other propositions which he disbelieves, or regards as false: that

he has had experience of the transition from belief to disbelief,

and _vice versâ_--in other words, of having fallen into error and

afterwards come to perceive that it was error. These are the

mental facts realised in each man and assumed by him to be also

realised in his neighbours, when communication takes place by

speech. If a man could be supposed to believe nothing, and to

disbelieve nothing;--if he had no forms of speech to express his

belief, disbelief, affirmation, and denial--no information could

be given, no discussion would be possible. Every child has to

learn this lesson in infancy; and a tedious lesson it undoubtedly

is.[154] Antisthenes (who composed several dialogues) and the

other disputants of whom we are now speaking, must have learnt the

lesson as other men have: but they find or make some general

theory which forbids them to trust the lesson when learnt. It was

in obedience to some such theory that Antisthenes discarded all

predication except essential predication, and discarded also the

form suited for expressing disbelief--the negative proposition:

maintaining, That to contradict was impossible. I know no mode of

refuting him, except by showing that his fundamental theory is

erroneous.

[Footnote 154: Aristotel. Metaphys. vii. 1043, b. 25. [Greek:

ô(/ste ê( a)pori/a ê(\n oi( A)ntisthe/neioi kai\ oi( ou(/tôs

_a)pai/deutoi_ ê)po/roun, e)/chei tina\ kairo/n], &c.

Compare respecting this paradox or [Greek: the/sis] of

Antisthenes, the scholia of Alexander on the passage of

Aristotle's Topica above cited, p. 259, b. 15, in Schol. Bekk.

If Antisthenes admitted only identical predications, of course

[Greek: to\ a)ntilo/gein] became impossible. I have endeavoured to

show, in a previous note on this dialogue, that a misconception

(occasionally shared even by Plato) of the function of the copula,

lay at the bottom of the Antisthenean theory respecting identical

predication. Compare Aristotel. Physic. i. p. 185, b. 28, together

with the Scholia of Simplikius, pp. 329-330, ed. Bekk., and

Plato, Sophistês, p. 245.]

[Side-note: Discussion and theorising presuppose belief and

disbelief, expressed in set forms of words. They imply

predication, which Antisthenes discarded.]

Discussion and theorising can only begin when these processes,

partly intellectual, partly emotional, have become established and

reproducible portions of the train of mental association. As

processes, they are common to all men. But though two persons

agree in having expressed the feeling of belief, and in expressing

that feeling by one form of proposition--also in having the

feeling of disbelief, and in expressing it by another form of

proposition--yet it does not follow that the propositions which

these two believe or disbelieve are the same. How far such is the

case must be ascertained by comparison--by appeal to sense,

memory, inference from analogy, induction, feeling, consciousness,

&c. The ground is now prepared for fruitful debate: for analysing

the meaning, often confused and complicated, of propositions: for

discriminating the causes, intellectual and emotional, of belief

and disbelief, and for determining how far they harmonise in one

mind and another: for setting out general rules as to sequence, or

inconsistency, or independence, of one belief as compared with

another. To a certain extent, the grounds of belief and disbelief

in all men, and the grounds of consistency or inconsistency

between some beliefs and others, will be found to harmonise: they

can be embodied in methodical forms of language, and general rules

can be laid down preventing in many cases inadvertence or

erroneous combination. It is at this point that Aristotle takes up

rational grammar and logic, with most profitable effect. But he is

obliged to postulate (what Antisthenes professed to discard)

predication, not merely identical, but also accidental as well as

essential--together with names and propositions both negative and

affirmative.[155] He cannot avoid postulating thus much: though he

likewise postulates a great deal more, which ought not to be

granted.

[Footnote 155: See the remarks in Aristotel. Metaphys. [Greek: G].

1005, b. 2, 1006, a. 6. He calls it [Greek: a)paideusi/a--a)paideusi/a

tô=n a)nalutikô=n]--not to be able to distinguish

those matters which can be proved and require to be proved, from

those matters which are true, but require no proof and are

incapable of being proved. But this distinction has been one of

the grand subjects of controversy from his day down to the

present day; and between different schools of philosophers, none

of whom would allow themselves to deserve the epithet of [Greek:

a)pai/deutoi].

Aristotle calls Antisthenes and his followers [Greek:

a)pai/deutoi], in the passage cited in the preceding note.]

[Side-note: Precepts and examples of logical partition, illustrated

in the Sophistês.]

The long and varied predicamental series, given in the Sophistês,

illustrates the process of logical partition, as Plato conceived

it, and the definition of a class-name founded thereupon. You take

a logical whole, and you subtract from it part after part until

you find the _quæsitum_ isolated from every thing else.[156] But

you must always divide into two parts (he says) wherever it can be

done: dichotomy or bipartition is the true logical partition:

should this be impracticable, trichotomy, or division into the

smallest attainable number of parts, must be sought for.[157]

Moreover, the bipartition must be made according to Forms (Ideas,

Kinds): the parts which you recognise must be not merely parts,

but Forms: every form is a part, but every part is not a

form.[158] Next, you must draw the line of division as nearly as

you can through the middle of the _dividendum_, so that the parts

on both sides may be nearly equal: it is in this way that your

partition is most likely to coincide with forms on both sides of

the line.[159] This is the longest way of proceeding, but the

safest. It is a logical mistake to divide into two parts very

unequal: you may find a form on one side of the line, but you

obtain none on the other side. Thus, it is bad classification to

distribute the human race into Hellênes + Barbari: the _Barbari_

are of infinite number and diversity, having no one common form to

which the name can apply. It is also improper to distribute Number

into the myriad on side, and all other numbers on the other--for a

similar reason. You ought to distribute the human race into the

two forms, Male--Female: and number into the two, Odd--Even.[160]

So also, you must not divide gregarious creatures into human

beings on one side, and animals on the other; because this last

term would comprise numerous particulars utterly disparate. Such a

classification is suggested only by the personal feeling of man,

who prides himself upon his intelligence. But if the

classification were framed by any other intelligent species, such

as Cranes,[161] they would distinguish Cranes on the one side from

animals on the other, including Man as one among many disparate

particulars under _animal_.

[Footnote 156: Plato, Politikus, p. 268 D. [Greek: me/ros a)ei\

me/rous a)phairoume/nous e)p' a)/kron e)phiknei=sthai to\

zêtou/menon.]

Ueberweg thinks that Aristotle, when he talks of [Greek: ai(

gegramme/nai diaire/seis] alludes to these logical distributions

in the Sophistês and Politikus (Aechtheit der Platon. Schr. pp.

153-154).]

[Footnote 157: Politik. p. 287 C.]

[Footnote 158: Politik. p. 263 C.]

[Footnote 159: Politik. pp. 262 B, 265 A. [Greek: dei= mesotomei=n

ô(s ma/lista], &c.]

[Footnote 160: Politikus, p. 262 D-E.]

[Footnote 161: Politikus, p. 262 D. [Greek: semnu=non au(to\

e(auto/], &c.]

[Side-note: Recommendation of logical bipartition.]

The above-mentioned principle--dichotomy or bipartition into two

equal or nearly equal halves, each resting upon a characteristic

form--is to be applied as far as it will go. Many different

schemes of partition upon this principle may be found, each

including forms subordinated one to the other, descending from the

more comprehensive to the less comprehensive. It is only when you

can find no more parts which are forms, that you must be content

to divide into parts which are not forms. Thus after all the

characteristic forms, for dividing the human race, have been gone

through, they may at last be partitioned into Hellênes and

Barbari, Lydians and non-Lydians, Phrygians and non-Phrygians: in

which divisions there is no guiding form at all, but only a

capricious distribution into fractions with separate

names[162]--meaning by _capricious_, a distribution founded on some

feeling or circumstance peculiar to the distributor, or shared by him

only with a few others; such as the fact, that he is himself a Lydian

or a Phrygian, &c.

[Footnote 162: Politikus, p. 262 E. [Greek: Ludou\s de\ ê)\

Phru/gas ê)/ tinas e(te/rous pro\s a(/pantas ta/ttôn a)po/schizoi

to/te, ê(ni/ka a)poroi= ge/nos a)/ma kai\ me/ros eu(ri/skein

e(ka/teron tô=n schisthe/ntôn.]]

[Side-note: Precepts illustrated by the Philêbus.]

These precepts in the Sophistês and Politikus, respecting the

process of classification, are illustrated by an important passage

of the Philêbus:[163] wherein Plato tells us that the constitution

of things includes the Determinate and the Indeterminate

implicated with each other, and requiring study to disengage them.

Between the highest One, Form, or Genus--and the lowest array of

indefinite particulars--there exist a certain number of

intermediate Ones or Forms, each including more or fewer of these

particulars. The process of study or acquired cognition is brought

to bear upon these intermediate Forms: to learn how many there

are, and to discriminate them in themselves as well as in their

position relative to each other. But many persons do not recognise

this: they apprehend only the Highest One, and the Infinite Many,

not looking for any thing between: they take up hastily with some

extreme and vague generality, below which they know nothing but

particulars. With knowledge thus imperfect, you do not get beyond

contentious debate. Real, instructive, dialectic requires an

understanding of all the intermediate forms. But in descending

from the Highest Form downwards, you must proceed as much as

possible in the way of bipartition, or if not, then of

tripartition, &c.: looking for the smallest number of forms which

can be found to cover the whole field. When no more forms can be

found, then and not till then, you must be content with nothing

better than the countless indeterminate particulars.

[Footnote 163: Plato, Philêbus, pp. 16-17.

The notes of Dr. Badham upon this passage in his edition of the

Philêbus, p. 11, should be consulted as a just correction of

Stallbaum in regard to [Greek: pe/ras] and [Greek: tô=n e(\n

e)kei/nôn].]

This instructive passage of the Philêbus--while it brings to view

a widespread tendency of the human mind, to pass from the largest

and vaguest generalities at once into the region of particulars,

and to omit the distinctive sub-classes which lie

between--illustrates usefully the drift of the Sophistês and Politikus.

In these two last dialogues it is the method itself of good logical

distribution which Plato wishes to impress upon his readers: the

formal part of the process.[164] With this view, he not only makes

the process intentionally circuitous and diversified, but also

selects by preference matters of common sensible experience,

though in themselves indifferent, such as the art of weaving,[165]

&c.

[Footnote 164: He states this expressly, Politik. p. 286 D.]

[Footnote 165: Plato, Politik. p. 285 D.]

[Side-note: Importance of founding logical Partition on

resemblances perceived by sense.]

The reasons given for this preference deserve attention. In these

common matters (he tells us) the resemblances upon which Forms are

founded are perceived by sense, and can be exhibited to every one,

so that the form is readily understood and easily discriminated.

The general terms can there be explained by reference to sense.

But in regard to incorporeal matters, the higher and grander

topics of discussion, there is no corresponding sensible

illustration to consult. These objects can be apprehended only by

reason, and described only by general terms. By means of these

general terms, we must learn to give and receive rational

explanations, and to follow by process of reasoning from one form

to another. But this is more difficult, and requires a higher

order of mind, where there are no resemblances or illustrations

exposed to sense. Accordingly, we select the common sensible

objects as an easier preparatory mode of a process substantially

the same in both.[166]

[Footnote 166: Plato, Politik. pp. 285 E--286 A. [Greek: tou\s

plei/stous le/lêthen o(/ti toi=s me\n tô=n o)/ntôn r(a|di/ôs

katamathei=n ai)sthêtai/ tines o(moio/têtes pephu/kasin, a(\s

ou)de\n chalepo\n dêlou=n, o(/tan au)tô=n tis boulê/thê| tô=|

lo/gon ai)tou=nti peri\ tou, mê\ meta\ pragma/tôn a)lla\ chôri\s

lo/gou r(a|di/ôs e)ndei/xasthai; toi=s d' au)= megi/stois ou)=si

kai\ timiôta/tois ou)k e)/stin ei)/dôlon ou)de\n pro\s tou\s

a)nthrô/pous ei)rgasme/non e)nargô=s, ou(= deichthe/ntos], &c.

About the [Greek: ei)/dôlon ei)rgasme/non e)nargô=s], which is

affirmed in one of these two cases and denied in the other,

compare a striking analogy in the Phædrus, p. 250 A-E.]

[Side-note: Province of sensible perception--is not so much

narrowed by Plato here as it is in the Theætêtus.]

This explanation given by Plato, in itself just, deserves to be

compared with his view of sensible objects as knowable, and of

sense as a source of knowledge. I noticed in a preceding chapter

the position which Sokrates is made to lay down in the

Theætêtus,[167]--That ([Greek: ai)/sthêsis]) sensible perception

reaches only to the separate impressions of sense, and does not

apprehend the likeness and other relations between them. I have

also noticed the contrast which he establishes elsewhere between

Esse and Fieri: _i.e._, between Ens which alone (according to him)

is knowable, and the perpetual flux of Fientia which is not

knowable at all, but is only matter of opinion or guess-work. Now

in the dialogue before us, the Politikus, there is no such marked

antithesis between opinion and knowledge. Nor is the province of

[Greek: ai)/sthêsis] so strictly confined: on the contrary, Plato

here considers sensible perception as dealing with Entia, and as

appreciating resemblances and other relations between them. It is

by an attentive study and comparison of these facts of sense that

Forms are detected. "When a man (he says) has first perceived by

sense the points of communion between the Many, he must not desist

from attentive observation until he has discerned in that

communion all the differences which reside in Forms: and when he

has looked at the multifarious differences which are visible among

these Many, he must not rest contented until he has confined all

such as are really cognate within one resemblance, tied together

by the essence of one common Form."[168]

[Footnote 167: Plato, Theæt. pp. 185-186. See above p. 161.]

[Footnote 168: Plato, Politikus, p. 285 B. [Greek: de/on, o(/tan

me\n tê\n tô=n pollô=n tis pro/teron ai)/sthêtai koinôni/an, mê\

proaphi/stasthai pri\n a)\n e)n au)tê=| ta\s diaphora\s i)/dê|

pa/sas o(po/sai per e)n ei)/desi kei=ntai; ta\s de\ au)=

pantodapa\s a)nomoio/têtas, o(/tan e)n plê/thesin o)phthô=si, mê\

dunato\n ei)=nai dusôpou/menon pau/esthai, pri\n a)\n xu/mpanta

ta\ oi)kei=a e)nto\s mia=s o(moio/têtos e(/rxas ge/nous tino\s

ou)si/a| periba/lêtai.]]

[Side-note: Comparison of the Sophistês with the Phædrus.]

These passages may be compared with others of similar import in

the Phædrus.[169] Plato here considers the Form, not as an Entity

_per se_ separate from and independent of the particulars, but as

implicated in and with the particulars: as a result reached by the

mind through the attentive observation and comparison of

particulars: as corresponding to what is termed in modern language

abstraction and generalisation. The self-existent Platonic Ideas

do not appear in the Politikus:[170] which approximates rather to

the Aristotelian doctrine:--that is, the doctrine of the

universal, logically distinguishable from its particulars, but

having no reality apart from them ([Greek: chôrista\ lo/gô|

mo/non]). But in other dialogues of Plato, the separation between

the two is made as complete as possible, especially in the

striking passages of the Republic: wherein we read that the facts

of sense are a delusive juggle--that we must turn our back upon

them and cease to study them--and that we must face about, away

from the sensible world, to contemplate Ideas, the separate and

unchangeable furniture of the intelligible world--and that the

whole process of acquiring true Cognition, consists in passing

from the higher to the lower Forms or Ideas, without any

misleading illustrations of sense.[171] Here, in the Sophistês and

Politikus, instead of having the Universal behind our backs when

the particulars are before our faces, we see it _in and amidst_

particulars: the illustrations of sense, instead of deluding us,

being declared to conduce, wherever they can be had, to the

clearness and facility of the process.[172] Here, as well as in

the Phædrus, we find the process of Dialectic emphatically

recommended, but described as consisting mainly in logical

classification of particulars, ascending and descending divisions

and conjunctions, as Plato calls them[173]--analysis and

synthesis. We are enjoined to divide and analyse the larger genera

into their component species until we come to the lowest species

which can no longer be divided: also, conversely, to conjoin

synthetically the subordinate species until the highest genus is

attained, but taking care not to omit any of the intermediate

species, in their successive gradations.[174] Throughout all this

process, as described both in the Phædrus and in the Politikus,

the eye is kept fixed upon the constituent individuals. The Form

is studied in and among the particulars which it comprehends: the

particulars are looked at in groups put together suitably to each

comprehending Form. And in both dialogues, marked stress is laid

upon the necessity of making the division dichotomous; as well as

according to Forms, and not according to fractions which are not

legitimate Forms.[175] Any other method, we are told, would be

like the wandering of a blind man.

[Footnote 169: Plato, Phædrus, pp. 249 C, 265 D-E.]

[Footnote 170: This remark is made by Stallbaum in his Prolegg. ad

Politicum, p. 81; and it is just, though I do not at all concur in

his general view of the Politikus, wherein he represents the

dialogue as intended to deride the Megaric philosophers.]

[Footnote 171: See the Republic, v. pp. 476-479, vi. pp.

508-510-511, and especially the memorable simile about the cave

and the shadows within it, in Book vii. pp. 518-519, together with

the [Greek: periagôgê\] which he there prescribes--[Greek: a)po\ tou=

gignome/nou ei)s to\ o)/n]--and the remarks respecting

observations in astronomy and acoustics, p. 529.]

[Footnote 172: Compare the passage of the Phædrus (p. 263 A-C)

where Plato distinguishes the sensible particulars on which men

mostly agree, from the abstractions (Just and Unjust, &c.,

corresponding with the [Greek: a)sô/mata, ka/llista, me/gista,

timiô/tata], Politikus, p. 286 A) on which they are perpetually

dissenting.]

[Footnote 173: Plato, Phædrus, p. 266 B. [Greek: tou/tôn dê\

e)/gôge au)to/s te e)rastê\s tô=n diaire/seôn kai\ sunagôgô=n

. . . tou\s duname/nous au)to\ dra=|n . . . kalô= dialektikou/s.]

The reason which Sokrates gives in the Phædrus for his attachment

to dialectics, that he may become competent in discourse and in

wisdom ([Greek: i(/n' oi(=o/s te ô)= le/gein kai\ phronei=n]), is

the same as that which the Eleate assigns in recommendation of the

logical exercises in the Politikus.]

[Footnote 174: Plato, Phædrus, pp. 271 D, 277 B. [Greek:

o(risa/meno/s te pa/lin kat' ei)/dê me/chri tou= a)tmê/tou

te/mnein e)pistê/thê|.]]

[Footnote 175: Plato, Phædrus, pp. 265 E, 270 E. [Greek: e)oi/koi

a)\n ô(/sper tuphlou= porei/a|.]]

What distinguishes the Sophistês and Politikus from most other

dialogues of Plato, is, that the method of logical classification

is illustrated by setting the classifier to work upon one or a few

given subjects, some in themselves trivial, some important. Though

the principles of the method are enunciated in general terms, yet

their application to the special example is kept constantly before

us; so that we are never permitted, much less required, to divorce

the Universal from its Particulars.

[Side-note: Comparison of the Politikus with the Parmenidês.]

As a dialogue illustrative of this method, the Politikus (as I

have already pointed out) may be compared to the Phædrus: in

another point of view, we shall find instruction in comparing it

to the Parmenidês. This last too is a dialogue illustrative of

method, but of a different variety of method.

[Side-note: Variety of method in dialectic research--Diversity of

Plato.]

What the Sophistês and Politikus are for the enforcement of

logical classification, the Parmenidês is for another part of the

philosophising process--laborious evolution of all the

consequences deducible from the affirmative as well as from the

negative of every hypothesis bearing upon the problem. And we note

the fact, that both in the Politikus and Parmenidês, Plato

manifests the consciousness that readers will complain of him as

prolix, tiresome, and wasting ingenuity upon unprofitable

matters.[176] In the Parmenidês, he even goes the length of saying

that the method ought only to be applied before a small and select

audience; to most people it would be repulsive, since they cannot

be made to comprehend the necessity for such circuitous

preparation in order to reach truth.[177]

[Footnote 176: Plato, Politikus, p. 283 B. [Greek: pro\s dê\ to\

no/sêma to\ toiou=ton], and the long series of questions and

answers which follows to show that the prolixity is unavoidable,

pp. 285 C, 286 B-E.]

[Footnote 177: Plato, Parmenid. p. 136 D-E.]

CHAPTER XXX.

POLITIKUS.

[Side-note: The Politikus by itself, apart from the Sophistês.]

I have examined in the preceding sections both that which the

Sophistês and Politikus present in common--(_viz._ a lesson, as

well as a partial theory, of the logical processes called

Definition and Division)--and that which Sophistês presents apart

from the Politikus. I now advert to two matters which we find in

the Politikus, but not in the Sophistês. Both of them will be

found to illustrate the Platonic mode of philosophising.

[Side-note: Views of Plato on mensuration. Objects measured against

each other. Objects compared with a common standard. In each Art,

the purpose to be attained is the standard.]

I. Plato assumes, that there will be critics who blame the two

dialogues as too long and circuitous; excessive in respect of

prolixity. In replying to those objectors,[1] he enquires, What is

meant by long or short--excessive or deficient--great or little?

Such expressions denote mensuration or comparison. But there are

two varieties of mensuration. We may measure two objects one

against the other: the first will be called great or greater, in

relation to the second--the second will be called little or less

in relation to the first. But we may also proceed in a different

way. We may assume some third object as a standard, and then

measure both the two against it: declaring the first to be great,

greater, excessive, &c., because it exceeds the standard--and the

second to be little, less, deficient, &c., because it falls short

of the standard. Here then are two judgments or estimations

altogether different from each other, and yet both denoted by the

same words _great_ and _little_: two distinct _essences_ (in

Platonic phrase) of great and little, or of greatness and

littleness.[2] The art of mensuration has thus two varieties. One

includes arithmetic and geometry, where we simply compare numbers

and magnitudes with each other, determining the proportions

between them: the other assumes some independent standard; above

which is excess, and below which is deficiency. This standard

passes by different names according to circumstances: the

Moderate, Becoming, Seasonable, Proper, Obligatory, &c.[3] Such a

standard is assumed in every art--in every artistic or scientific

course of procedure. Every art has an end to be attained, a result

to be produced; which serves as the standard whereby each

preparatory step of the artist is measured, and pronounced to be

either excessive or deficient, as the case may be.[4] Unless such

a standard be assumed, you cannot have regular art or science of

any kind; neither in grave matters, nor in vulgar matters--neither

in the government of society, nor in the weaving of cloth.[5]

[Footnote 1: The treatment of this subject begins, Politik. p. 283

C, where Plato intimates that the coming remarks are of wide

application.]

[Footnote 2: Plato, Politik. p. 283 E. [Greek: _di/ttas_ a)/ra

_tau/tas ou)si/as_ kai\ kri/seis tou= mega/lou kai\ tou= smikrou=

thete/on.]]

[Footnote 3: Plato, Politik. p. 284 E. [Greek: to\ me/trion, to\

pre/pon, to\n kairo/n, to\ de/on], &c.

The reader will find these two varieties of mensuration, here

distinguished by Plato, illustrated in the "two distinct modes of

appreciating weight" (the Absolute and the Relative), described

and explained by Professor Alexander Bain in his work on The

Senses and The Intellect, 3rd edition, p. 93. This explanation

forms an item in the copious enumeration given by Mr. Bain of the

fundamental sensations of our nature.]

[Footnote 4: Plato, Politik. p. 283 D. [Greek: kata\ tê\n tê=s

gene/seôs a)nagkai/an ou)si/an].--284 A-C. [Greek: pro\s tê\n tou=

metri/ou ge/nesin].]

[Footnote 5: Plato, Politik. p. 284 C.]

[Side-note: Purpose in the Sophistês and Politikus is--To attain

dialectic aptitude. This is the standard of comparison whereby to

judge whether the means employed are suitable.]

Now what is the end to be attained, by this our enquiry into the

definition of a Statesman? It is not so much to solve the

particular question started, as to create in ourselves dialectic

talent and aptitude, applicable to every thing. This is the

standard with reference to which our enquiry must be criticised--not

by regard to the easy solution of the particular problem, or

to the immediate pleasure of the hearer. And if an objector

complains, that our exposition is too long or our subject-matters

too vulgar--we shall require him to show that the proposed end

might have been attained with fewer words and with more solemn

illustrations. If he cannot show this, we shall disregard his

censure as inapplicable.[6]

[Footnote 6: Plato, Politik. pp. 286 D, 287 A. Compare Plato,

Philêbus, p. 36 D.]

[Side-note: Plato's defence of the Politikus against critics.

Necessity that the critic shall declare explicitly what his

standard of comparison is.]

The above-mentioned distinction between the two varieties of

mensuration or comparison, is here given by Plato, simply to serve

as a defence against critics who censured the peculiarities of the

Politikus. It is not pursued into farther applications. But it

deserves notice, not merely as being in itself just and useful,

but as illustrating one of the many phases of Plato's philosophy.

It is an exhibition of the relative side of Plato's character, as

contra-distinguished from the absolute or dogmatical: for both the

two, opposed as they are to each other, co-exist in him and

manifest themselves alternately. It conveys a valuable lesson as

to the apportionment of praise and blame. "When you blame me" (he

says to his critics), "you must have in your mind some standard of

comparison upon which the blame turns. Declare what that standard

is:--what you mean by the Proper, Becoming, Moderate, &c. There is

such a standard, and a different one, in every different Art. What

is it here? You must choose this standard, explain what it is, and

adhere to it when you undertake to praise or blame." Such an

enunciation (thoroughly Sokratic[7]) of the principle of

relativity, brings before critics the fact--which is very apt to

be forgotten--that there must exist in the mind of each some

standard of comparison, varying or unvarying, well or ill

understood: while at the same time it enforces upon them the

necessity of determining clearly for themselves, and announcing

explicitly to others, what that standard is. Otherwise the

propositions, affirming comparison, can have no uniform meaning

with any two debaters, nor even with the same man at different

times.

[Footnote 7: Xenophon, Memorab. iii. 8, 7, iii. 10, 12.]

[Side-note: Comparison of Politikus with Protagoras, Phædon,

Philêbus, &c.]

To this relative side of Plato's mind belong his frequent

commendations of measurement, numbering, computation, comparison,

&c. In the Protagoras,[8] he describes the art of measurement as

the main guide and protector of human life: it is there treated as

applicable to the correct estimation of pleasures and pains. In

the Phædon,[9] it is again extolled: though the elements to be

calculated are there specified differently. In the Philêbus, the

antithesis of [Greek: Pe/ras] and [Greek: A)/peiron] (the

Determinant or Limit, and the Indeterminate or Infinite) is one of

the leading points of the dialogue. We read in it moreover a

bipartite division of Mensuration or Arithmetic,[10] which is

quite different from the bipartite division just cited out of the

Politikus. Plato divides it there (in the Philêbus) into

arithmetic for theorists, and arithmetic for practical life:

besides which, he distinguishes the various practical arts as

being more or less accurate, according as they have more or less

of measurement and sensible comparison in them. Thus the art of

the carpenter, who employs measuring instruments such as the line

and rule--is more accurate than that of the physician, general,

pilot, husbandman, &c., who have no similar means of measuring.

This is a classification quite different from what we find in the

Politikus; yet tending in like manner to illustrate the relative

point of view, and its frequent manifestation in Plato. In the

Politikus, he seeks to refer praise and blame to a standard of

measurement, instead of suffering them to be mere outbursts of

sentiment unsystematic and unanalysed.

[Footnote 8: Plato, Protagor. p. 357 B.]

[Footnote 9: Plato, Phædon, p. 69 B.]

[Footnote 10: Plato, Philêbus, pp. 25 C, 27 D, 57. [Greek: du/o

a)rithmêtikai\ kai\ du/o metrêtikai/ . . . tê\n didumo/têta

e)/chousai tau/tên, o)no/matos de\ e(no\s kekoinôme/nai.]

This same bipartition, however, is noticed in another passage of

the Politikus, p. 258 D-E.]

[Side-note: Definition of the statesman, or Governor. Scientific

competence. Sokratic point of departure. Procedure of Plato in

subdividing.]

II. The second peculiarity to which I call attention in the

Politikus, is the definition or description there furnished of the

character so-called: that is, the Statesman, the King, Governor,

Director, or Manager, of human society. At the outset of the

dialogue, this person is declared to belong to the Genus--Men of

Science or of Art (the two words are faintly distinguished in

Plato). It is possession of the proper amount of scientific

competence which constitutes a man a Governor: and which entitles

him to be so named, whether he actually governs any society or

not.[11] (This point of departure is purely Sokratic: for in the

Memorabilia of Xenophon,[12] Sokrates makes the same express

declaration.) The King knows, but does not act: yet he is not a

simple critic or spectator--he gives orders: and those orders are

not suggested to him by any one else (as in the case of the

Herald, the Keleustês, and others),[13] but spring from his own

bosom and his own knowledge. From thence Plato carries us through

a series of descending logical subdivisions, until we come to

define the King as the shepherd and feeder of the flock of human

beings.[14] But many other persons, besides the King, are

concerned in feeding the human flock, and will therefore be

included in this definition: which is thus proved to be too

large, and to require farther qualification and restriction.[15]

Moreover the feeding of the human flock belongs to others rather

than to the King. He tends and takes care of the flock, but does

not feed it: hence the definition is, in this way also,

unsuitable.[16]

[Footnote 11: Plato, Politikus, pp. 258 B, 259 B.]

[Footnote 12: Xenophon, Memorab. iii. 9, 10.]

[Footnote 13: Plato, Politik. p. 260 C-E. [Greek: to\ me\n tô=n

basile/ôn ge/nos ei)s tê\n au)tepitaktikê\n the/ntes], &c.]

[Footnote 14: Plato, Politik. pp. 267 B, 268 C.]

[Footnote 15: Plato, Politik. p. 268.]

[Footnote 16: Plato, Politik. p. 275 D-E.]

[Side-note: King during the Saturnian period, was of a breed

superior to the people--not so any longer.]

Our mistake (says Plato) was of this kind. In describing the King

or Governor, we have unconsciously fallen upon the description of

the King, such as he was in the Saturnian period or under the

presidency of Kronus; and not such as he is in the present period.

Under the presidency of Kronus, each human flock was tended and

governed by a divine King or God, who managed every thing for it,

keeping it happy and comfortable by his own unassisted agency: the

entire Kosmos too, with its revolutions, was at that time under

the immediate guidance of a divine mover. But in the present

period this divine superintendance is withdrawn: both the entire

Kosmos, and each separate portion of it, is left to its own

movement, full of imperfection and irregularity. Each human flock

is now tended not by a divine King, as it was then; but by a human

King, much less perfect, less effective, less exalted above the

constituent members. Now the definition which we fell upon (says

Plato) suited the King of the Saturnian period; but does not suit

the King of the present or human period.[17] At the first

commencement of the present period, the human flock, left to

themselves without superintendance from the Gods, suffered great

misery: but various presents from some Gods (fire from Prometheus,

arts from Hephæstus and Athênê, plants and seeds from Dêmêtêr)

rendered their condition more endurable, though still full of

difficulty and hardship.[18]

[Footnote 17: Plato, Politik. pp. 274-275 B.]

[Footnote 18: Plato, Politik. p. 274 C.

Plato embodies these last-mentioned comparisons in an elaborate

and remarkable mythe--theological, cosmical, zoological,

social--which occupies six pages of the Politikus (268 D--274 E).

Meiners and Socher (Ueber Platon's Schriften, pp. 273-275) point out

that the theology of Plato in this fable differs much from what we

read in the Phædon, Republic, &c.: and Socher insists upon such

discrepancy as one of his arguments against the genuineness of the

Politikus. I have already observed that I do not concur in his

inference. I do not expect uniformity of doctrine in the various

Platonic dialogues: more especially on a subject so much beyond

experience, and so completely open to the conjectures of a rich

imagination, as theology and cosmogony. In the Sophistês, pp.

242-243, Plato had talked in a sort of contemptuous tone about those

who dealt with philosophical doctrine in the way of mythe, as a

proceeding fit only for boys: (not unlike the manner of Aristotle,

when he speaks of [Greek: oi( muthikô=s sophizo/menoi--ta\ u(pe\r

ê(ma=s], Metaphys. B. 1000, a. 15-18, [Greek: L]. 1071, b. 27): while

here, in the Politikus, he dilates upon what he admits to be a

boyish mythe, partly because a certain portion of it may be made

available in illustration of his philosophical purpose, partly

because he wishes to enliven the monotony of a long-continued

classification. Again, in the Phædrus (**p. 229 C), the Platonic

Sokrates is made to censure as futile any attempt to find rational

explanations for the popular legends ([Greek: sophi/zesthai]): but

here, in the Politikus, the Eleate expressly adapts his theory

about the backward and forward rotation of the Kosmos to the

explanation of the popular legends--about earthborn men, and about

Helios turning back his chariot, in order to escape the shocking

spectacle of the Thyestean banquet: which legends, when so

explained, Plato declares that people would be wrong to disbelieve

([Greek: oi( nu=n u(po\ pollô=n ou)k o)rthô=s a)pistou=ntai], pp.

271 B, 268 A, B, C).

The differences of doctrine and handling, between the various

Platonic dialogues, are facts not less worthy to be noted than the

similarities. Here, in the mythe of the Politikus, we find a

peculiar theological view, and a very remarkable cosmical

doctrine--the rotation and counter-rotation of the Kosmos. The

Kosmos is here declared (as in the Timæus) to be a living and

intelligent Subject; having received these mental gifts from its

Demiurgus. But the Kosmos is also Body as well as Mind; so that it

is incapable of that constant sameness or uniformity which belongs

to the Divine: Body having in itself an incurable principle of

disorder (p. 269 D). The Kosmos is perpetually in movement; but

its movement is only rotatory or circular in the same place: which

is the nearest approximation to uniformity of movement. It does

not always revolve by itself; nor is it always made to revolve by

the Divine Steersman ([Greek: kubernê/tês], p. 272 E), but

alternately the one and the other. This Divine Steersman presides

over its rotation for a certain time, and along with him many

subordinate Deities or Dæmons; until an epoch fixed by some

unassigned destiny has been reached (p. 272 E). Then the Steersman

withdraws from the process to his own watch-tower ([Greek: ei)s

tê\n au)tou= periôpê\n]), and the other Deities along with him.

The Kosmos, being left to itself, ceases to revolve in the same

direction, and begins its counter rotation; revolving by itself

backwards, or in the contrary direction. By such violent revulsion

many of the living inhabitants of the Kosmos are destroyed. The

past phenomena are successively reproduced, but in an inverse

direction--the old men go back to maturity, boyhood, infancy,

death: the dead are born again, and pass through their lives

backwards from age to infancy. Yet the counter-rotation brings

about not simply an inverted reproduction of past phenomena, but

new phenomena also: for we are told that the Kosmos, when left to

itself, did tolerably well as long as it remembered the

Steersman's direction, but after a certain interval became

forgetful and went wrong, generating mischief and evil: so that

the Steersman was at last forced to put his hand again to the

work, and to impart to it a fresh rotation in his own direction

(p. 273 B-D). The Kosmos never goes satisfactorily, except when

the hand of the Steersman is upon it. But we are informed that

there are varieties of this divine administration: one named the

period of Kronus or Saturn; another that of Zeus, &c. The

_present_ is the period of Zeus (p. 272 B). The period of Kronus

was one of spontaneous and universal abundance, under the

immediate superintendence of the Deity. This Divine Ruler was

infinitely superior to the subjects whom he ruled, and left

nothing to be desired. But _now_, in the present period of Zeus,

men are under human rule, and not divine: there is no such marked

superiority of the Ruler to his subjects. The human race has been

on the point of becoming extinct; and has only been saved by

beneficent presents from various Gods--fire from Prometheus,

handicraft from Hephæstus and Athênê (pp. 272 C, 274 C).

All this prodigious bulk of mythical invention ([Greek:

thaumasto\s o)/gkos], p. 277 B) seems to be introduced here for

the purpose of illustrating the comparative ratio between the

Ruler and his subjects; and the material difference in this

respect between King and Shepherd--between the government of

mankind by kings, and that of flocks and herds by the herdsman. In

attempting to define the True and Genuine Ruler (he lays it down),

we can expect nothing better than a man among other men; but

distinguished above his fellows, so far as wisdom, dialectic, and

artistic accomplishment, can confer superiority.

There is much in this copious mythe which I cannot clearly

understand or put together: nor do I derive much profit from the

long exposition of it given by Stallbaum (Proleg. ad Polit. pp.

100-128). We cannot fairly demand either harmonious consistency or

profound meaning in the different features of an ingenious

fiction. The hypothesis of a counter-rotation of the Kosmos

(spinning like a top, [Greek: e)pi\ smikrota/tou bai=non podo\s

i)e/nai], p. 270 A), with an inverted reproduction of past

phenomena, appears to me one of the most singular fancies in the

Greek mythology. I cannot tell how far it may have been suggested

by any such statement as that of the Egyptian priests (Herodot.

ii. 142). I can only repeat the observation made by Phædrus to the

Platonic Sokrates, in the dialogue Phædrus (p. 275 A): "You,

Sokrates, construct easily enough Egyptian tales, or any other

tales that you please".]

[Side-note: Distinction of causes Principal and Causes Auxiliary.

The King is the only Principal Cause, but his auxiliaries pretend

to be principal also.]

The human King, whom we shall now attempt to define, tends the

human flock; but there are other persons also who assist in doing

so, and without whose concurrent agency he could not attain his

purpose. We may illustrate this by comparing with him the weaver

of woollen garments: who requires many subsidiary and preparatory

processes, performed by agents different from himself (such as the

carder of wool, the spinner, and the manufacturer of the

instruments for working the loom) to enable him to finish his

work. In all matters, important as well as vulgar, two separate

processes or arts, or contributory persons, are to be

distinguished: Causes and Co-Causes, _i.e._, Principal Causes, and

Concurrent, Auxiliary, Co-efficient, Subordinate, Causes.[19] The

King, like the Weaver, is distinguishable, from other agents

helping towards the same end, as a Principal Cause from Auxiliary

Causes.[20] The Causes auxiliary to the King, in so far as they

are inanimate, may be distributed roughly under seven heads

(bipartition being here impracticable)--Implements, Vessels,

Vehicles, Protections surrounding the Body, Recreative Objects,

Raw Material of every variety, Nutritive Substances, &c.[21] Other

auxiliary Causes are, the domestic cattle, bought slaves, and all

descriptions of serving persons; being often freemen who

undertake, for hire, servile occupations and low trades. There are

moreover ministerial officers of a higher grade: heralds, scribes,

interpreters, prophets, priests, Sophists, rhetors; and a great

diversity of other functionaries, military, judicial, forensic,

dramatic, &c., who manage different departments of public affairs,

often changing from one post to another.[22] But these higher

ministerial functionaries differ from the lower in this--That they

pretend to be themselves the directors and managers of the

government, not recognising the genuine King: whereas the truth

is, that they are only ministerial and subordinate to him:--they

are Concurrent Causes, while he is the only real or principal

Cause.[23]

[Footnote 19: Plato, Politik. p. 281 D-E.]

[Footnote 20: Plato, Politik. p. 287 D.]

[Footnote 21: Plato, Politik. pp. 288-289.]

[Footnote 22: Plato, Politik. pp. 290-291 B. Plato describes these

men by comparing them to lions, centaurs, satyrs, wild beasts,

feeble and crafty. This is not very intelligible, but I presume

that it alludes to the variety of functions, and the frequent

alternation of functions. I cannot think that such an obscure jest

deserves Stallbaum's compliment:--"Ceterum lepidissima hæc est

istorum hominum irrisio, qui cum leonibus, Centauris, Satyris,

aliisque monstris comparantur". Plato repeats it p. 303 C.]

[Footnote 23: Plato, Politik. p. 291 C.]

[Side-note: Plato does not admit the received classification of

government. It does not touch the point upon which all true

distinction ought to be founded--Scientific or Unscientific.]

Our main object now (says the Eleate) is to distinguish this Real

Cause from the subordinate Causes which are mistaken for its

partners and equals:--the genuine and intelligent Governor, from

those who pretend falsely to be governors, and are supposed often

to be such.[24] We cannot admit the lines of distinction, which

are commonly drawn between different governments, as truly

logical: at least they are only subordinate to ours. Most men

distinguish the government of one, or a few, or the many:

government of the poor or of the rich: government according to

law, or without law:--by consent, or by force. The different names

current, monarchy or despotism, aristocracy, or oligarchy, &c.,

correspond to these definitions. But we hold that these

definitions do not touch the true characteristic: which is to be

found in Science, Knowledge, Intelligence, Art or scientific

procedure, &c., and in nothing else. The true government of

mankind is, the scientific or artistic: whether it be carried on

by one, or a few, or many--whether by poor or rich, by force or

consent--whether according to law, or without law.[25] This is the

right and essential characteristic of genuine government:--it is

government conducted according to science or art. All governments

not conforming to this type are only spurious counterfeits and

approaches to it, more or less defective or objectionable.[26]

[Footnote 24: Plato, Politik. p. 292 D.]

[Footnote 25: Plato, Politik. pp. 292 C, 293 B.]

[Footnote 26: Plato, Politik. p. 293 E. [Greek: tau/tên to/te kai\

kata\ tou\s toiou/tous o(/rous ê(mi=n mo/nên o)rthê\n politei/an

ei)=nai r(ête/on, o(/sas de\ a)/llas le/gomen, ou) gnêsi/as ou)d'

o)/ntôs ou)/sas lekte/on.]]

[Side-note: Unscientific governments are counterfeits. Government

by any numerous body must be counterfeit. Government by the one

scientific man is the true government.]

Looking to the characteristic here suggested, the Eleate

pronounces that all numerous and popular governments must be

counterfeits. There can be no genuine government except by One

man, or by a very small number at most. True science or art is not

attainable by many persons, whether rich or poor: scarcely even by

a few, and probably by One alone; since the science or art of

governing men is more difficult than any other science or art.[27]

But the government of this One is the only true and right

government, whether he proclaims laws or governs without law,

whether he employs severity or mildness--provided only he adheres

to his art, and achieves its purpose, the good and improvement of

the governed.[28] He is like the true physician, who cuts and

burns patients, when his art commands, for the purpose of curing

them. He will not be disposed to fetter himself by fixed general

laws: for the variety of situations and the fluctuation of

circumstances, is so perpetual, that no law can possibly fit all

cases. He will recognise no other law but his art.[29] If he lays

down any general formula or law, it will only be from necessity,

because he cannot be always at hand to watch and direct each

individual case: but he will not hesitate to depart from his own

formula whenever Art enjoins it.[30] That alone is base, evil,

unjust, which he with his political Science or Art declares to be

so. If in any particular case he departs from his own declaration,

and orders such a thing to be done--the public have no right to

complain that he does injustice. No patient can complain of his

physician, if the latter, acting upon the counsels of his art,

disregards a therapeutic formula.[31] All the acts of the true

Governor are right, whether according or contrary to law, so long

as he conducts himself with Art and Intelligence--aiming

exclusively to preserve the people, and to render them better

instead of worse.[32]

[Footnote 27: Plato, Politik. pp. 292 D-E, 297 B, 300 E.]

[Footnote 28: Plato, Politik. p. 293 B-E.]

[Footnote 29: Plato, Politik. p. 297 A. [Greek: ou) gra/mmata

tithei\s a)lla\ tê\n te/chnên no/mon parecho/menos.]]

[Footnote 30: Plato, Politik. pp. 300 C, 295 B-C.]

[Footnote 31: Plato, Politik. p. 296 C-D.]

[Footnote 32: Plato, Politik. p. 297 A.]

[Side-note: Fixed laws, limiting the scientific Governor, are

mischievous, as they would be for the physician and the steersman.

Absurdity of determining medical practice by laws, and presuming

every one to know it.]

How mischievous would it be (continues the Eleate) if we

prescribed by fixed laws how the physician or the steersman should

practise their respective arts: if we held them bound to

peremptory rules, punishing them whenever they departed from those

rules, and making them accountable before the Dikastery, when any

one accused them of doing so: if we consecrated these rules and

dogmas, forbidding all criticism or censure upon them, and putting

to death the free enquirer as a dreaming, prosy, Sophist,

corrupting the youth and inciting lawless discontent![33] How

absurd, if we pretended that every citizen did know, or might or

ought to know, these two arts; because the matters concerning them

were enrolled in the laws, and because no one ought to be wiser

than the laws?[34] Who would think of imposing any such fetters on

other arts, such as those of the general, the painter, the

husbandman, the carpenter, the prophet, the cattle-dealer? To

impose them would be to render life, hard as it is even now,

altogether intolerable. Yet these are the trammels under which in

actual cities the political Art is exercised.[35]

[Footnote 33: Plato, Politik. pp. 298-299. 299 B: [Greek: Kai\

toi/nun e)/ti deê/sei the/sthai no/mon e)pi\ pa=si tou/tois, a)/n

tis kubernêtikê\n kai\ to\ nautiko\n ê)\ to\ u(gieino\n kai\

i)atrikê=s a)lêthei/an . . . zêtô=n phai/nêtai para\ ta\ gra/mmata

kai\ sophizo/menos o(tiou=n peri\ ta\ toiau=ta, prô=ton me\n mê/te

i)atriko\n au)to\n mê/te kubernêtiko\n o)noma/zein, a)lla\

meteôro/logon a)dole/schên tina\ sophistê\n ei)=th' ô(s

diaphthei/ronta a)/llous neôte/rous kai\ a)napei/thonta

e)piti/thesthai kubernêtikê=|], &c.]

[Footnote 34: Plato, Polit. p. 299 C. [Greek: a)\n de\ para\ tou\s

no/mous kai\ ta\ gegramme/na do/xê| pei/thein ei)/te ne/ous ei)/te

presbu/tas, kola/zein toi=s e)scha/tois. Ou)de\n ga\r dei=n tô=n

no/môn, ei)=nai sophô/teron; ou)de/na ga\r a)gnoei=n to/ te

i)atriko\n kai\ to\ u(gieino\n ou)de\ to\ kubernêtiko\n kai\

nautiko/n; e)xei=nai ga\r tô=| boulome/nô| mantha/nein gegramme/na

kai\ pa/tria e)/thê kei/mena.]]

[Footnote 35: Plato, Polit. p. 299 D-E. [Greek: ô(/ste o( bi/os,

ô(n kai\ nu=n chalepo/s, ei)s to\n chro/non e)kei=non a)bi/ôtos

gi/gnoit' a)\n to\ para/pan.]]

[Side-note: Government by fixed laws is better than lawless

government by unscientific men, but worse than lawless government

by scientific men. It is a second-best.]

Such are the mischiefs inseparable, in greater or less degree,

from fixed and peremptory laws. Yet grave as these mischiefs are,

there are others yet graver, which such laws tend to obviate. If

the magistrate appointed to guard and enforce the laws, ventures

to break or contravene them, simulating, but not really

possessing, the Art or Science of the genuine Ruler--he will make

matters far worse. The laws at any rate are such as the citizens

have been accustomed to, and such as give a certain measure of

satisfaction. But the arbitrary rule of this violent and

unscientific Governor is a tyranny:[36] which is greatly worse

than the laws. Fixed laws are thus a second-best:[37] assuming

that you cannot obtain a true scientific, artistic, Governor. If

such a man could be obtained, men would be delighted to live under

him. But they despair of ever seeing such a character, and they

therefore cling to fixed laws, in spite of the numerous

concomitant mischiefs.[38] These mischiefs are indeed so serious,

that when we look at actual cities, we are astonished how they get

on under such a system; and we cannot but feel how firm and deeply

rooted a city naturally is.[39]

[Footnote 36: Plato, Politik. p. 300 A-B, 301 B-C.]

[Footnote 37: Plato, Politik. p. 300 C. [Greek: deu/teros

plou=s].]

[Footnote 38: Plato, Politik. p. 301 D.]

[Footnote 39: Plato, Polit. p. 302 A. [Greek: ê)\ e)kei=no ê(mi=n

thaumaste/on ma=llon, ô(s i)schuro/n ti po/lis e)sti\ phu/sei?]]

[Side-note: Comparison of unscientific governments. The one despot

is the worse. Democracy is the least bad, because it is least of a

government.]

We see therefore (the Eleate goes on) that there is no true

polity--nothing which deserves the name of a genuine political

society--except the government of one chief, scientific or

artistic. With him laws are superfluous and even inconvenient. All

other polities are counterfeits: factions and cabals, rather than

governments:[40] delusions carried on by tricksters and conjurers.

But among these other polities or sham polities, there is a

material difference as to greater or less badness: and the

difference turns upon the presence or absence of good laws. Thus,

the single-headed government, called monarchy (assuming the Prince

not to be a man of science or art) is the best of all the

sham-polities, if the Prince rules along with and in observance of

known good laws: but it is the worst of them all, if he rules

without such laws, as a despot or tyrant. Oligarchy, or the

government of a few--if under good laws, is less good than that of

the Prince under the same circumstances--if without such laws, is

less bad than that of the despot. Lastly, the government of the

many is less good under the one supposition--and less bad under

the other. It is less effective, either for good or for evil. It

is in fact less of a government: the administrative force being

lost by dissipation among many hands for short intervals; and more

free play being thus left to individuals. Accordingly, assuming

the absence of laws, democracy is the least bad or most tolerable

of the six varieties of sham-polity. Assuming the presence of

laws, it is the worst of them.[41]

[Footnote 40: Plato, Polit. pp. 302-303 B-C. [Greek: tou\s

koinônou\s tou/tôn tô=n politeiô=n pasô=n, plê\n tê=s

e)pistê/monos, a)phairete/on ô(s ou)k o)/ntas politikou\s a)lla\

stasiastikou/s, kai\ ei)dô/lôn megi/stôn prosta/tas o)/ntas kai\

au)tou\s ei)=nai toiou/tous, megi/stous de\ o)/ntas mimêta\s kai\

go/êtas megi/stous gi/gnesthai tô=n sophistô=n sophista/s.]]

[Footnote 41: Plato, Polit. p. 302 B. [Greek: ti/s dê\ tô=n ou)k

o)rthô=n politeiô=n tou/tôn ê(/kista chalepê\ suzê=n, pasô=n

chalepô=n ou)sô=n, kai\ ti/s baruta/tê?] Also p. 303 A-B.]

[Side-note: The true governor distinguished from the General, the

Rhetor, &c. They are all properly his subordinates and

auxiliaries.]

We have thus severed the genuine scientific Governor from the

unworthy counterfeits by whom his agency is mimicked in actual

society. But we have still to sever him from other worthier

functionaries, analogous and cognate, with whom he co-operates;

and to show by what characteristic he is distinguished from

persons such as the General, the Judge, the Rhetor or Persuader to

good and just objects. The distinction is, that all these

functions, however honourable functions, are still nevertheless

essentially subordinate and ministerial, assuming a sovereign

guidance from some other quarter to direct them. Thus the General

may, by his strategic art, carry on war effectively; but he must

be directed when, and against whom, war is to be carried on. The

Judge may decide quarrels without fear, antipathy, or favour: but

the general rules for deciding them must be prescribed to him by a

higher authority. So too the Rhetor may apply his art well, to

persuade people, or to work upon their emotions, without teaching

them: but he must be told by some one else, when and on what

occasions persuasion is suitable, and when force must be employed

instead of it.[42] Each of these functionaries must learn, what

his own art will not teach him, the proper seasons, persons, and

limitations, among and under which his art is to be applied. To

furnish such guidance is the characteristic privilege and duty of

the scientific chief, for which he alone is competent. He does not

act himself, but he originates, directs, and controls, all the

real agents and agencies. Without him, none of them are available

or beneficial towards their special ends. He alone can judge of

their comparative value, and of the proper reasons for invoking or

restraining their interference.[43]

[Footnote 42: Plato, Polit. pp. 304-305.]

[Footnote 43: Plato, Polit. p. 305 D. [Greek: tê\n ga\r o)/ntôs

ou)=san basilikê\n ou)k au)tê\n dei= pra/ttein, a)ll' a)/rchein

tô=n duname/nôn pra/ttein, gignô/skousan tê\n a)rchê/n te kai\

o(rmê\n tô=n megi/stôn e)n tai=s po/lesin e)gkairi/as te pe/ri

kai\ a)kairi/as, ta\s d' a)/llas ta\ prostachthe/nta dra=|n.]]

[Side-note: What the scientific Governor will do. He will aim at

the formation of virtuous citizens. He will weave together the

energetic virtues with the gentle virtues. Natural dissidence

between them.]

The great scientific Governor being thus defined, and logically

distinguished from all others liable to be confounded with him,

Plato concludes by a brief statement what his principal functions

are. He will aim at ensuring among his citizens the most virtuous

characters and the best ethical combinations. Like the weaver (to

whom he has been already assimilated) he will put together the

great political web or tissue of improved citizenship,

intertwining the strong and energetic virtues (the warp) with the

yielding and gentler virtues (the woof).[44] Both these

dispositions are parts or branches of virtue; but there is a

natural variance or repulsion between them.[45] Each of them is

good, in proper measure and season: each of them is bad, out of

measure and season. The combination of both, in due proportion, is

indispensable to form the virtuous citizen: and that combination

it is the business of the scientific Governor to form and uphold.

It is with a view to this end that he must set at work all the

agents of teaching and education, and must even interfere to

arrange the intermarriages of the citizens; not allowing the

strong and courageous families to form alliance with each other,

lest the breed should in time become too violent--nor the gentle

and quiet families to do the like, lest the offspring should

degenerate into stupidity.[46]

[Footnote 44: Plato, Polit. pp. 306-307. [Greek: tê\n basilikê\n

sumplokê/n].]

[Footnote 45: Plato, Polit. pp. 306 A-B, 307 C, 308 B.]

[Footnote 46: Plato, Polit. pp. 308-309-310.]

[Side-note: If a man sins by excess of the energetic element, he is

to be killed or banished: if of the gentle, he is to be made a

slave. The Governor must keep up in the minds of the citizens an

unanimous standard of ethical orthodoxy.]

All persons, who, unable to take on this conjunction, sin by an

excess of the strong element, manifesting injustice or

irreligion--must be banished or put to death:[47] all who sin by

excess of the feebler element, exhibiting stupidity and meanness,

must be degraded into slavery. Above all things, the scientific

Governor must himself dictate, and must implant and maintain,

in the minds of all his citizens, an authoritative standard of

orthodox sentiment respecting what is just, honourable, good--and the

contrary.[48] If this be ensured, and if the virtues naturally

discordant be attempered with proper care, he will make sure of a

friendly and harmonious community, enjoying as much happiness as

human affairs admit.[49]

[Footnote 47: Plato, Polit. p. 309 A.]

[Footnote 48: Plato, Polit. pp. 309 C, 310 E.]

[Footnote 49: Plato, Polit. p. 311 B-C.]

* * * * *

[Side-note: Remarks--Sokratic Ideal--Title to govern mankind

derived exclusively from scientific superiority in an individual

person.]

I have thus given a brief abridgment of the main purpose of the

Politikus, and of the definition which Plato gives of the True

Governor and his function. I proceed to make a few remarks upon

it.

Plato's theory of government is founded upon the supposition of

perfect knowledge--scientific or artistic intelligence--in the

person of the Governor: a partial approach, through teaching and

acquired knowledge, to that immense superiority of the Governor

over the Governed, which existed in the Saturnian period. It is

this, and this alone, which constitutes, in his estimation, the

title to govern mankind. The Governor does not himself act: he

directs the agency of others: and the directions are dictated by

his knowledge. I have already observed that Sokrates had himself

enunciated the doctrine--Superior scientific competence (the

special privilege of a professor or an artist) is the only

legitimate title to govern.

[Side-note: Different ways in which this ideal is worked out by

Plato and Xenophon. The man of speculation and the man of action.]

Plato and the Other Companions of Sokrates, 3rd ed. Volume 3 · 第 15 / 19 章