CHAPTER II

GENERALLY ACCEPTED WORKS

Such, then, very briefly, are the facts of Giorgione's life recorded by

the older biographers, or known by contemporary documents. Now let us

turn to his artistic remains, the _disjecta membra_, out of which we may

reconstruct something of the man himself; for, to those who can

interpret it aright, a man's work is his best autobiography.

This is especially true in the case of an artist of Giorgione's

temperament, for his expression is so peculiarly personal, so highly

charged with individuality, that every product of mental activity

becomes a revelation of the man himself. People like Giorgione must

express themselves in certain ways, and these ways are therefore

characteristic. Some people regard a work of art as something external;

a great artist, they say, can vary his productions at will, he can paint

in any style he chooses. But the exact contrary is the truth. The

greater the artist, the less he can divest himself of his own

personality; his work may vary in degree of excellence, but not in kind.

The real reason, therefore, why it is impossible for certain pictures to

be by Giorgione is, not that they are not _good_ enough for him, but

that they are not _characteristic_. I insist on this point, because in

the matter of genuineness the touchstone of authenticity is so often to

be looked for in an answer to the question: Is this or that

characteristic? The personal equation is the all-important factor to be

recognised; it is the connecting link which often unites apparently

diverse phenomena, and explains what would otherwise appear to be

irreconcilable.

There is an intimate relation then between the artist and his work, and,

rightly interpreted, the latter can tell us much about the former.

Let us turn to Giorgione's work. Here we are brought face to face with

an initial difficulty, the great difficulty, in fact, which has stood so

much in the way of a more comprehensive understanding of the master, I

mean, that scarcely anything of his work is authenticated. Three

pictures alone have never been called in question by contending critics;

outside this inner ring is more or less debatable ground, and on this

wider arena the battle has raged until scarcely a shred of the painter's

work has emerged unscathed. The result has been to reduce the figure of

Giorgione to a shadowy myth, whose very existence, at the present rate

at which negative criticism progresses, will assuredly be called in

question.

If Bacon wrote Shakespeare, then Giorgione can be divided up between a

dozen Venetian artists, who "painted Giorgione." Fortunately three

pictures survive which refuse to be fitted in anywhere else except under

"Giorgione." This is the irreducible minimum, [Greek: _o anankaiotatos_]

Giorgione, with which we must start.

* * * * *

Of the three universally accepted pictures, first and foremost comes the

Castelfranco altar-piece, according to Mr. Ruskin "one of the two most

perfect pictures in existence; alone in the world as an imaginative

representation of Christianity, with a monk and a soldier on either side

... "[11] This great picture was painted before 1504, when the artist

was only twenty-seven years of age,[12] a fact which clearly proves that

his genius must have developed early. For not even a Giorgione can

produce such a masterpiece without a long antecedent course of training

and accomplishment. This is not the place to inquire into the nature and

character of the works which lead up to this altar-piece, for a

chronological survey ought to follow, not precede, an examination of all

available material; it is important, nevertheless, to bear in mind that

quite ten years had been passed in active work ere Giorgione produced

this masterpiece.

If no other evidence were forthcoming as to the sort of man the painter

was, this one production of his would for ever stamp him as a person of

exquisite feeling. There is a reserve, almost a reticence, in the way

the subject is presented, which indicates a refined mind. An atmosphere

of serenity pervades the scene, which conveys a sense of personal

tranquillity and calm. The figures are absorbed in their own thoughts;

they stand isolated apart, as though the painter wishes to intensify the

mood of dreamy abstraction. Nothing disquieting disturbs the scene,

which is one of profound reverie. All this points to Giorgione being a

man of moods, as we say; a lyric poet, whose expression is highly

charged with personal feeling, who appeals to the imagination rather

than to the intellect. And so, as we might expect, landscape plays an

important part in the composition; it heightens the pictorial effect,

not merely by providing a picturesque background, but by enhancing the

mood of serenity and solemn calm. Giorgione uses it as an instrument of

expression, blending nature and human nature into happy unison. The

effect of the early morning sun rising over the distant sea is of

indescribable charm, and invests the scene with a poetic glamour which,

as Morelli truly remarks, awakens devotional feelings. What must have

been the effect when it was first painted! for even five modern

restorations, under which the original work has been buried, have not

succeeded in destroying the hallowing charm. To enjoy similar effects we

must turn to the central Italian painters, to Perugino and Raphael;

certainly in Venetian art of pre-Giorgionesque times the like cannot be

found, and herein Giorgione is an innovator. Bellini, indeed, before him

had studied nature and introduced landscape backgrounds into his

pictures, but more for picturesqueness of setting than as an integral

part of the whole; they are far less suggestive of the mood appropriate

to the moment, less calculated to stir the imagination than to please

the eye. Nowhere, in short, in Venetian art up to this date is a lyrical

treatment of the conventional altar-piece so fully realised as in the

Castelfranco Madonna.

Technically, Giorgione proclaims himself no less an innovator. The

composition is on the lines of a perfect equilateral triangle, a scheme

which Bellini and the older Venetian artists never adopted.[13] So

simple a scheme required naturally large and spacious treatment; flat

surfaces would be in place, and the draperies cast in ample folds.

Dignity of bearing, and majestic sweep of dress are appropriately

introduced; the colour is rich and harmonious, the preponderance of

various shades of green having a soothing effect on the eye. The golden

glow which doubtless once suffused the whole, has, alas! disappeared

under cruel restorations, and flatness of tone has inevitably resulted,

but we may still admire the play of light on horizontal surfaces, and

the chiaroscuro giving solidity and relief to the figures.

An interesting link with Bellini is seen in the S. Francis, for the

figure is borrowed from that master's altar-piece of S. Giobbe (now in

the Venice Academy). Bellini's S. Francis had been painted seventeen or

eighteen years before, and now we find Giorgione having recourse to the

older master for a pictorial motive. But, as though to assert his

independence, he has created in the S. Liberale a type of youthful

beauty and manliness which in turn became the prototype of subsequent

knightly figures. Palma Vecchio, Mareschalco, and Pennacchi all borrowed

it for their own use, a proof that Giorgione's altar-piece acquired an

early celebrity.[14]

[Illustration: _Anderson photo. Giovanelli Palace, Venice_

ADRASTUS AND HYPSIPYLE]

Exquisite feeling is equally conspicuous in the other two works

universally ascribed to Giorgione. These are the "Adrastus and

Hypsipyle," in the collection of Prince Giovanelli, in Venice, and

the "Aeneas, Evander, and Pallas," in the gallery at Vienna.[15]

"The Giovanelli Figures," or "The Stormy Landscape, with the Soldier and

the Gipsy," as the picture has been commonly called since the days of

the Anonimo, who so described it in 1530, is totally unlike anything

that Venetian art of the pre-Giorgionesque era has to show. The painted

myth is a new departure, the creation of Giorgione's own brain, and as

such, is treated in a wholly unconventional manner. His peculiarly

poetical nature here finds full scope for display, his delicacy, his

refinement, his sensitiveness to the beauties of the outside world, find

fitting channels through which to express themselves. With what a spirit

of romance Giorgione has invested his picture! So exquisitely personal

is the mood, that the subject itself has taken his biographers nearly

four centuries to decipher! For the artist, it must be noted, does not

attempt to illustrate a passage of an ancient writer; very probably,

nay, almost certainly, he had never read the _Thebaid_ of Statius,

whence comes the story of Adrastus and Hypsipyle; the subject would have

been suggested to him by some friend, a student of the Classics, and

Giorgione thereupon dressed the old Greek myth in Venetian garb, just as

Statius had done in the Latin.[16] The story is known to us only at

second hand, and we are at liberty to choose Giorgione's version in

preference to that of the Roman poet; each is an independent translation

of a common original, and certainly Giorgione's is not the less

poetical. He has created a painted lyric which is not an illustration

of, but a parallel presentation to the written poem of Statius.

Technically, the workmanship points to an earlier period than the

Castelfranco Madonna, and there is an exuberance of fancy which points

to a youthful origin. The figures are of slight and graceful build, the

composition easy and unstudied, with a tendency to adopt a triangular

arrangement in the grouping, the apex being formed by the storm scene,

to which the eye thus naturally reverts. The figures and the landscape

are brought into close relation by this subtle scheme, and the picture

becomes, not figures with landscape background, but landscape with

figures.

The reproduction unduly exaggerates the contrasts of light and shade,

and conveys little of the mellowness and richness of atmospheric effect

which characterise the original. Unlike the brilliance of colouring in

the Castelfranco picture, dark reds, browns, and greens here give a

sombre tone which is accentuated by the dullness of surface due to old

varnishes.

[Illustration: _Hanfstängl photo. Vienna Gallery_

AENEAS, EVANDER, AND PALLAS]

"The Three Philosophers," or "The Chaldean Sages," as the picture at

Vienna has long been strangely named, shows the artist again treating a

classical story in his own fantastic way. Virgil has enshrined in verse

the legend of the arrival of the Trojan Aeneas in Italy,[17] and

Giorgione depicts the moment when Evander, the aged seer-king, and his

son Pallas point out to the wanderer the site of the future Capitol.

Again we find the same poetical presentation, not representation, of a

legendary subject, again the same feeling for the beauties of nature.

How Giorgione has revelled in the glories of the setting sun, the long

shadows of the evening twilight, the tall-stemmed trees, the moss-grown

rock! The figures are but a pretext, we feel, for an idyllic scene,

where the story is subordinated to the expression of sensuous charm.

This work was seen by the Anonimo in 1525, in the house of Taddeo

Contarini at Venice. It was then believed to have been completed by

Sebastiano del Piombo, Giorgione's pupil. If so,--and there is no valid

reason to doubt the statement,--Giorgione left unfinished a picture on

which he was at work some years before his death, for the style clearly

indicates that the artist had not yet reached the maturity of his later

period. The figures still recall those of Bellini, the modelling is

close and careful, the forms compact, and reminiscent of the

quattrocento. It is noticeable that the type of the Pallas is identical

with that of S. John Baptist in Sebastiano's early altar-piece in S.

Giovanni Crisostomo at Venice, but it would be unwise to dramatise on

the share (if any) which the pupil had in completing the work of his

master. The credit of invention must indubitably rest with Giorgione,

but the damage which the picture has sustained through neglect and

repainting in years gone by, renders certainty of discrimination between

the two hands a matter of impossibility.

The colouring is rich and varied; the orange horizon, the distant blue

hill, and the pale, clear evening light, with violet-tinted clouds, give

a wonderful depth behind the dark tree-trunks. The effect of the

delicate leaves and feathery trees at the edge of the rock, relieved

against the pale sky, is superb. A spirit of solemnity broods over the

scene, fit feeling at so eventful a moment in the history of the past.

The composition, which looks so unstudied, is really arranged on the

usual triangular basis. The group of figures on the right is balanced on

the left by the great rock--the future Capitol--(which is thus brought

prominently into notice), and the landscape background again forms the

apex. The added depth and feeling for space shows how Giorgione had

learnt to compose in three dimensions, the technical advance over the

"Adrastus and Hypsipyle" indicating a period subsequent to that picture,

though probably anterior to the Castelfranco altar-piece.

* * * * *

We have now taken the three universally accepted Giorgiones; how are we

to proceed in our investigations? The simplest course will be to take

the pictures acknowledged by those modern writers who have devoted most

study to the question, and examine them in the light of the results to

which we have attained. Those writers are Crowe and Cavalcaselle, who

published their account of Giorgione in 1871, and Morelli, who wrote in

1877. Now it is notorious that the results at which these critics

arrived are often widely divergent, but a great deal too much has been

made of the differences and not enough of the points of agreement.

As a matter of fact, Morelli only questions three of the thirteen

Giorgiones accepted definitely by Crowe and Cavalcaselle. Leaving these

three aside for the moment, we may take the remaining ten (three of

which we have already examined), and after deducting three others in

English collections to which Morelli does not specifically refer, we are

left with four more pictures on which these rival authorities are

agreed.

[Illustration: _Alinari photo. Uffizi Gallery, Florence_

THE JUDGMENT OF SOLOMON]

These are the two small works in the Uffizi, representing the "Judgment

of Solomon" and the "Trial of Moses," the "Knight of Malta," also in the

Uffizi, and the "Christ bearing the Cross," till lately in the Casa

Loschi at Vicenza, and now belonging to Mrs. Gardner of Boston, U.S.A.

The two small companion pictures in the Uffizi, The "Judgment of

Solomon" and the "Trial of Moses," or "Ordeal by Fire," as it is also

called, connect in style closely with the "Adrastus and Hypsipyle." They

are conceived in the same romantic strain, and carried out with scarcely

less brilliance and charm. The story, as in the previous pictures, is

not insisted upon; the biblical episode and the rabbinical legend are

treated in the same fantastic way as the classic myth. Giovanni Bellini

had first introduced this lyric conception in his treatment of the

mediaeval allegory, as we see it in his picture, also in the Uffizi,

hanging near the Giorgiones; all three works were originally together in

the Medici residence of Poggio Imperiale, and there can be little doubt

are intimately related in origin to one another. Bellini's latest

biographer, Mr. Roger Fry, places this Allegory about the years 1486-8,

a date which points to a very early origin for the other two.[18] For

it is extremely likely that the young Giorgione was inspired by his

master's example, and that he may have produced his companion pieces as

early as 1493. With this deduction Morelli is in accord: "In character

they belong to the fifteenth century, and may have been painted by

Giorgione in his sixteenth or eighteenth year."[19]

Here, then, is a clue to the young artist's earliest predilections. He

fastens eagerly upon that phase of Bellini's art to which his own poetic

temperament most readily responds. But he goes a step further than his

master. He takes his subjects not from mediaeval romances, but from the

Bible or rabbinical writings, and actually interprets them also in this

new and unorthodox way. So bold a departure from traditional usage

proves the independence and originality of the young painter. These two

little pictures thus become historically the first-fruits of the

neo-pagan spirit which was gradually supplanting the older

ecclesiastical thought, and Giorgione, once having cast conventionalism

aside, readily turns to classical mythology to find subjects for the

free play of fancy. The "Adrastus and Hypsipyle" thus follows naturally

upon "The Judgment of Solomon" and "Trial of Moses," and the pages of

Virgil, Ovid, Statius, and Valerius Flaccus--all treasure-houses of

golden legend--yield subjects suggestive of romance. The titles of some

of these _poesie_, as they were called, are preserved in the pages of

Ridolfi.[20]

[Illustration: _Alinari photo. Uffizi Gallery, Florence_

THE TRIAL OF MOSES]

The tall and slender figures, the attitudes, and the general

_mise-en-scène_ vividly recall the earlier style of Carpaccio, who was

at this very time composing his delightful fairy tales of the "Legend of

S. Ursula."[21] Common to both painters is a gaiety and love of beauty

and colour. There is also in both a freedom and ease, even a homeliness

of conception, which distinguishes their work from the pageant pictures

of Gentile Bellini, whose "Corpus Christi Procession" was produced two

or three years later, in 1496.[21] But Giorgione's art is instinct with

a lyrical fancy all his own, the story is subordinated to the mood of

the moment, and he is much more concerned with the beauty of the scene

than with its dramatic import.

The repainted condition of "The Judgment of Solomon" has led some good

judges to pronounce it a copy. It certainly lacks the delicacy that

distinguishes its companion piece, but may we not--with Crowe and

Cavalcaselle and Morelli--register it rather as a much defaced original?

So far as we have at present examined Giorgione's pictures, the trend of

thought they display has been mostly in the direction of secular

subjects. The two early examples just described show that even where the

subject is quasi-religious, the revolutionary spirit made itself felt;

but it would be perfectly natural to find the young artist also

following his master Giambellini in the painting of strictly sacred

subjects. No better example could be found than the "Christ bearing the

Cross," the small work which has recently left Italy for America. We are

told by the Anonimo that there was in his day (1525) a picture by

Bellini of this subject, and it is remarkable that four separate

versions exist to-day which, without being copies of one another, are so

closely related that the existence of a common original is a legitimate

inference. That this was by Bellini is more than probable, for the

different versions are clearly by different painters of his school. By

far the finest is the example which Crowe and Cavalcaselle and Morelli

unhesitatingly ascribe to the young Giorgione; this version is, however,

considered by Signor Venturi inferior to the one now belonging to Count

Lanskeronski in Vienna.[22] Others who, like the writer, have seen both

works, agree with the older view, and regard the latter version, like

the others at Berlin and Rovigo, as a contemporary repetition of

Bellini's lost original.[23]

[Illustration: _Anderson photo. Collection of Mrs. Gardner, Boston,

U.S.A._

CHRIST BEARING THE CROSS]

Characteristic of Giorgione is the abstract thought, the dreaminess of

look, the almost furtive glance. The minuteness of finish reminds us of

Antonello, and the turn of the head suggests several of the latter's

portraits. The delicacy with which the features are modelled, the

high forehead, and the lighting of the face are points to be noted, as

we shall find the same characteristics elsewhere.

[Illustration: _Alinari photo_] _[Uffizi Gallery, Florence_

THE KNIGHT OF MALTA]

The "Knight of Malta," in the Uffizi, is a more mature work, and reveals

Giorgione to us as a portrait painter of remarkable power. The

conception is dignified, the expression resolute, yet tempered by that

look of abstract thought which the painter reads into the faces of his

sitters. The hair parted in the middle, and brought down low at the

sides of the forehead, was peculiarly affected by the Venetian gentlemen

of the day, and this style seems to have particularly pleased Giorgione,

who introduces it in many other pictures besides portraits. The oval of

the face, which is strongly lighted, is also characteristic. This work

shows no direct connection with Bellini's portraiture, but far more with

that which we are accustomed to associate with the names of Titian and

Palma. It dates probably from the early part of the sixteenth century,

at a time when Giorgione was breaking with the older tradition which had

strictly limited portraiture to the representation of the head only, or

at most to the bust. The hand is here introduced, though Giorgione feels

still compelled to account for its presence by introducing a rosary of

large beads. In later years, as we shall see, the expressiveness of the

human hand _per se_ will be recognised; but Giorgione already feels its

significance in portraiture, and there is not one of his portraits which

does not show this.[24]

The list of Giorgione's works now numbers seven; the next three to be

discussed are those that Crowe and Cavalcaselle added on their own

account, but about which Morelli expressed no opinion. Two are in

English private collections, the third in the National Gallery. This is

the small "Knight in Armour," said to be a study for the figure of S.

Liberale in the Castelfranco altar-piece. The main difference is that in

the latter the warrior wears his helmet, whilst in the National Gallery

example he is bareheaded. By some this little figure is believed to be a

copy, or repetition with variations, of Giorgione's original, but it

must honestly be confessed that absolutely no proof is forthcoming in

support of this view. The quality of this fragment is unquestionable,

and its very divergence from the Castelfranco figure is in its favour.

It would perhaps be unsafe to dogmatise in a case where the material is

so slight, but until its genuineness can be disproved by indisputable

evidence, the claim to authenticity put forward in the National Gallery

catalogue, following Crowe and Cavalcaselle's view, must be allowed.

[Illustration: _Hanfstängl photo. Vienna Gallery_

THE ADORATION OF THE SHEPHERDS]

The two remaining pictures definitely placed by Crowe and Cavalcaselle

among the authentic productions of Giorgione are the "Adoration of the

Shepherds," belonging to Mr. Wentworth Beaumont, and the "Judgment of

Solomon," in the possession of Mr. Ralph Bankes at Kingston Lacy,

Dorsetshire. The former (of which an inferior replica with differences

of landscape exists in the Vienna Gallery) is one of the most poetically

conceived representations of this familiar subject which exists. The

actual group of figures forms but an episode in a landscape of the most

entrancing beauty, lighted by the rising sun, and wrapped in a soft

atmospheric haze. The landscapes in the two little Uffizi pictures are

immediately suggested, yet the quality of painting is here far superior,

and is much closer in its rendering of atmospheric effects to the

"Adrastus and Hypsipyle." The figures, on the other hand, are weak, very

unequal in size, and feebly expressed, except the Madonna, who has

charm. The lights and shadows are treated in a masterly way, and

contrasts of gloom and sunlight enhance the solemnity of the scene. The

general tone is rich and full of subdued colour.

Now if the name of Giorgione be denied this "Nativity," to which of the

followers of Bellini are we to assign it?--for the work is clearly of

Bellinesque stamp. The name of Catena has been proposed, but is now no

longer seriously supported.[25] If for no other reason, the colour

scheme is sufficient to exclude this able artist, and, versatile as he

undoubtedly was, it may be questioned whether he ever could have

attained to the mellowness and glow which suffuse this picture. The

latest view enunciated[26] is that "we are in the presence of a painter

as yet anonymous, whom in German fashion we might provisionally name

'The Master of the Beaumont "Adoration."'" Now this system of labelling

certain groups of paintings showing common characteristics is all very

well in cases where the art history of a particular school or period is

wrapt in obscurity, and where few, if any, names have come down to us,

but in the present instance it is singularly inappropriate. To begin

with, this anonymous painter is the author, so it is believed, of only

three works, this "Adoration," the "Epiphany," in the National Gallery,

No. 1160, and a small "Holy Family," belonging to Mr. Robert Benson in

London, for all three works are universally admitted to be by the same

hand. Next, this anonymous painter must have been a singularly refined

and poetical artist, a master of brilliant colour, and an accomplished

chiaroscurist. Truly a _deus ex machina_! Next you have to find a

vacancy for such a phenomenon in the already crowded lists of Bellini's

pupils and followers, as if there were not more names than enough

already to fully account for every Bellinesque production.[27] No, this

is no question of compromise, of the dragging to light some hitherto

unknown genius whose identity has long been merged in that of bigger

men, but it is the recognition of the fact that the greater comprises

the less. Admitting, as we may, that these three pictures are inferior

in "depth, significance, cohesion, and poetry" (!) to the Castelfranco

"Madonna," there is nothing to show that they are not characteristic of

Giorgione, that they do not form part of a consistent whole. As a matter

of fact, this "Adoration of the Shepherds" connects very well with the

early _poésie_ already discussed. There is some opposition between the

sacred theme and Giorgione's natural dislike to tell a mere story; but

he has had to conform to traditional methods of representation, and the

feeling of restraint is felt in the awkward drawing of the figures, and

their uneven execution. That he felt dissatisfied with this portion of

the work, the drawing at Windsor plainly shows, for the figures appear

here in a different position, as if he had tried to recast his scheme.

Some may object that the drawing of the shepherd is atrocious, and that

the figures are of disproportionate sizes. Such failings, they say,

cannot be laid to a great master's charge. This is an appeal to the old

argument that it is not _good_ enough, whereas the true test lies in the

question, Is it _characteristic_? Of Giorgione it certainly is a

characteristic to treat each figure in a composition more or less by

itself; he isolates them, and this conception is often emphasised by an

outward disparity of size. The relative disproportion of the figures in

the Castelfranco altar-piece, and of those of Aeneas and Evander in the

Vienna picture can hardly be denied, yet no one has ever pleaded this as

a bar to their authenticity. Instances of this want of cohesion, both in

conception and execution, between the various figures in a scene could

be multiplied in Giorgione's work, no more striking instance being found

than in the great undertaking he left unfinished--the large "Judgment of

Solomon," next to be discussed. Moreover, eccentricities of drawing are

not uncommon in his work, as a reference to the "Adrastus and

Hypsipyle," and later works, like the "Fête Champêtre" (of the Louvre),

will show.

I have no hesitation, therefore, in recognising this "Adoration of the

Shepherds" as a genuine work of Giorgione, and, moreover, it appears to

be the masterpiece of that early period when Bellini's influence was

still strong upon him.

The Vienna replica, I believe, was also executed by Giorgione himself.

Until recent times, when an all too rigorous criticism condemned it to

be merely a piece of the "Venezianische Schule um 1500" (which is

correct as far as it goes),[28] it bore Giorgione's name, and is so

recorded in an inventory of the year 1659. It differs from the Beaumont

version chiefly in its colouring, which is silvery and of delicate

tones. It lacks the rich glow, and has little of that mysterious glamour

which is so subtly attractive in the former. The landscape is also

different. We must be on our guard, therefore, against the view that it

is merely a copy; differences of detail, especially in the landscape,

show that it is a parallel work, or a replica. Now I believe that these

two versions of the "Nativity" are the two pictures of "La Notte," by

Giorgione, to which we have allusion in a contemporary document.[29] The

description, "Una Notte," obviously means what we term "A Nativity"

(Correggio's "Heilige Nacht" at Dresden is a familiar instance of the

same usage), and the difference in quality between the two versions is

significantly mentioned. It seems that Isabella d'Este, the celebrated

Marchioness of Mantua, had commissioned one of her agents in Venice to

procure for her gallery a picture by Giorgione. The agent writes to his

royal mistress and tells her (October 1510) that the artist is just

dead, and that no such picture as she describes--viz. "Una Nocte"[A]--is

to be found among his effects. However, he goes on, Giorgione did paint

two such pictures, but these were not for sale, as they belonged to two

private owners who would not part with them. One of these pictures was

of better design and more highly finished than the other, the latter

being, in his opinion, not perfect enough for the royal collection. He

regrets accordingly that he is unable to obtain the picture which the

Marchioness requires.

If my conjecture be right, we have in the Beaumont and Vienna

"Nativities" the only two pictures of Giorgione to which allusion is

made in an absolutely contemporary document, and they thus become

authenticated material with which to start a study of the master.

The next picture, which Crowe and Cavalcaselle accept without question,

is the large "Judgment of Solomon," belonging to Mr. Bankes at Kingston

Lacy. The scene is a remarkable one, conceived in an absolutely unique

way; Solomon is here posed as a Roman Praetor giving judgment in the

Atrium, supported on each side by onlookers attired in fanciful costume

of the Venetian period, or suggestive of classical models. It is the

strangest possible medley of the Bellinesque and the antique, knit

together by harmonious colouring and a clever grouping of figures in a

triangular design. As an interpretation of a dramatic scene it is

singularly ineffective, partly because it is unfinished, some of the

elements of the tragedy being entirely wanting, partly because of an

obvious stageyness in the action of the figures taking part in the

scene. There is a want of dramatic unity in the whole; the figures are

introduced in an accidental way, and their relative proportion is not

accurately preserved; the executioner, for example, is head and

shoulders larger than anyone else, whilst the two figures standing on

the steps of Solomon's throne are in marked contrast. The one with the

shield, on the left, is as monumental as one of Bramante's creations,

the old gentleman with the beard, on the right, is mincing and has no

shoulders. Solomon himself appears as a young man of dark complexion, in

an attitude of self-contained determination; the way his hands rest on

the sides of the throne is very expressive. His drapery is cast in

curious folds of a zig-zag character, following the lines of the

composition, whilst the dresses of the other personages fall in broad

masses to the ground. The light and shade are cleverly handled, and the

spaciousness of the scene is enhanced by the rows of columns and the

apse of mosaics behind Solomon's head. The painter was clearly versed in

the laws of perspective, and indicates depth inwards by placing the

figures behind one another on a tesselated pavement or on the receding

steps of the throne, giving at the same time a sense of atmospheric

space between one figure and another. The colour scheme is delightful,

full-toned orange and red alternating with pale blues, olive green, and

delicate pink, the contrasts so subdued by a clever balance of light and

shade as to harmonise the whole in a delicate silvery key.

[Illustration: _Dixon photo. Collection of Mr. Ralph Bankes,

Kingston-Lacey, England_

THE JUDGMENT OF SOLOMON (Unfinished)]

The unfinished figure of the executioner evidently caused the artist

much trouble, for _pentimenti_ are frequent, and other outlines can be

distinctly traced through the nude body. The effect of this clumsy

figure is far from satisfactory; the limbs are not articulated

distinctly; moreover, the balance of the whole composition is seriously

threatened by the tragedy being enacted at the side instead of in the

middle. The artist appears to have felt this difficulty so much that he

stopped short at this point; at any rate, the living child remains

unrepresented, nor is there any second child such as is required to

illustrate the story. It looks as though the scheme was not carefully

worked out before commencing, and that the artist found himself in

difficulties at the last, when he had to introduce the dramatic motive,

which apparently was not to his taste.

Now, all this fits in exactly with what we know of Giorgione's

temperament; lyrical by nature, he would shrink from handling a great

dramatic scene, and if such a task were imposed upon him he would

naturally treat three-fourths of the subject in his own fantastic way,

and do his best to illustrate the action required in the remaining part.

The result would be (what might be expected) forced or stagey, and the

action rhetorical, and that is exactly what has happened in this

"Judgment of Solomon."

It is a natural inference that, supposing Giorgione to be the painter,

he would never have selected such a subject of his own free will to be

treated, as this is, on so large a scale. There may be, therefore,

something in the suggestion which Crowe and Cavalcaselle make that this

may be the large canvas ordered of Giorgione for the audience chamber

of the Council, "for which purpose," they add, "the advances made to him

in the summer of 1507 and in January 1508 show that the work he had

undertaken was of the highest consequence."[30]

Be this as it may, the picture was in Venice, in the Casa Grimani di

Santo Ermagora,[31] in Ridolfi's day (1646), and that writer specially

mentions the unfinished executioner. It passed later into the

Marescalchi Gallery at Bologna, where it was seen by Lord Byron (1820),

and purchased at his suggestion by his friend Mr. Bankes, in whose

family it still remains.[32]

It will be gathered from what I have written that Giorgione and no other

is, in my opinion, the author of this remarkable work. Certain of the

figures are reminiscent of those by him elsewhere--e.g. the old man with

the beard is like the Evander in the Vienna picture, the young man next

the executioner resembles the Adrastus in the Giovanelli figures, and

the young man stooping forward next to Solomon recurs in the "Three

Ages," in the Pitti, which Morelli considered to be by Giorgione. The

most obvious resemblances, however, are to be found in the Glasgow

"Adulteress before Christ," a work which several modern critics assign

to Cariani, although Dr. Bode, Sir Walter Armstrong, and others,

maintain it to be a real Giorgione. Consistently enough, those who

believe in Cariani's authorship in the one case, assert it in the

other,[33] and as consistently I hold that both are by Giorgione. It is

conceivable that Cariani may have copied Giorgione's types and

attitudes, but it is inconceivable to me that he can have so entirely

assimilated Giorgione's temperament to which this "Judgment of Solomon"

so eloquently witnesses. Moreover, let no one say that Cariani executed

what Giorgione designed, for, in spite of its imperfect condition, the

technique reveals a painter groping his way as he works, altering

contours, and making corrections with his brush; in fact, it has all the

spontaneity which characterises an original creation.

The date of its execution may well have been 1507-8, perhaps even

earlier; at any rate, we must not argue from its unfinished state that

the painter's death prevented completion, for the style is not that of

Giorgione's last works. Rather must we conclude that, like the "Aeneas

and Evander," and several other pictures yet to be mentioned, Giorgione

stopped short at his work, unwilling to labour at an uncongenial task

(as, perhaps, in the present case), or from some feeling of

dissatisfaction at the result, nay, even despair of ever realising his

poetical conceptions.

To this important trait in Giorgione's character further reference will

be made when all the available material has been examined; suffice it

for the moment that this "Judgment of Solomon" is to me a most _typical_

example of the great artist's work, a revelation alike of his weaknesses

as of his powers.

Following our method of investigation we will next consider the

pictures which Morelli accredits to Giorgione over and above the seven

already discussed, wherein he concurs with Crowe and Cavalcaselle. These

are twelve in number, and include some of the master's finest works,

some of them unknown to the older authorities, or, at any rate,

unrecorded by them. Here, therefore, the opinions of Crowe and

Cavalcaselle are not of so much weight, so it will be necessary to see

how far Morelli's views have been confirmed by later writers during the

last twenty years.

Three portraits figure in Morelli's list--one at Berlin, one at

Buda-Pesth, and one in the Borghese Gallery at Rome.

[Illustration: _Hanfstängl photo. Berlin Gallery_

PORTRAIT OF A YOUNG MAN]

First, as to the Berlin "Portrait of a Young Man," which, when Morelli

wrote, belonged to Dr. Richter, and was afterwards acquired for the

Berlin Gallery. "In it we have one of those rare portraits such as only

Giorgione, and occasionally Titian, were capable of producing, highly

suggestive, and exercising over the spectator an irresistible

fascination."[34] Such are the great critic's enthusiastic words, and no

one surely to-day would be found to gainsay them. We may note the

characteristic treatment of the hair, the thoughtful look in the eyes,

and the strong light on the face in contrast to the dark frame of hair,

points which this portrait shares in common with the "Knight of Malta"

in the Uffizi. Particularly to be noticed, however, is the parapet on

which the fingers of one hand are visible, and the mysterious letters

VV.[35] Allusion has already been made to the growing practice in

Venetian art of introducing the hand as a significant feature in

portrait painting, and here we get the earliest indications of this

tendency in Giorgione; for this portrait certainly ante-dates the

"Knight of Malta." It would seem to have been painted quite early in the

last decade of the fifteenth century, when Bellini's art would still be

the predominant influence over the young artist.

It is but a step onward to the next portrait, that of a young man, in

the Gallery at Buda-Pesth, but the supreme distinction which marks this

wonderful head stamps it as a masterpiece of portraiture. Venetian art

has nothing finer to show, whether for its interpretative qualities, or

for the subtlety of its execution. Truly Giorgione has here foreshadowed

Velasquez, whose silveriness of tone is curiously anticipated; yet the

true Giorgionesque quality of magic is felt in a way that the impersonal

Spaniard never realised. Only those who have seen the original can know

of the wonderful atmospheric background, with sky, clouds, and hill-tops

just visible. The reproduction, alas! gives no hint of all this. Nor can

one appreciate the superb painting of the black quilted dress, with its

gold braid, or of the shining black hair, confined in a brown net. The

artist must have been in keen sympathy with this melancholy figure, for

the expression is so intense that, as Morelli says, "he seems about to

confide to us the secret of his life."[36]

Several points claim our attention. First, the parapet has an almost

illegible inscription, ANTONIVS. BROKARDVS. M[=ARI]I.F, presumably the

young man's name. Further, we may notice the recurrence of the letter V

on a black device, and there is a second curious black tablet, which,

however, has nothing on it. Between the two is a circle with a device of

three heads in one surrounded by a garland of flowers. No satisfactory

explanation of these symbols can be offered, but if the second black

tablet had originally another V, we might conclude that these letters

were in some mysterious way connected with Giorgione, as they appear

also on the Berlin portrait. I shall be able to show that another

instance of this double V exists on yet another portrait by

Giorgione.[37]

Finally, the expressiveness of the human hand is here fully realised.

This feature alone points to a later date than the "Knight of Malta,"

and considerably after the still earlier Berlin portrait. The consummate

mastery of technique, moreover, indicates that Giorgione has here

reached full maturity, so that it would be safe to place this portrait

about the year 1508.

[Illustration: _Buda-Pesth Gallery_

PORTRAIT OF A MAN]

Signor Venturi ("La Galleria Crespi") ascribes this portrait to Licinio.

This is one of those inexplicable perversions of judgment to which even

the best critics are at times liable. In _L'Arte_, 1900, p. 24, the same

writer mentions that a certain Antonio Broccardo, son of Marino, made

his will in 1527, and that the same name occurs among those who

frequented the University of Bologna in 1525. There is nothing to

prevent Giorgione having painted this man's portrait when younger.

[Illustration: _Anderson photo. Borghese Gallery, Rome_

PORTRAIT OF A LADY]

The third portrait in Morelli's list has not had the same friendly

reception at the hands of later critics as the preceding two have had.

This is the "Portrait of a Lady" in the Borghese Gallery at Rome, whose

discovery by Morelli is so graphically described in a well-known

passage.[38] And in truth it must be confessed that the authorship of

this portrait is not at first sight quite so evident as in the other

cases; nevertheless I am firmly convinced that Morelli saw further than

his critics, and that his intuitive judgment was in this instance

perfectly correct.[39] The simplicity of conception, the intensity of

expression, the pose of the figure alike proclaim the master, whose

characteristic touch is to be seen in the stone ledge, the fancy

head-dress, the arrangement of hair, and the modelling of the features.

The presence of the hands is characteristically explained by the

handkerchief stretched tight between them, the action being expressive

of suppressed excitement: "She stands at a window ... gazing out with a

dreamy, yearning expression, as if seeking to descry one whom she

awaits."

Licinio, whose name has been proposed as the painter, did indeed follow

out this particular vein of Giorgione's portraiture, so that "Style of

Licinio" is not an altogether inapt attribution; but there is just that

difference of quality between the one man's work and the other, which

distinguishes any great man from his followers, whether in literature or

in art. How near (and yet how far!) Licinio came to his great prototype

is best seen in Lady Ashburton's "Portrait of a Young Man,"[40] but that

he could have produced the Borghese "Lady" presupposes qualities he

never possessed. "To Giorgione alone was it given to produce portraits

of such astonishing simplicity, yet so deeply significant, and capable,

by their mystic charm, of appealing to our imagination in the highest

degree."[41]

The actual condition of this portrait is highly unsatisfactory, and is

adduced by some as a reason for condemning it. Yet the spirit of the

master seems still to breathe through the ruin, and to justify Morelli's

ascription, if not the enthusiastic language in which he writes.

[Illustration: _Anderson photo. Seminario, Venice_

APOLLO AND DAPHNE]

With the fourth addition on Morelli's list we pass into a totally

different sphere of art--the decoration of _cassoni_, and other pieces

of furniture. We have seen Giorgione at work on legendary stories or

classic myths, creating out of these materials pages of beauty and

romance in the form of easel paintings, and now we have the same thing

as applied art--that is, art used for purely decorative purposes. The

"Apollo and Daphne" in the Seminario at Venice was probably a panel of a

_cassone_; but although intended for so humble a place, it is instinct

with rare poetic feeling and beauty. Unfortunately it is in such a bad

state that little remains of the original work, and Giorgione's touch

is scarcely to be recognised in the damaged parts. Nevertheless, his

spirit breathes amidst the ruin, and modern critics have recognised the

justice of Morelli's view, rather than that of Crowe and Cavalcaselle,

who suggested Schiavone as the "author."[42] And, indeed, a comparison

with the "Adrastus and Hypsipyle" is enough to show a common origin,

although, as we might expect, the same consummate skill is scarcely to

be found in the _cassone_ panel as in the easel picture. There is a rare

daintiness, however, in these graceful figures, so essentially

Giorgionesque in their fanciful presentation, the young Apollo, a

lovely, fair-haired boy, pursuing a maiden with flowing tresses, whose

identity with Daphne is only to be recognised by the laurel springing

from her fingers. The story is but an episode in a sylvan scene, where

other figures, in quaint costumes, seem to be leading an idyllic

existence, untroubled by the cares of life, and utterly unconcerned at

the strange event passing before their eyes.

From the "Apollo and Daphne" it is an easy transition to the "Venus,"

that great discovery which we owe to Morelli, and now universally

recognised by modern critics. The one point on which Morelli did not,

perhaps, lay sufficient stress, is the co-operation in this work of

Titian with Giorgione, for here we have an additional proof that the

latter left some of his work unfinished. It is a fair inference that

Titian completed the Cupid (now removed), and that he had a hand in

finishing the landscape; the Anonimo, indeed, states as much, and

Ridolfi confirms it, and this view is officially adopted in the latest

edition of the Dresden Catalogue. The style points to Giorgione's

maturity, though scarcely to the last years of his life; for, in spite

of the freedom and breadth of treatment in the landscape, there is a

restraint in the figure, and a delicacy of form which points to a period

preceding, rather than contemporary with, the Louvre "Concert" and

kindred works, where the forms become fuller and rounder, and the

feeling more exuberant.

It would be mere repetition, after all that has been written on the

Dresden "Venus," to enlarge on the qualities of refinement and grace

which characterise the fair form of the sleeping goddess. One need but

compare it with Titian's representations of the same subject, and still

more with Palma's versions at Dresden and Cambridge, or with Cariani's

"Venus" at Hampton Court, to see the classic purity of form, the ideal

loveliness of Giorgione's goddess.[43] It is no mere accident that she

alone is sleeping, whilst they solicit attention. Giorgione's conception

is characteristic in that he endeavours to avoid any touch of realism

abhorrent to his nature, which was far more sensitive than that of

Palma, Cariani, or even Titian.

[Illustration: _Hanfstängl photo_. Dresden Gallery

VENUS]

The extraordinary beauty and subtlety of the master's "line" is

admirably shown. He has deliberately forgone anatomical precision in

order to accentuate artistic effect. The splendour of curve, the beauty

of unbroken contour, the rhythm and balance of composition is attained

at a cost of academic correctness; but the long-drawn horizontal lines

heighten the sense of repose, and the eye is soothed by the sinuous

undulations of landscape and figure. The artistic effect is further

enhanced by the relief of exquisite flesh tones against the rich crimson

drapery, and although the atmospheric glow has been sadly destroyed by

abrasion and repainting, we may still feel something of the magic charm

which Giorgione knew so well how to impart.

This "Venus" is the prototype of all other Venetian versions; it is in

painting what the "Aphrodite" of Praxiteles was in sculpture, a perfect

creation of a master mind.

Scarcely less wonderful than the "Venus," and even surpassing it in

solemn grandeur of conception, is the "Judith" at St. Petersburg.

Morelli himself had never seen the original, and includes it in his list

with the reservation that it might be an old copy after Giorgione, and

not the original. It would be presumptuous for anyone not familiar with

the picture to decide the point, but I have no hesitation in following

the judgment of two competent modern critics, both of whom have recently

visited St. Petersburg, and both of whom have decided unhesitatingly in

favour of its being an original by Giorgione. Dr. Harck has written

enthusiastically of its beauty. "Once seen," he says, "it can never be

forgotten; the same mystic charm, so characteristic of the other great

works of Giorgione, pervades it; ... it bears on the face of it the

stamp of a great master."[44] Even more decisive is the verdict of Mr.

Claude Phillips.[45] "All doubts," he says, "vanish like sun-drawn mist

in the presence of the work itself; the first glance carries with it

conviction, swift and permanent. In no extant Giorgione is the golden

glow so well preserved, in none does the mysterious glamour from which

the world has never shaken itself free, assert itself in more

irresistible fashion.... The colouring is not so much Giorgionesque as

Giorgione's own--a widely different thing.... Wonderful touches which

the imitative Giorgionesque painter would not have thought of are the

girdle, a mauve-purple now, with a sharply emphasised golden fringe, and

the sapphire-blue jewel in the brooch. Triumphs of execution, too, but

not in the broad style of Venetian art in its fullest expansion, are the

gleaming sword held in so dainty and feminine a fashion, and the flowers

which enamel the ground at the feet of the Jewish heroine." This

"Judith," after passing for many years under the names of Raphael and

Moretto,[46] is now officially recognised as Giorgione's work, an

identification first made by the late Herr Penther, the keeper of the

Vienna Academy, whom Morelli quotes.

The conception is wholly Giorgionesque, the mood one of calm

contemplation, as this lovely figure stands lost in reverie, with eyes

cast down, gazing on the head on which her foot is lightly laid. The

head and sword proclaim her story, they are symbols of her mission, else

she had been taken for an embodiment of feminine modesty and gentle

submissiveness.[47]

[Illustration: _Braun photo. Hermitage Gallery, St. Petersburg_

JUDITH]

Characteristic of the master is the introduction of the great

tree-trunk, conveying a sense of grandeur and solemn mystery to the

scene; characteristic, too, is the distant landscape, the splendid glow

of which evokes special praise from the writers just mentioned. Again we

find the parapet, or ledge, with its flat surface on which the play of

light can be caught, and again the same curious folds, broken and

crumpled, such as are seen on Solomon's robe in the Kingston Lacy

picture, and somewhat less emphatically in the Castelfranco "Madonna."

Consistent, moreover, with that weakness we have already noticed

elsewhere, is the design of the leg and foot, the drawing of which is

far from impeccable. That the execution in this respect is not equal to

the supreme conception of the whole, is no valid reason for the belief

that this "Judith" is only a copy of a lost original, a belief that

could apparently only be held by those who have never stood before the

picture itself.[48] But even in the reproduction this "Judith" stands

confessed as the most impressive of all Giorgione's single figures, and

it may well rank as the masterpiece of the earlier period immediately

preceding the Castelfranco picture of about 1504, to which in style it

closely approximates.

The next picture on Morelli's list is the "Fête Champêtre" of the

Louvre, or, as it is often called, the "Concert." This lovely "Pastoral

Symphony" (which appears to me a more suitable English title) is by no

means universally regarded as a creation of Giorgione's hand and brain,

and several modern critics have been at pains to show that Campagnola,

or some other Venetian imitator of the great master, really produced

it.[49] In this endeavour Crowe and Cavalcaselle led the way by

suggesting the author was probably an imitator of Sebastiano del Piombo.

But all this must surely seem to be heresy when we stand before the

picture itself, thrilled by the gorgeousness of its colour, by the

richness of the paradise" in which the air is balmy, and the landscape

ever green; where life is a pastime, and music the only labour; where

groves are interspersed with meadows and fountains; where nymphs sit

playfully on the grass, or drink at cool springs."[50] Was ever such a

gorgeous idyll? In the whole range of painted poetry can the like be

found?

[Illustration: _Braun photo. Louvre, Paris_

A PASTORAL SYMPHONY]

Yet let us be more precise in our analysis. Granted that the scene is

one eminently adapted to Giorgione's poetic temperament, is the

execution analogous to that which we have found in the preceding

examples? No one will deny, I suppose, that there is a difference

between the intensely refined forms of the Venus, or the earlier

Hypsipyle, or the Daphne, and the coarser nudes in the Louvre picture.

No one will deny a certain carelessness marks the delineation of form,

no one will gainsay a frankly sensuous charm pervades the scene, a

feeling which seems at first sight inconsistent with that reticence and

modesty so conspicuous elsewhere. Yet I think all this is perfectly

explicable on the basis of natural evolution. Exuberance of feeling is

the logical outcome of a lifetime spent in an atmosphere of lyrical

thought, and certainly Giorgione was not the sort of man to control

those natural impulses, which grew stronger with advancing years. Both

traditions of his death point in this direction; and, unless I am

mistaken, the quality of his art, as well as its character, reflects

this tendency. In his later years, 1508-10, he attains indeed a

magnificence and splendour which dazzles the eye, but it is at the cost

of that feeling of restraint which gives the earlier work such exquisite

charm. In such a work as the Louvre "Concert," Giorgio has become

Giorgione; he is riper in experience and richer in feeling, and his art

assumes a corresponding exuberance of style, his forms become larger,

his execution grows freer. Nay, more, that strain of carelessness is not

wanting which so commonly accompanies such evolutions of character. And

so this "Pastoral Symphony" becomes a characteristic production--that

is, one which a man of Giorgione's temperament would naturally produce

in the course of his developing. Peculiar, however, to an artist of

genius is the subtlety of composition, which is held together by

invisible threads, for nowhere else, perhaps, has Giorgione shown a

greater mastery of line. The diagonal line running from behind the nude

figure on the left down to the foot so cunningly extended of the seated

youth, is beautifully balanced by the line which is formed by the seated

figure of the woman. The artist has deliberately emphasised this line by

the curious posture of the legs. The figure, indeed, does not sit at

all, but the balance of the composition is the better assured. What

exquisite curves the standing woman presents! how cleverly the drapery

continues the beautiful line, which Giorgione takes care not to break by

placing the left leg and foot out of sight. How marvellously expressive,

nay, how _inevitable_ is the hand of the youth who is playing. Surely

neither Campagnola nor any other second-rate artist was capable of such

things!

[Illustration: _Alinari photo. Pitti Gallery, Florence_

THE THREE AGES OF MAN]

The eighth picture cited by Morelli as, in his opinion, a genuine

Giorgione, is the so-called "Three Ages of Man," in the Pitti at

Florence--a damaged picture, but parts of which, as he says, "are still

so splendid and so thoroughly Giorgionesque that I venture to ascribe it

without hesitation to Giorgione."[51] The three figures are grouped

naturally, and are probably portraits from life. The youth in the centre

we have already met in the Kingston Lacy "Judgment of Solomon"; the man

on the right recurs in the "Family Concert" at Hampton Court, and is

strangely like the S. Maurice in the signed altar-piece at Berlin by

Luzzi da Feltre.[52] But like though they be in type, in quality the

heads in the "Three Ages" are immensely superior to those in the Berlin

picture. The same models may well have served Giorgione and his friend

and pupil Luzzi, or, as he is generally called, Morto da Feltre. A

recent study of the few authenticated works by this feeble artist still

at Feltre, his native place, forces me to dissent from the opinion that

the Pitti "Three Ages" is the work of his hand.[53] Still less do I

hold with the view that Lotto is the author.[54] Here, again, I believe

Morelli saw further than other critics, and that his attribution is the

right one. The simplicity, the apparently unstudied grouping, the

refinement of type, the powerful expression, are worthy of the master;

the play of light on the faces, especially on that of the youth, is most

characteristic, and the peculiar chord of colour reveals a sense of

originality such as no imitator would command. Unless I am mistaken, the

man on the right is none other than the Aeneas in the Vienna picture,

and his hand with the pointing forefinger is such as we see two or three

times over in the "Judgment of Solomon" and elsewhere. Certainly here it

is awkwardly introduced, obviously to bring the figure into direct

relation with the others; but Giorgione is by no means always supreme

master of natural expression, as the hands in the "Adrastus and

Hypsipyle" and Vienna pictures clearly show.

Here, for the first time, we meet Giorgione in those studies of human

nature which are commonly called "conversation pieces," or

"concerts"--natural groups of generally three people knit together by

some common bond, which is usually music in one form or another. It is

not the idyll of the "Pastoral Symphony," but akin to it as an

expression of some exquisite moment of thought or feeling, an ideal

instant "in which, arrested thus, we seem to be spectators of all the

fulness of existence, and which is like some consummate extract or

quintessence of life."[55] No one before Giorgione's time had painted

such ideas, such poems without articulated story; and to have reached

this stage of development presupposes a familiarity with set subjects

such as a classic myth or mediaeval romance would offer for treatment.

And so this "Three Ages" dates from his later years.

[Illustration: _Anderson photo. Pitti Gallery, Florence_

NYMPH AND SATYR]

Another picture in the Pitti was also recognised by Morelli as

Giorgione's work--"The Nymph pursued by a Satyr." Modern criticism seems

undecided on the justice of this view, some writers inclining to the

belief that this is a Giorgionesque production of Dosso Dossi, others

preserving a discreet silence, or making frank avowal of their inability

to decide. Nevertheless, I venture to agree with Morelli that "we have

all the characteristics of an early (?) work of Giorgione--the type of

the nymph with the low forehead, the charming arrangement of the hair

upon the temples, the eyes placed near together, and the hand with

tapering fingers."[56] The oval of the face recalls the "Knight of

Malta," the high cranium and treatment of the hair such as we find in

the Dresden "Venus" and elsewhere. The delicacy of modelling, the beauty

of the features are far beyond Dosso's powers, who, brilliant artist as

he sometimes was, was of much coarser fibre than the painter of these

figures. The difference of calibre between the two is well illustrated

by comparing Giorgione's "Satyr" with Dosso's frankly vulgar "Buffone"

in the Modena Gallery, or with those uncouth productions, also in the

Pitti, the "S. John Baptist" and the "Bambocciate."[57] Were the

repaints removed, I think all doubts as to the authorship would be set

at rest, and the "Nymph and Satyr" would take its place among the

slighter and more summary productions of Giorgione's brush.

[Illustration: _Laurent_ photo. Prado Gallery, Madrid

MADONNA AND SAINTS]

Only one sacred subject figures in the additions made by Morelli to the

list of genuine Giorgiones. This is the small altar-piece at Madrid,

with Madonna seated between S. Francis and S. Roch. Traditionally

accredited to Pordenone, it has now received official recognition as a

masterpiece of Giorgione, an attribution that, so far as I am aware, no

one has seriously contested.[58] And, indeed, it is hard to conceive

wherein any objection could possibly lie, for it is a typical creation

of the master, _usque ad unguem_. Not only in types, colour, light and

shade, and particularly in feeling, is the picture characteristic, but

it again shows the artist leaving work unfinished, and again reveals the

fact that the work grew in conception as it was actually being painted.

I mean that the whole figure of S. Roch has been painted in over the

rest, and that the S. Francis has also probably been introduced

afterwards. I have little doubt that originally Giorgione intended to

paint a simple Madonna and Child, and afterwards extended the scheme.

The composition of three figures, practically in a row, is moreover most

unusual, and contrary to that triangular scheme particularly favoured by

the master, whereas the lovely sweep of Madonna's dress by itself

creates a perfect design on a triangular basis. A great artist is here

revealed, one whose feeling for line is so intense that he wilfully

casts the drapery in unnatural folds in order to secure an artistic

triumph. The working out of the dress within this line has yet to be

done, the folds being merely suggested, and this task has been left

whilst forwarding other parts. The freedom of touch and thinness of

paint indicates how rapidly the artist worked. There is little

deliberation apparent: indeed, the effect is that of hasty

improvisation. Velasquez could not have painted the stone on which S.

Roch rests his foot with greater precision or more consummate mastery;

the delicacy of flesh tints is amazing. The bit of landscape behind S.

Roch (invisible in the reproduction), with its stately tree trunk rising

solitary beside the hanging curtain, strikes a note of romance, fit

accompaniment to the bizarre figure of the saint in his orange jerkin

and blue leggings. How mysterious, too, is S. Francis!--rapt in his own

thoughts, yet strangely human.

[Illustration: _Buda-Pesth Gallery_

COPY OF A PORTION OF GIORGIONE'S "BIRTH OF PARIS"]

We have now examined ten of the twelve pictures added, on Morelli's

initiative, to the list of genuine works, and we have found very little,

if any, serious opposition on the part of later writers to his views.

Not so, however, with regard to the remaining two pictures. The first of

these is a fragment in the gallery of Buda-Pesth, representing two

figures in a landscape. All modern critics are agreed that Morelli has

here mistaken an old copy after Giorgione for an original, a mistake we

may readily pardon in consideration of the successful identification he

has made of these figures with the Shepherds, in the composition seen

and described by the Anonimo in 1525 as the "Birth of Paris," by

Giorgione. This identification is fully confirmed by the engraving made

by Th. von Kessel for the _Theatrum Pictorium_, which shows how these

two figures are placed in the composition. Where, as in the present

case, the original is missing, even a partial copy is of great value,

for in it we can see the mind, if not the hand, of the great master. The

Anonimo tells us this "Birth of Paris" was one of Giorgione's early

works, a statement worthy of credence from the still Bellinesque stamp

and general likeness of one of the Shepherds to the "Adrastus" in the

Giovanelli picture. In pose, type, arrangement of hair, and in landscape

this fragment is thoroughly Giorgionesque, and we have, moreover, those

most characteristic traits, the pointing forefinger, and the unbroken

curve of outline. The execution is, however, raw and crude, and entirely

wanting in the magic quality of the master's own touch.[59]

[Illustration: _Dixon photo. Hampton Court Palace Gallery_

THE SHEPHERD BOY.]

Finally, on Morelli's list figures the "Shepherd" at Hampton Court, for

the genuineness of which the critic would not absolutely vouch, as he

had only seen it in a bad light. Perhaps no picture has been so strongly

championed by an enthusiastic writer as has been this "Shepherd" by Mr.

Berenson, who strenuously advocates its title to genuineness.[60]

Nevertheless, several modern authorities remain unconvinced in presence

of the work itself. The conception is unquestionably Giorgione's own,

as we may see from a picture now in the Vienna Gallery, where this head

is repeated in a representation of the young David holding the head of

Goliath. The Vienna picture is, however, but a copy of a lost original

by Giorgione, the existence of which is independently attested by

Vasari.[61] Now, the question naturally arises, What relation does the

Hampton Court "Shepherd" bear to this "David," Giorgione's lost

original? It is possible, of course, that the master repeated himself,

merely transforming the David into a Shepherd, or _vice versâ_, and it

is equally possible that some other and later artist adapted Giorgione's

"David" to his own end, utilising the conception that is, and carrying

it out in his own way. Arguing purely _a priori_, the latter possibility

is the more likely, inasmuch as we know Giorgione hardly ever repeats a

figure or a composition, whereas Titian, Cariani, and other later

Venetian artists freely adopted Giorgione's ideas, his types, and his

compositions for their own purposes. Internal evidence appears to me,

moreover, to confirm this view, for the general style of painting seems

to indicate a later period than 1510, the year of Giorgione's death. The

flimsy folds, in particular, are not readily recognisable as the

master's own. A comparison with a portrait in the Gallery of Padua

reveals, particularly in this respect, striking resemblances. This fine

portrait was identified by both Crowe and Cavalcaselle and by Morelli as

the work of Torbido, and I venture to place the reproduction of it

beside that of the "Shepherd" for comparison. It is not easy to

pronounce on the technical qualities of either work, for both have

suffered from re-touching and discolouring varnish, and the hand of the

"Shepherd" is certainly damaged. Yet, whilst admitting that the evidence

is inconclusive, I cannot refrain from suggesting Torbido's name as

possible author of the "Shepherd," the more so as we know he carefully

studied and formed his style upon Giorgione's work.[62] It is at least

conceivable that he took Giorgione's "David with the Head of Goliath,"

and by a simple, and in this case peculiarly appropriate,

transformation, changed him into a shepherd boy holding a flute.

We have now taken all the pictures which either Crowe and Cavalcaselle

or Morelli, or both, assign to Giorgione himself. There still remain,

however, three or four works to be mentioned where these authorities

hold opposite views which require some examination.

First and foremost comes the "Concert" in the Pitti Gallery, a work

which was regarded by Crowe and Cavalcaselle not only as a genuine

example of Giorgione's art, but as "not having its equal in any period

of Giorgione's practice. It gives," they go on, "a just measure of his

skill, and explains his celebrity."[63] Morelli, on the contrary, holds:

"It has unfortunately been so much damaged by a restorer that little

enough remains of the original, yet from the form of the hands and of

the ear, and from the gestures of the figures, we are led to infer that

it is not a work of Giorgione, but belongs to a somewhat later period.

If the repaint covering the surface were removed we should, I think,

find that it is an early work by Titian."[64] Where Morelli hesitated

his followers have decided, and accordingly, in Mr. Berenson's list, in

Mr. Claude Phillips' "Life of Titian," and in the latest biography on

that master, published by Dr. Gronau, we find the "Concert" put down to

Titian. On the other hand, Dr. Bode, Signor Conti in his monograph on

Giorgione, M. Müntz, and the authorities in Florence support the

traditional view that the "Concert" is a masterpiece of Giorgione.

[Illustration: _Alinari photo. Pitti Gallery, Florence_

THE CONCERT]

Which view is the right one? To many this may appear an academic

discussion of little value, for, _ipso facto_, the quality of the work

is admitted by all. The picture is a fine thing, in spite of its

imperfect condition, and what matter whether Titian or Giorgione be the

author? But to this sort of argument it may be said that until we do

know what is Giorgione's work and what is not, it is impossible to gauge

accurately the nature and scope of his art, or to reach through that

channel the character of the artist behind his work. In the case of

Giorgione and Titian, the task of drawing the dividing line is one of

unusual difficulty, and a long and careful study of the question has

convinced me that this will have to be done in a way that modern

criticism has not yet attempted. From the very earliest days the two

have been so inextricably confused that it will require a very

exhaustive re-examination of all the evidence in the light of modern

discoveries, documentary and pictorial, coupled, I am afraid, with the

recognition of the fact that much modern criticism on this point has

been curiously at fault. This is neither the time nor the place to

discuss the question of Titian's early work, but I feel sure that this

chapter of art history has yet to be correctly written.[65] One of the

determining factors in the discussion will be the authorship of the

Pitti "Concert," for our estimate of Giorgione or Titian must be

coloured appreciably by the recognition of such an epoch-making picture

as the work of one or the other.

It is, therefore, peculiarly unfortunate that the two side figures in

this wonderful group are so rubbed and repainted as almost to defy

certainty of judgment. In conception and spirit they are typically

Giorgionesque, and Morelli, I imagine, would scarcely have made the bold

suggestion of Titian's authorship but for the central figure of the

young monk playing the harpsichord. This head stands out in grand

relief, being in a far purer state of preservation than the rest, and we

are able to appreciate to some extent the extraordinarily subtle

modelling of the features, the clear-cut contours, the intensity of

expression. The fine portrait in the Louvre, known as "L'homme au gant,"

an undoubted early work of Titian, is singularly close in character and

style, as was first pointed out by Mr. Claude Phillips,[66] and it was

this general reminiscence, more than points of detail in an admittedly

imperfect work that seemingly induced Morelli to suggest Titian's name

as possible author of the "Concert." Nevertheless, I cannot allow this

plausible comparison to outweigh other and more vital considerations.

The subtlety of the composition, the bold sweep of diagonal lines, the

way the figure of the young monk is "built up" on a triangular design,

the contrasts of black and white, are essentially Giorgione's own. So,

too, is the spirit of the scene, so telling in its movement, gesture,

and expression. Surely it is needless to translate all that is most

characteristic of Giorgione in his most personal expression into a

"Giorgionesque" mood of Titian. No, let us admit that Titian owed much

to his friend and master (more perhaps than we yet know), but let us not

needlessly deprive Giorgione of what is, in my opinion at least, the

great creation of his maturer years, the Pitti "Concert." I am inclined

to place it about 1506-7, and to regard it as the earliest and finest

expression in Venetian art of that kind of genre painting of which we

have already studied another, though later example, "The Three Ages" (in

the Pitti). The second work where Crowe and Cavalcaselle hold a

different view from Morelli is a "Portrait of a Man" in the Gallery of

Rovigo (No. 11). The former writers declare that it, "perhaps more than

any other, approximates to the true style of Giorgione."[67] With such

praise sounding in one's ears it is somewhat of a shock to discover that

this "grave and powerfully wrought creation" is a miniature 7 by 6

inches in size. Such an insignificant fragment requires no serious

consideration; at most it would seem only to be a reduced copy after

some lost original. Morelli alludes to it as a copy after Palma, but one

may well doubt whether he is not referring to another portrait in the

same gallery (No. 123). Be that as it may, this "Giorgione" miniature

is sadly out of place among genuine pieces of the master.[68]

[Illustration: _Hanfstängl photo. National Gallery, London_

THE ADORATION OF THE MAGI]

One other picture, of special interest to English people, is in dispute.

By Crowe and Cavalcaselle "The Adoration of the Magi," now in the

National Gallery (No. 1160), is attributed to the master himself; by

Morelli it was assigned to Catena.[69] This brilliant little panel is

admittedly by the same hand that painted the Beaumont "Adoration of the

Shepherds," and yet another picture presently to be mentioned. We have

already agreed to the propriety of attribution in the former case; it

follows, therefore, that here also Giorgione's name is the correct one,

and his name, we are glad to see, has recently been placed on the label

by the Director of the Gallery.

This beautiful little panel, which came from the Leigh Court Collection,

under Bellini's name, has much of the depth, richness, and glow which

characterises the Beaumont picture, although the latter is naturally

more attractive, owing to the wonderful landscape and the more elaborate

chiaroscuro. The figures are Bellinesque, yet with that added touch of

delicacy and refinement which Giorgione always knows how to impart. The

richness of colouring, the depth of tone, the glamour of the whole is

far superior to anything that we can point to with certainty as Catena's

work; and no finer example of his "Giorgionesque" phase is to be found

than the sumptuous "Warrior adoring the Infant Christ," which hangs

close by, whilst his delicate little "S. Jerome in his Study," also in

the same room, challenges comparison. Catena's work seems cold and

studied beside the warmth and spontaneity of Giorgione's little panel,

which is, indeed, as Crowe and Cavalcaselle assert, "of the most

picturesque beauty in distribution, colour, and costume."[70] It must

date from before 1500, probably just before the Beaumont "Nativity," and

proves how, even at that early time, Giorgione's art was rapidly

maturing into full splendour.

The total list of genuine works so far amounts to but twenty-three. Let

us see if we can accept a few others which later writers incline to

attribute to the master. I propose to limit the survey strictly to those

pictures which have found recognised champions among modern critics of

repute, for to challenge every "Giorgione" in public and private

collections would be a Herculean task, well calculated to provoke an

incredulous smile!

[Illustration: _Dixon photo. Duke of Devonshire's Collection,

Chatsworth_

PAGE OF VANDYCK'S SKETCH-BOOK, WITH GIORGIONE'S "CHRIST BEARING THE

CROSS," IN THE CHURCH OF S. ROCCO, VENICE]

Mr. Berenson, in his _Venetian Painters_, includes two other pictures in

an extremely exclusive list of seventeen genuine Giorgiones. These are

both in Venice, "The Christ bearing the Cross" (in S. Rocco), and "The

Storm calmed by S. Mark" (in the Academy). The question whether or no we

are to accept the former of these pictures has its origin in a curious

contradiction of Vasari, who, in the first edition of his Lives (1550),

names Giorgione as the painter, whilst in the second (1565), he assigns

the authorship to Titian. Later writers follow the latter statement, and

to this day the local guides adhere to this tradition. That the

attribution to Giorgione, however, was still alive in 1620-5, is proved

by the sketch of the picture made by the young Van Dyck during his visit

to Italy, for he has affixed Giorgione's name to it, and not that of

Titian.[71] I am satisfied that this tradition is correct. Giorgione,

and not Titian, painted the still lovely head of Christ, and Giorgione,

not Titian, drew the arm and hand of the Jew who is dragging at the

rope. Characteristic touches are to be seen in the turn of the head, the

sloping axis of the eyes, and especially the fine oval of the face, and

bushy hair. This is the type of Giorgione's Christ; "The Tribute Money"

(at Dresden) shows Titian's. Unfortunately the panel has lost all its

tone, all its glow, and most of its original colour, and we can scarcely

any longer admire the picture which, in Vasari's graphic language, "is

held in the highest veneration by many of the faithful, and even

performs miracles, as is frequently seen"; and again (in his _Life of

Titian_), "it has received more crowns as offerings than have been

earned by Titian and Giorgione both, through the whole course of their

lives."

The other picture included by Mr. Berenson in his list is the large

canvas in the Venice Academy, with "The Storm calmed by S. Mark."

According to this critic it is a late work, finished, in small part, by

Paris Bordone. In my opinion, it would be far wiser to withhold

definite judgment in a case where a picture has been so entirely

repainted. Certainly, in its present state, it is impossible to

recognise Giorgione's touch, whilst the glaring red tones of the flesh

and the general smeariness of the whole render all enjoyment out of

question. I am willing to admit that the conception may have been

Giorgione's, although even then it would stand alone as evidence of an

imagination almost Michelangelesque in its _terribilità._ Zanetti (1760)

was the first to connect Giorgione's name with this canvas, Vasari

bestowing inordinate praise upon it as the work of Palma Vecchio! It

only remains to add that this is the companion piece to the well-known

"Fisherman presenting the Ring to the Doge," by Paris Bordone, which

also hangs in the Venice Academy. Both illustrate the same legend, and

both originally hung in the Scuola di S. Marco.

[Illustration: _Anderson photo. Padua Gallery_

FRONTS OF TWO CASSONES, WITH MYTHOLOGICAL SCENES]

Finally, two _cassone_ panels in the gallery at Padua have been

acclaimed by Signor Venturi as the master's own,[72] and with that view

I am entirely agreed. The stories represented are not easily

determinable (as is so often the case with Giorgione), but probably

refer to the legends of Adonis.[73] The splendour of colour, the lurid

light, the richness of effect, are in the highest degree impressive.

What artist but Giorgione would have so revelled in the glories of the

evening sunset, the orange horizon, the distant blue hills? The same

gallery affords several instances of similar decorative pieces by

other Venetian artists which serve admirably to show the great gulf

fixed in quality between Giorgione's work and that of the Schiavones,

the Capriolis, and others who imitated him.[74]

NOTES:

[11] Oxford Lecture, reported in the _Pall Mall Gazette_, Nov. 10, 1884.

[12] See _postea_, p. 63.

[13] Bellini adopted it later in his S. Giov. Crisostomo altar-piece of

1513.

[14] All the more surprising is it that it receives no mention from

Vasari, who merely states that the master worked at Castelfranco.

[15] I unhesitatingly adopt the titles recently given to these pictures

by Herr Franz Wickhoff (_Jahrbuch der Preussischen Kunstsammlungen_,

Heft. i. 1895), who has at last succeeded in satisfactorily explaining

what has puzzled all the writers since the days of the Anonimo.

[16] Statius: _Theb_. iv. 730 _ff_. See p. 135.

[17] _Aen._ viii. 306-348.

[18] Fry: _Giovanni Bellini_, p. 39.

[19] ii. 214.

[20] Ridolfi mentions the following as having been painted by

Giorgione:--"The Age of Gold," "Deucalion and Pyrrha," "Jove hurling

Thunderbolts at the Giants," "The Python," "Apollo and Daphne," "Io

changed into a Cow," "Phaeton, Diana, and Calisto," "Mercury stealing

Apollo's Arms," "Jupiter and Pasiphae," "Cadmus sowing the Dragon's

Teeth," "Dejanira raped by Nessus," and various episodes in the life of

Adonis.

[21] In the Venice Academy.

[22] _Archivio, Anno VI_., where reproductions of the two are given side

by side, _fasc_. vi. p. 412.

[23] The Berlin example (by the Pseudo-Basaiti) is reproduced in the

Illustrated Catalogue of the recent exhibition of Renaissance Art at

Berlin; the Rovigo version (under Leonardo's name!) is possibly by

Bissolo.

Two other repetitions exist, one at Stuttgart, the other in the

collection of Sir William Farrer. (Venetian Exhibition, New Gallery,

1894, No. 76.)

[24] Gentile Bellini's three portraits in the National Gallery (Nos.

808, 1213, 1440) illustrate this growing tendency in Venetian art; all

three probably date from the first years of the sixteenth century.

Gentile died in 1507.

[25] Berenson: _Venetian Painters_, 3rd edition.

[26] _Daily Telegraph_, December 29th, 1899.

[27] Even the so-called Pseudo-Basaiti has been separated and

successfully diagnosed.

[28] 1895 Catalogue.

[29] See Appendix, where the letters are printed in full.

[30] Crowe and Cavalcaselle, ii. 142, and note.

[31] Giorgione painted in fresco in the portico of this palace. Zanetti

has preserved the record of a figure said to be "Diligence," in his

print published in 1760.

[32] See Byron's _Life and Letters_, by Thomas Moore, p. 705.

[33] See Berenson's _Venetian Painters_, illustrated edition.

[34] Morelli, ii. 219.

[35] See p. 32 for a possible explanation of these letters.

[36] ii. 218

[37] It has been suggested to me by Dr. Williamson that the letters may

possibly be intended for ZZ (=Zorzon). In old MSS. the capital Z is

sometimes made thus _[closed V]_ or _V._

[38] i. 248.

[39] The methods by which he arrived at his conclusion are strangely at

variance with those he so strenuously advocates, and to which the name

of Morellian has come to be attached.

[40] Reproduced in _Venetian Art at the New Gallery_, under Giorgione's

name, but unanimously recognised as a work of Licinio.

[41] i. 249.

[42] Dr. Bode and Signor Venturi both recognise it as Giorgione's work.

[43] To what depths of vulgarity the Venetian School could sink in later

times, Palma Giovane's "Venus" at Cassel testifies.

[44] _Repertorium für Kunstwissenschaft_. 1896. xix. Band. 6 Heft.

[45] _North American Review_, October 1899.

[46] It was photographed by Braun with this attribution.

[47] Catena has adopted this Giorgionesque conception in his "Judith" in

the Querini-Stampalia Gallery in Venice.

[48] See _Gazette des Beaux Arts_, 1897, tom, xviii. p. 279.

[49] See _Gazette des Beaux Arts_, 1893, tom. ix. p. 135 (Prof.

Wickhoff); 1894, tom. xii. p. 332 (Dr. Gronau); and _Repertorium für

Kunstwissenschaft_, tom. xiv. p. 316 (Herr von Seidlitz).

[50] Crowe and Cavalcaselle, ii. 147.

[51] ii. 217.

[52] Dr. Gronau points this out in _Rep_. xviii. 4, p. 284.

[53] See _Guide to the Italian Pictures_ at Hampton Court, by Mary

Logan, 1894.

[54] Official Catalogue, and Crowe and Cavalcaselle, ii. 502.

[55] Pater: _The Renaissance_, p. 158.

[56] ii. 219.

[57] The execution of this grotesque picture is probably due to Girolamo

da Carpi, or some other assistant of Dosso.

[58] Crowe and Cavalcaselle, ii. 292, unaccountably suggested Francesco

Vecellio (!) as the author.

[59] The subject is derived from a passage in the _De Divinitate_ of

Cicero, as Herr Wickhoff has pointed out.

[60] See _Venetian Painting at the New Gallery_. 1895.

[61] Unless we are to suppose that Vasari mistook a copy for an

original.

[62] Francesco Torbido, called "il Moro," born about 1490, and still

living in 1545. Vasari states that he actually worked under Giorgione.

Signed portraits by him are in the Brera, at Munich, and Naples. Palma

Vecchio also deserves serious consideration as possible author of the

"Shepherd Boy."

[63] Crowe and Cavalcaselle, ii. 144.

[64] Morelli, ii. 212.

[65] See Appendix, p. 123.

[66] Quoted by Morelli, ii. 212, note.

[67] Crowe and Cavalcaselle, ii. 155.

[68] Crowe and Cavalcaselle also cite a portrait in the Casa Ajata at

Crespano; as I have never seen this piece I cannot discuss it. It was

apparently unknown to Morelli, nor is it mentioned by other critics.

[69] Morelli, ii. 205.

[70] Crowe and Cavalcaselle, ii. 128. Mr. Claude Phillips, in the

_Gazette des Beaux Arts_, 1884, p. 286, rightly admits Giorgione's

authorship.

[71] This sketch is to be found in Van Dyck's note-book, now in

possession of the Duke of Devonshire at Chatsworth. It is here

reproduced, failing an illustration of the original picture, which the

authorities in Venice decline to have made. (A good reproduction has now

(1903) been made by Anderson of Rome.)

[72] _Archivio Storico_, vi. 409.

[73] Ridolfi tells us Giorgione painted, among a long list of decorative

pieces, "The Birth of Adonis," "Venus and Adonis embracing," and "Adonis

killed by the Boar." It is possible he was alluding to these very

_cassone_ panels.

[74] The other important additions made by Signor Venturi in his recent

volume, _La Galleria Crespi_, are alluded to _in loco_, further on. I am

delighted to find some of my own views anticipated in a wholly

independent fashion.

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