CHAPTER XVI. GOVERNMENT.

After Midith and Viola had returned from the postoffice on their

bicycles the following evening, Mr. Uwins requested Mr. Midith to give

us the promised explanation of the Marsian government.

“How does your _government_ fit with your perfect social and industrial

world?” asked Mr. Uwins. “Are all its functions in harmony with all

your industrial and social functions? Do or can the politicians

hoodwink the ignorant? Are not the governmental functions sometimes

exercised barbarously at times by cruel, incompetent men?”

“I fear by your remarks that you have an entirely erroneous opinion of

our government,” said Mr. Midith. “Let us see now if I can give you a

correct idea of our government.

“You have already learned that we live in families of a thousand

or more in ‘big-houses.’ Our large family is just like an orderly,

well-adjusted family with you, only ours is larger. For instance, let

us take Mr. Uwins’ family here, as far as I can see has no superior and

no inferior, no commander and no obeyer, no ‘boss.’ We want to bear in

mind that it is as painful, if not more so, for a highly cultivated

person to command his companions as it is for him to obey a tyrant. A

command always involves a hindrance to order and progress. It makes

the obeyer less self-governing and less self-reliant, and it makes the

commander more tyrannical and more ostentatious.

“In a well-adjusted family every adult has learned his part as a social

and industrial being, and he does that part without being commanded;

he does it because it gives him more happiness than to act otherwise.

Our children know of no physical compulsion. They are exhorted and

pleasantly taught, by precept and example, that the right course of

conduct is the easiest and brings the most happiness, which they soon

learn by experience as they grow in years and in wisdom, in a world

where the adults set no bad examples. The old idea that a family cannot

exist without a ‘boss’ is nothing but a relic of barbarism. Mr. Uwins

cannot command Mrs. Uwins in her work, for Mrs. Uwins understands her

work better herself than her husband can tell her, and _vice versa_.

His command would therefore be a disadvantage, would cause discord,

ill-feeling, and unproductive labor; it would take up his time which

ought to be devoted to his own work; would make a master and a tyrant

of the man and a slave of the woman and child.

“From the foregoing remarks you will see at once that every sane

individual man, woman, and child of our large family enjoys perfect

freedom. They do what they believe to be their equitable part without

being commanded by any one. Our internal motives and promptings are

the only recognized standard of Marsian conduct. But, in order to

avoid being misunderstood, let me tell you right here, that we can

certainly not expect the same kind of conduct from a child, which is

full of life and activity, that we do from an older person. The child

requires constant activity to develop body and mind; and we must make

due allowance for that. One who does not make that allowance cannot be

successful in orderly government.

“We always construct and arrange our things and institutions to

suit the purpose they are intended to serve. We do not, like you,

endeavor to make, with a rod, a sage out of an infant in a few days.

For example, if we have a door or a gate that we desire to have

always closed, when not in use, we make it self-closing. If we have a

department in which little children may hurt themselves, or unknowingly

destroy delicate things, we have a self-closing door that cannot be

opened by a _little child_.

“We keep our infants and little children, who are unable to swim,

out of the deep lakes in our parks by fencing the lakes with an

impassable fence, and by guarding the entrance with a self-closing and

self-locking door, which can be opened only by swimmers who hold a key

for it. The _little children_ go in the shallow lake. If we do not wish

our children to play certain games all over the green park, we fit up

grounds more suited for the game, and they will always play on that

ground, because it is most suitable for that purpose.

“If we, as older people, do not find it delightful, on account of our

older and more inactive age, to be always and immediately surrounded by

the more active children, we build and fit out nurseries’ play-grounds

and other apartments in which the child-nature can be best gratified;

and the children, during their active intervals, never fail to go there.

“If we wish to create self-reliance and a desire for laboring, we make

the labor agreeable, by making it easy, by esteeming it honorable, and

by creating a system of money under which every man, woman and child

draws his own pay at the end of each month; and the amount of his pay

is in proportion to the time each worked or to the wealth produced.

If we desire to educate our children in a certain direction, we first

learn that lesson ourselves, and from our practicing it the children

will learn it without any formal teaching.

“To govern our children in the practice of eating, we always keep

before them, as well as before ourselves, more than we want of

everything; consequently the appetite is the safest guide, so that

neither the child nor adult ever eats too much, and just so pleasant,

harmonious and successful is our governing power in all directions.

“The foreman of any branch of industry whether of the family, such as

storekeeper, barber, cook, etc., or whether of the community, such as

head agriculturist, head painter, head builder, etc., always elects

himself to his position by his own deeds, by his superior ability

of doing work in his occupation, by being kind and pleasant, by

directing the labor of his or her co-laborers in the most productive

and agreeable channels. Our foreman is leader only just so far as his

co-laborers are willing to acknowledge him as such; and when a person

of greater ability appears in his branch of industry, the former

leader naturally resigns his position to his superior, because such

a resignation is agreeable to the former leader as well as to his

co-laborers. Hence the leader always does the most and best work and

receives no more pay than the commonest laborer. All our officers are

elected, then, by the tacit or avowed ballot of superior ability and

agreeableness, but never by a _paper_ ballot. Hence you can plainly

see that we acknowledge universal suffrage in its true and full sense,

because every man, woman and child is a voter as well as a candidate.

“Some of our family leaders, or officers as you would call them, are

foremen in the following departments: Store, restaurant, kitchen,

bakery, dining hall, parlors, engine room, tailor shop, barber shop,

halls, bath-rooms, commercial apartment, vehicle apartment, the

departments of ushers, painters, house cleaners, laundry department,

representatives in the ‘Com,’ Fano and Modano, etc., etc.

“Now let us briefly glance at the government of the community. The

business of the community is transacted at the ‘Com,’ as I have already

told you. Every family has one or more representatives in the ‘Com,’

who are daily laboring there, in some department, as paying bills,

making money, examining labor-records, printing, receiving money from

the families, canceling the community’s own money when it arrives,

inventing, etc.

“The family representatives who work at the ‘Com’ nearly always

return to their own family after the close of their day’s work. By

this arrangement every family, and every person in the family, is in

constant personal communication with the ‘Com.’ Any one who desires

information concerning the business of the community can get it orally

from the family representative, or, he can get it from the daily

community’s newspaper, which contains all the business and which is

taken and read by every one who is old enough to read it.

“Some of the community’s and family’s foremen are in the following

departments: Printing, money making, paying, money receiving, selling,

building and repairing motor lines, agriculture, stock raising, mining,

manufacturing, warehouse, roads and boulevards, electric light, parks,

conservatory and greenhouse, garden, orchard, inventor, etc., etc.

“The foregoing is a brief description of some of the most important

features of our government, by which you will see at once that we have

no government by physical force against man, woman or child; that we

have no parties, no politicians, no election frauds, no political

boodle, no vast armies and costly navies; no generals who lead the

people to death and destruction; no guns and cannons; no swords and

sabres; no pensions and crippled soldiers; no impoverished widows and

uncared for orphans; no burning of cities and tearing up of railroads;

no kings, queens, and presidents; no political congresses, parliaments,

and legislatures; no crowns and thrones; no high-salaried officers, no

national debt which often gets larger by paying on it; no compulsory

taxation; no tariff involuntarily wrung from the people; no prisons and

reform schools; no so-called courts of justice and an army of lawyers

and judges who have to live from the ignorance and quarreling of the

people; no political patriotism; no statute laws which monopolize

natural opportunity in favor of the rich and against the poor; no

hangmen, and no policemen. Our political congress slowly changed into

an industrial one.”

“I must say that your government seems to be an admirable one, if it

could be _enforced_,” said Rev. Dudley, “but I cannot see how a people

can do without all those things you have just named.”

“Why, uncle,” said Viola, “it seems to me that we would be much better

off without those relics of barbarism than with them, and I shall do

all I can to elevate the mind of man high enough so that he feels no

need for them.”

“It is doubtless true,” said Mr. Midith, “that those who have always

lived in a world where a certain class of people have always ruled,

or at least have tried to rule, the remainder of mankind by physical

force, it may seem that no family, community or nation can do without

a ruler backed by physical force. In primitive times the force process

begins soon after birth and continues until death. First the child

is scolded, cuffed and flogged by the parent and nurse, then by the

teacher and preacher, then by his playmates and street-ruffians;

when he wants to marry, the church and state begin to interfere; the

policeman clubs his victim into submission, the hangman hangs him, the

tax-collector forces him to pay taxes, and finally the landlord compels

him or his friends to pay for the little patch of earth in which

he is buried. Consequently all but a few of your foremost thinkers

believe that the ruler and the force system is absolutely necessary to

the welfare of an orderly society. But when we examine the pages of

your history, as well as our own ancient history when our ancestors

practiced the same despotism as you now practice, we find that the

_ruler_, either directly or indirectly, has played all the cruel

mischief that ever was played in the human family.

“The ruler calls the soldier to war to shoot his neighbor. The ruler

instituted the practice of suttee, and exhorts the slavish widow

to practice it. The ruler induces the Hindoo mother to throw her

newly-born babe in the Ganges, by which the mother becomes a ruler

over the child, to satisfy the ruler’s created Deity, who is supposed

to be the supreme ruler. The ruler tortured and killed every so-called

heretic--the cream of the mental world, during the dark ages. The

ruler kindled every witch fire that consumed thousands and millions

of innocent persons supposed to be witches. The ruler did all the

wife and child flogging. The ruler gave all the unjust decisions that

were ever given in any court of so-called justice. The ruler made all

the millions of laws that have already been repealed, and are now

considered wrong and cruel. The ruler had every national building and

monument built and erected with the life and labor of his ruled. The

ruler is the author of every battle. The ruler has been the suppressor

of all liberty and freedom. The ruler has drafted every soldier, and

forced him to burn and kill. The ruler has preached all superstitious

doctrines, whether religious, industrial, social, political or sexual.

The ruler has grown rich without productive labor, on profit, interest,

rent, taxes, and the varying purchasing power of the dollar. The ruler

has compelled children to attend school in which they were forced to

act in direct opposition to the known laws of life and health. The

ruler, whether individual, state or nation, has committed every murder.

The ruler is the author of every ravishment. The ruler has received all

the boodle. The ruler has so far, in your world, made slaves of women

and children, and has thereby indirectly made a slave of himself. The

ruler has committed every theft, robbery and burglary. The ruler has,

in many cases, demanded prayer and shrine cure, instead of resorting to

sanitary measures. The ruler has caused every quarrel and fight. The

ruler has, in countless cases, commended the infamous and prohibited

the virtuous. The ruler is the invader of all personal right and

personal liberty. The ruler has done all this and much more. He has

caused all the social and industrial discord. Why, then, should the

ruled pay the ruler for ruling them, after having made so many errors

and committed so many crimes? What guarantee have the ruled now that

the ruler will not err in the present and future as he has done in the

past?”

“No doubt,” said Rev. Dudley, “the ruler, under the various monarchical

forms, has done a great many wrongs; but the monarchies of the world

are fast passing away, we are living in a republic in which the

_majority_ rule.”

“I find that the vast majority of your citizens, like you, believe

that the majority rule in your republic, as you call it, but this is

an error. The majority do not rule, but only a small minority do. To

illustrate:

“The population of the United States is about 65 millions. Of these

about 13 millions vote. If these 13 million voters all belonged to

two parties--say Democrats and Republicans--one party would require

but one majority to let it in power--say the Republicans. 6,500,001

is a majority of 13 millions. The 6,499,999 Democrats would have

nothing to say as far as their principles differed from the principles

of the Republican party. Under these conditions, which are about as

we actually find them, all the Democrats, all the women and all the

children have nothing to say civilly. Now you want to remember that

many of the children, the same as the adults, support themselves. We

see, then, that 6,500,001 is ten per cent. plus of 65 millions. Hence

one-tenth rules nine-tenths. Your boon of universal suffrage is nothing

but an illusion when it is analyzed.

“We have now seen that the majority do not rule, as is generally

supposed by you. But if the majority instead of the minority did

rule, the question would arise: What right has a majority to rule a

non-invasive minority? Who gave them the right? How long have they had

it? Did your ancestors a thousand years ago give this right to each

other? If so, are bargains that were made a thousand years ago binding

on the present generation? Must you be cruel and unjust to one another

because your ancestors were? Does not culture make justice the basis

of human conduct? But this is not all. If the ballot in the hands of a

_man_ is such a great boon, why is it not equally great in the hands of

the _women_ and _children_? Are they not entitled to the same welfare

and happiness that the man is?

“And furthermore, I suppose that all of you are ready to acknowledge

that money, intimidation and fraud greatly influence the result of

your ballot elections. The individual or party that spends the most

money and does the most scheming generally triumphs with _you_. _Our_

acknowledged leader (we have no political officers) of any branch of

industry in our families and communities is elected by actual universal

suffrage, solely upon his or her superior fitness for the position.

“Let us notice a few other points of difference between _our_

government and _yours_. Your officials receive, as a rule, high

salaries, and as it is generally difficult here for a person to acquire

wealth by productive labor, on account of monopoly, all are rushing for

the well-paying offices. With us the highest officer in the community

receives no more pay for his day’s labor than a washerwoman does. Here,

in a world where money is _necessary_ and _scarce_, a person can stoop

to most anything, if he thereby gains his election so that he receives

the high salary and not unfrequently some boodle; for in a world where

money is necessary and scarce, a victorious person can _buy_ his

_honor_, _fame_, and _distinction_ with _money_. But in a world like

ours, where money is not monopolized, where it can be easily obtained

by every one, money has lost the power of purchasing honor, fame and

distinction. In such a world nothing but personal worth, fitness and

noble attainments elevate a person to a higher position where he enjoys

approbation and admiration of his fellowmen. Notice here that the

Marsites have removed the _causes_ of corruption, while you are still

endeavoring to make a person _good_ under _bad conditions_.

“Your government, as now constituted, also tends to concentrate wealth.

Rev. Joseph Cook, in Tremont Temple, Boston, Feb. 3, 1890, said: ‘Two

thousand capitalists own more than all the rest of the sixty-five

millions of our population. Two hundred and fifty thousand rich men

control seventy-five per cent. of the national wealth. The American

republic is, therefore, practically owned by less than one-quarter of

a million of persons. If present causes which produce concentration of

capital continue, the republic will soon be owned by less than fifty

thousand men.’

“We all know, then, that some have amassed immense fortunes of material

wealth, while the vast majority under your present conditions are

doomed to life-long toil, to poverty. But, by what means or power

did these rich men accumulate their immense wealth? Not by personal

industry, for the industrial powers of an individual are too limited.

Not by economy, for if he had saved everything he ever _earned_, he

would have but a small fractional part of what he has _accumulated_.

Not by any particular personal superiority, for the personal powers to

produce material wealth are nearly equal in all sound men and women;

but he accumulated and appropriated it by _monopoly_. You have enacted

many laws by your much prized ballot, and these rich men used those

laws to monopolize natural opportunity so that they are continually

growing richer on _interest_, _profit_, _rent_ and _taxes_, without

productive labor. You see if all monopolistic statute laws, which

include nearly all statute laws as such, were repealed and disregarded,

all would stand equal before natural opportunity. Profit, interest,

rent and taxes are produced by monopolistic laws. If there were no

monopolistic laws, no person could accumulate or appropriate wealth

without productive labor.

“Let us take an illustration: You have a few men that have over a

$100,000,000 of wealth as you call it. You can figure up in a few

minutes that they can not have _earned_ or _produced_ that amount

of wealth in one or even in two generations. But some of these men

have accumulated this immense fortune in twenty or thirty years.

Let us figure a little on this. Suppose that a man has accumulated

$100,000,000 in fifty years of three hundred working days each. This

would require an average accumulation of nearly $7,000 for every

working day. Now you all know that a man cannot, by any human power,

_earn_ or _produce_ $7,000 worth of wealth--wheat, corn, coal, books,

houses, clothing, or whatever else it may be. But we know that he has

the wealth, or your representative of wealth--the dollar; and if he

has not _earned_ it himself by productive labor, by which all wealth

must be produced, he must have appropriated it from the labor of others

in the form of profit, interest, rent or taxes, for which the receiver

_does_ nothing and for which the giver _receives_ nothing.

“Our government has no statute laws and has, therefore, no profit,

interest, rent and taxes. Your government monopolizes land by the

deed system, hence your _rent_. Our government has nothing to do with

the ownership of land; every one may occupy and use all the vacant

land he wants. Your government monopolizes the making of money, which

makes money scarce, hence your _interest_; in our government, each

individual gets his money made at the end of each month, and as much

as he has produced wealth; money is plenty, and hence no interest.

Your government enforces compulsory taxation, whether the individual

wants it or not; we have no compulsory taxation. From the foregoing and

other monopolizations your profit results. Your government has enacted

laws for the collection of debts, hence your many failures and unpaid

accounts. Our government has no need of such laws, because we have

always plenty of money and, therefore, always pay cash. Your government

endeavors to enforce its mandates by an _external_ agency of soldier

and policeman, while our governmental force resides in the internal

promptings of the individual. The desire of the non-invasive individual

is the highest authority on Mars.

“Of course we all understand that your government, as a whole, is

better now than it ever was before. The government of the United

States, in many respects, is perhaps better than any of its

predecessors or any of its contemporaries. But you must remember that

all ages had a _best_ government. The question is not whether it is

the _best_ that ever was, but whether it is faultless. _Best_ is not

good enough unless it is _faultless_. Can we find any faults? If so, we

should labor to remove them.

“I do not desire to have you understand me that I blame your government

or your rich men for what they have done, or for what they are now

doing. Under the same conditions the Marsites did the same things. With

the _present_ amount of intelligence, human conduct, in your world,

is just about what it should be; and the only force in the universe

that can ever change that course is additional intelligence. All your

labor for advancement, then, should be most economically directed in

the diffusion and assimilation of this additional intelligence. As long

as a person is ignorant enough, he does not feel the burden unjustly

imposed upon him by others; but as he grows in intelligence, the bearer

of the burden becomes continually more sensitive to its weight, and

the imposition becomes continually more repugnant to the imposer. Let

us remember, then, that all wrong and injustice arise from ignorance.

Intelligence is the only motive power that can move the physical world

to higher and nobler planes.”

“Do you have insane asylums, Mr. Midith?” asked Mrs. Uwins.

Mr. Midith smiled and said: “We have no use for them. Insanity, like

everything else, is produced by causes, and when the causes are removed

the effects disappear proportionately. We have almost completely

removed the causes of insanity. In the first place our medical science

is far in advance of yours, and in the second place, in a world where

everybody is rich, sound, intelligent and free, insanity, like crime,

is almost unknown. Not one in a thousand million ever feels any traces

of it; and if he should he would almost certainly be cured in a short

time. Should there be an isolated case of insanity, the insane person

would be gently cared for the same as a child.

“Now let me show you one other great advantage of our government over

yours. You have one Congress and one President in a country, who make

laws by which you endeavor to govern the white man and the black man;

the agriculturist in the North and the agriculturist in the South; the

miner and the manufacturer. But their interests are in many cases very

unlike, still all must be governed by the same national laws. Your

government is so extensive that the President or Congress cannot be

so well informed on the needs of the people of every locality, as we

can be on the needs of our own community. The needs and interests of a

community in the North, on account of climate, are very unlike those of

the South. So each community with us attends to its own business, and

lets every other community attend to theirs. We have no interference,

no antagonism. We believe in _non-aggressive_ competition. In this

manner, a sharp, healthy, commercial competition springs up between the

communities, which naturally throws every community in that line of

industry for which it is best adapted on account of climate, soil, and

other natural resources.

“Now let us contemplate for a moment how vastly we economize and

produce by our kind, peaceable government of the individual, and what

an immense amount of unproductive and destructive labor you expend in

the maintenance of your cruel, criminal government of force as it would

appear to the Marsites.

“You build and maintain costly statehouses and spacious legislative

halls. You have a vast army of national, state and municipal

politicians who are supported by the productive laborer. You have

an army and a navy to equip and maintain. You have guns and cannons

to mine and manufacture, arsenals to build, and fortifications to

construct. You have ammunition and soldiers’ clothes to manufacture.

You have vast libraries to build, filled with countless volumes of

law books, over the contents of which a large army of judges and

lawyers wrangle and sometimes even fight. You have an endless number

of courthouses to build and maintain, and a swarm of policemen to

uniform and support. You have the country dotted with prisons, jails,

penitentiaries, scaffolds, poorhouses, asylums and reform schools.

“Your armies and navies in time of war destroy an immense amount of

wealth by burning cities and family houses, by destroying the growing

crops in the fields through which they march, and in which they fight,

by blowing up ships and bridges, by tearing up railroads, by cutting

down fences, orchards and forests, by killing the brute animals which

come in the line of their march, and by maiming human bodies and taking

human life itself. Your government in time of war makes sound men

diseased and crippled; it makes mothers helpless widows, and children

poor orphans, and then it forcibly taxes the sound ones who live a

generation later to pension the cripples it made itself.

“Besides the crime of class legislation, which produces an aristocracy

of social parasites who appropriate the products of the laborer in the

forms of profit, interest, rent and taxes, your government is guilty of

graver and more direct crimes, a few of which I shall name. Under the

cloak of capital punishment, it legally murders its so-called criminals

on the pretext of protecting society. In the field of intemperance, it

licenses the manufacturing and selling of intoxicating liquor, thereby

indirectly sanctioning, for a consideration, the evil of intemperance.

In the licentious world, it actually sells to certain fallen women

the privilege of selling their own persons for lewd purposes, thereby

becoming a participant in the crime of impurity, which is caused

directly or indirectly by the government’s own monopoly. By its

marriage interference, it often compels married men and women to live

together when they do not love each other, when they quarrel and fight.

As a self-righteous censor of its so-called morality, it has in all

ages, countries and climes tried to suppress freedom of speech and

freedom of the press. The foregoing are only a few of the countless

number of evils, wrongs and cruelties which a government, by physical

force, imposes on its own people. I mean which the rulers impose on the

ruled.

“What a vast contrast! Our family representatives, who go daily to the

‘Com’ to work, are all engaged in productive labor, and the person,

man or woman, who can add the greatest number of columns quickest and

surest is the person who goes there for that purpose. The national and

world representatives do the same. No strife, no monopoly, but complete

individual freedom, which has eliminated every vestige of government by

physical force against all non-invasive persons, and has established

the highest social harmony.”

“But if you do not elect your officers by paper ballot, how do you

determine who shall be your Fanoers and your Modanoers?” asked Rev.

Dudley.

“I have already stated, Mr. Dudley,” replied Mr. Midith, “that we

have no officers in your sense of the word. We elect a Fanoer and a

Modanoer on exactly the same principle and by exactly the same process

as a cultivated, orderly family here on earth elects its members to

do each a certain portion of its work. That is, if you call such a

mutual choice or assignment of work an election. Our election, then, is

altogether by mutual consent. The process is the same as the process by

which Mrs. Uwins is elected by Uwins’ family to do a certain part of

their domestic work. By the same process by which Mr. Uwins is elected

to do most of the scientific writing of the family. Once more, by the

same process by which Viola is elected to do the parlor work, etc.

Always by mutual consent based on fitness.

“Thus you see, if you call Mr. and Mrs. Uwins and the other members

of Mr. Uwins’ family officers because each performs a certain portion

of the aggregate family labor, then our Fanoers and Modanoers are

officers; but if you do not call your members of a family officers

because a certain kind of work is voluntarily performed by them,

or mutually and often tacitly assigned to them on account of their

peculiar fitness, then our Fanoers and Modanoers are similarly elected

to their respective work by a _large_ family, the same as you elect

by a _small_ family. In a state of culture we can generally judge

ourselves and others quite accurately. You see the secret of our

election, under freedom, consists in this: A laborer is nearly always

proficient in that vocation which he likes _best_.

“Of course the harmony of this election in our communities, the same

as that of your families, depends on the state of culture of its

members. In some of your families one will not do his fair share of the

aggregate work without he is _ordered_ or _driven_ to do it. But I am

not here speaking of such of your families. I am speaking only of the

cultured families in which each member finds delight in doing his part

so as to make it easy and pleasant for all. Thus you see that some of

your families are able to do what some of them are yet unable to do.

“It is certainly true that our families and communities were not always

as peaceable, just and harmonious as they are at present. We, like you,

passed through all the stages of progress from a savage to that state

of culture which we now enjoy. Hence you see that our elections have

not always been as harmonious as they are at present. Neither have your

family elections ever before been as high as they now are.”

“I can see plainly how a few persons, having a common interest in each

other’s labor and conduct, like our _small_ families, can have each

individual glide into his most proficient sphere of labor without much

friction,” said Rev. Dudley, “but I cannot see how so many individuals

as compose your _large_ families and communities can do so.”

“I will tell you, Rev. Dudley; it certainly requires a certain state

of culture before we can mentally assimilate the essential material

for a thought of a given degree of complexity and range. An individual

of a little horde of savages would no doubt be unable to see how so

many individuals as compose the United States could all live under one

flag as you call it; and that almost without war, too. But we all know

that it is done, and it does not seem impossible to us either; and if

progress continues in the future as it did in the past, your posterity

will be able to see things that are entirely hidden from your present

view.

“You see those acts which will conduce to the welfare and happiness of

man will continually more and more commend themselves to the thoughtful

consideration of humanity; they will be gradually accepted for their

intrinsic worth.”

“If I understand you correctly, then,” said Rev. Dudley, “you have no

compulsory taxation, but only voluntary taxation.”

“No,” replied Mr. Midith, “we have no compulsory taxation. No Marsite

is forced to support any institution he does not wish to support. As to

voluntary taxation, I may say, if you wish to call those gifts which

visitors to the Fanos and Modano usually give voluntary taxation, then

we have a kind of voluntary taxation; but if you do not call that

taxation, we have no taxation at all.

“Just as your former baronage was gradually superseded by your national

militancy--the compulsory state--so was our militancy superseded

by industrialism--our voluntary state, if you wish to call it so.

Our Comers, Fanoers and Modanoers are no generals, no lawmakers, no

statesmen and no politicians. They are solely business men. They aid

in the advantageous distribution of wealth and live from the fruits of

their own productive labor. Hence, we need no taxes for their support.”

“But do you think, Mr. Midith, that we could do away with compulsory

taxation without any bad effects of it at our present age?” asked Rev.

Dudley.

“I fear that you do not fully comprehend this subject,” replied Mr.

Midith. “You see you can not possibly do away with compulsory taxation.

It is always a concomitant of a certain mental condition, and the

element of compulsory taxation can be weakened only in proportion as

the mental condition is strengthened by the discovery of new truths;

and the discovery of new truths implies time. Therefore it is as

impossible for you to do away with compulsory taxation instantaneously

as it is for you to produce instantaneously a ripe apple from an

unfolding blossom. There is only one known agency which can do away

with compulsory taxation, and that agency is the acquisition of a

higher and broader intelligence.”

A cityless and countryless world · 第 16 / 26 章