had been obliged to purchase at their own expense, when they had been
arranged by the magistrates under eight banners, for defence of the city
against tumult and invasion, were taken from them; the most beautiful
cutlasses, carbines, poniards, and pistols, being divided by Noircarmes
among his officers. Thus Tournay was tranquillized.
During the whole of these proceedings in Flanders, and at Antwerp,
Tournay, and Mechlin, the conduct of the Duchess had been marked with
more than her usual treachery. She had been disavowing acts which
the men upon whom she relied in her utmost need had been doing by her
authority; she had been affecting to praise their conduct, while she
was secretly misrepresenting their actions and maligning their motives,
and she had been straining every nerve to make foreign levies, while
attempting to amuse the confederates and sectaries with an affectation
of clemency.
When Orange complained that she had been censuring his proceedings at
Antwerp, and holding language unfavorable to his character, she protested
that she thoroughly approved his arrangements--excepting only the two
points of the intramural preachings and the permission to heretics of
other exercises than sermons--and that if she were displeased with him he
might be sure that she would rather tell him so than speak ill of him
behind his back. The Prince, who had been compelled by necessity, and
fully authorized by the terms of the "Accord", to grant those two points
which were the vital matter in his arrangements, answered very calmly,
that he was not so frivolous as to believe in her having used language to
his discredit had he not been quite certain of the fact, as he would soon
prove by evidence. Orange was not the man to be deceived as to the
position in which he stood, nor as to the character of those with whom
he dealt. Margaret wrote, however, in the same vein concerning him to
Hoogstmaten, affirming that nothing could be further from her intention
than to characterize the proceedings of "her cousin, the Prince of
Orange, as contrary to the service of his Majesty; knowing, as she did,
how constant had been his affection, and how diligent his actions, in the
cause of God and the King."
She also sent councillor d'Assonleville on a special mission to the
Prince, instructing that smooth personage to inform her said cousin of
Orange that he was and always had been "loved and cherished by his
Majesty, and that for herself she had ever loved him like a brother or a
child."
She wrote to Horn, approving of his conduct in the main, although in
obscure terms, and expressing great confidence in his zeal, loyalty, and
good intentions. She accorded the same praise to Hoogstraaten, while as
to Egmont she was perpetually reproaching him for the suspicions which he
seemed obstinately to entertain as to her disposition and that of Philip,
in regard to his conduct and character.
It has already been partly seen what were her private sentiments and
secret representations as to the career of the distinguished personages
thus encouraged and commended. Her pictures were painted in daily
darkening colors. She told her brother that Orange, Egmont, and Horn
were about to place themselves at the head of the confederates, who were
to take up arms and had been levying troops; that the Lutheran religion
was to be forcibly established, that the whole power of the government
was to be placed in the triumvirate thus created by those seigniors, and
that Philip was in reality to be excluded entirely from those provinces
which were his ancient patrimony. All this information she had obtained
from Mansfeld, at whom the nobles were constantly sneering as at a
faithful valet who would never receive his wages.
She also informed the King that the scheme for dividing the country was
already arranged: that Augustus of Saxony was to have Friesland and
Overyssel; Count Brederode, Holland; the Dukes of Cleves and Lorraine,
Gueldres; the King of France, Flanders, Artois, and Hainault, of which
territories Egmont was to be perpetual stadholder; the Prince of Orange,
Brabant; and so on indefinitely. A general massacre of all the Catholics
had been arranged by Orange, Horn, and Egmont, to commence as soon as the
King should put his foot on shipboard to come to the country. This last
remarkable fact Margaret reported to Philip, upon the respectable
authority of Noircarmes.
She apologized for having employed the service of these nobles, on the
ground of necessity. Their proceedings in Flanders, at Antwerp, Tournay,
Mechlin, had been highly reprehensible, and she had been obliged to
disavow them in the most important particulars. As for Egmont, she had
most unwillingly entrusted forces to his hands for the purpose of putting
down the Flemish sectaries. She had been afraid to show a want of
confidence in his character, but at the same time she believed that
all soldiers under Egmont's orders would be so many enemies to the king.
Notwithstanding his protestations of fidelity to the ancient religion and
to his Majesty, she feared that he was busied with some great plot
against God and the King. When we remember the ruthless manner in which
the unfortunate Count had actually been raging against the sectaries, and
the sanguinary proofs which he had been giving of his fidelity to "God
and the King," it seems almost incredible that Margaret could have
written down all these monstrous assertions.
The Duchess gave, moreover, repeated warnings to her brother,
that the nobles were in the habit of obtaining possession of all the
correspondence between Madrid and Brussels; and that they spent a vast
deal of money in order to read her own and Philip's most private letters.
She warned him therefore, to be upon his guard, for she believed that
almost all their despatches were read. Such being the cases and the
tenor of those documents being what we have seen it to be, her complaints
as to the incredulity of those seigniors to her affectionate
protestations, seem quite wonderful.
CHAPTER IX., Part 1., 1566
Position of Orange--The interview at Dendermonde--The supposititious
letters of Alava--Views of Egmont--Isolation of Orange--Conduct of
Egmont and of Horn--Confederacy, of the nobles dissolved--Weak
behavior of prominent personages----Watchfulness of Orange--
Convocation of States General demanded--Pamphlet of Orange--City of
Valenciennes refuses a garrison--Influence of La Grange and De Bray
--City, declared in a state of siege--Invested by Noircarmes--
Movements to relieve the place--Calvinists defeated at Lannoy and at
Waterlots--Elation of the government--The siege pressed more
closely--Cruelties practised upon the country people--Courage of the
inhabitants--Remonstrance to the Knights of the Fleece--Conduct of
Brederode--Orange at Amsterdam--New Oath demanded by Government--
Orange refuses--He offers his resignation of all offices--Meeting at
Breda--New "Request" of Brederode--He creates disturbances and
levies troops in Antwerp--Conduct of Hoogstraaten--Plans of
Brederode--Supposed connivance of Orange--Alarm at Brussels--
Tholouse at Ostrawell--Brederode in Holland--De Beauvoir defeats
Tholouse--Excitement at Antwerp--Determined conduct of Orange--Three
days' tumult at Antwerp suppressed by the wisdom and courage of
Orange.
It is necessary to allude to certain important events contemporaneous
with those recorded in the last chapter, that the reader may thoroughly
understand the position of the leading personages in this great drama at
the close of the year 1566.
The Prince of Orange had, as we have seen, bean exerting all his energies
faithfully to accomplish the pacification of the commercial metropolis,
upon the basis assented to beforehand by the Duchess. He had established
a temporary religious peace, by which alone at that crisis the gathering
tempest could be averted; but he had permitted the law to take its course
upon certain rioters, who had been regularly condemned by courts of
justice. He had worked day and night--notwithstanding immense obstacles,
calumnious misstatements, and conflicting opinions--to restore order out
of chaos; he had freely imperilled his own life--dashing into a
tumultuous mob on one occasion, wounding several with the halberd which
he snatched from one of his guard, and dispersing almost with his single
arm a dangerous and threatening insurrection--and he had remained in
Antwerp, at the pressing solicitations of the magistracy, who represented
that the lives of not a single ecclesiastic would be safe as soon as his
back was turned, and that all the merchants would forthwith depart from
the city. It was nevertheless necessary that he should make a personal
visit to his government of Holland, where similar disorders had been
prevailing, and where men of all ranks and parties were clamoring for
their stadholder.
Notwithstanding all his exertions however, he was thoroughly aware of the
position in which he stood towards the government. The sugared phrases
of Margaret, the deliberate commendation of the "benign and debonair"
Philip, produced no effect upon this statesman, who was accustomed to
look through and through men's actions to the core of their hearts. In
the hearts of Philip and Margaret he already saw treachery and revenge
indelibly imprinted. He had been especially indignant at the insult
which the Duchess Regent had put upon him, by sending Duke Eric of
Brunswick with an armed force into Holland in order to protect Gouda,
Woerden, and other places within the Prince's own government. He was
thoroughly conversant with the general tone in which the other seigniors
and himself were described to their sovereign. He, was already convinced
that the country was to be conquered by foreign mercenaries, and that his
own life, with these of many other nobles, was to be sacrificed. The
moment had arrived in which he was justified in looking about him for
means of defence, both for himself and his country, if the King should
be so insane as to carry out the purposes which the Prince suspected.
The time was fast approaching in which a statesman placed upon such an
elevation before the world as that which he occupied, would be obliged to
choose his part for life. To be the unscrupulous tool of tyranny, a
rebel, or an exile, was his necessary fate. To a man so prone to read
the future, the moment for his choice seemed already arrived. Moreover,
he thought it doubtful, and events were most signally to justify his
doubts, whether he could be accepted as the instrument of despotism, even
were he inclined to prostitute himself to such service. At this point,
therefore, undoubtedly began the treasonable thoughts of William the
Silent, if it be treason to attempt the protection of ancient and
chartered liberties against a foreign oppressor. He despatched a private
envoy to Egmont, representing the grave suspicions manifested by the
Duchess in sending Duke Eric into Holland, and proposing that means
should be taken into consideration for obviating the dangers with which
the country was menaced. Catholics as well as Protestants, he intimated,
were to be crushed in one universal conquest as soon as Philip had
completed the formidable preparations which he was making for invading
the provinces. For himself, he said, he would not remain in the land to
witness the utter desolation of the people, nor to fall an unresisting
victim to the vengeance which he foresaw. If, however, he might rely
upon the co-operation of Egmont and Horn, he was willing, with the advice
of the states-general, to risk preparations against the armed invasion of
Spaniards by which the country was to be reduced to slavery. It was
incumbent, however, upon men placed as they were, "not to let the grass
grow under their feet;" and the moment for action was fast approaching.
This was the scheme which Orange was willing to attempt. To make use
of his own influence and that of his friends, to interpose between a
sovereign insane with bigotry, and a people in a state of religious
frenzy, to resist brutal violence if need should be by force, and to
compel the sovereign to respect the charters which he had sworn to
maintain, and which were far more ancient than his sovereignty; so much
of treason did William of Orange already contemplate, for in no other way
could he be loyal to his country and his own honor.
Nothing came of this secret embassy, for Egmont's heart and fate were
already fixed. Before Orange departed, however; for the north, where his
presence in the Dutch provinces was now imperatively required, a
memorable interview took place at Dendermonde between Orange, Horn,
Egmont, Hoogstraaten, and Count Louis. The nature of this conference was
probably similar to that of the secret mission from Orange to Egmont just
recorded. It was not a long consultation. The gentlemen met at eleven
o'clock, and conversed until dinner was ready, which was between twelve
and one in the afternoon. They discussed the contents of a letter
recently received by Horn from his brother Montigny at Segovia, giving a
lively picture of Philip's fury at the recent events in the Netherlands,
and expressing the Baron's own astonishment and indignation that it had
been impossible for the seigniors to prevent such outrages as the public
preaching, the image-breaking and the Accord. They had also some
conversation concerning the dissatisfaction manifested by the Duchess at
the proceedings of Count Horn at Tournay, and they read a very remarkable
letter which had been furnished them, as having been written by the
Spanish envoy in Paris, Don Francis of Alava, to Margaret of Parma. This
letter was forged. At least the Regent, in her Italian correspondence,
asserted it to be fictitious, and in those secret letters to Philip she
usually told the truth. The astuteness of William of Orange had in this
instance been deceived. The striking fidelity, however, with which the
present and future policy of the government was sketched, the accuracy
with which many unborn events were foreshadowed, together with the minute
touches which gave an air of genuineness to the fictitious despatch,
might well deceive even so sagacious an observer as the Prince.
The letters alluded to the deep and long-settled hostility of Philip
to Orange, Horn, and Egmont, as to a fact entirely within the writer's
knowledge, and that of his correspondent, but urged upon the Duchess the
assumption of an extraordinary degree of apparent cordiality in her
intercourse with them. It was the King's intention to use them and to
destroy them, said the writer, and it was the Regent's duty to second the
design. "The tumults and troubles have not been without their secret
concurrence," said the supposititious Alava, "and your Highness may rest
assured that they will be the first upon whom his Majesty will seize, not
to confer benefits, but to chastise them as they deserve. Your Highness,
however, should show no symptom of displeasure, but should constantly
maintain in their minds the idea that his Majesty considers them as the
most faithful of his servants. While they are persuaded of this, they
can be more easily used, but when the time comes, they will be treated in
another manner. Your Highness may rest assured that his Majesty is not
less inclined than your Highness that they should receive the punishment
which they merit." The Duchess was furthermore recommended "to deal with
the three seigniors according to the example of the Spanish Governments
in its intercourse with the envoys, Bergen and Montigny, who are met with
a smiling face, but who are closely watched, and who will never be
permitted to leave Spain alive." The remainder of the letter alludes to
supposed engagements between France and Spain for the extirpation of
heresy, from which allusion to the generally accepted but mistaken notion
as to the Bayonne conference, a decided proof seems to be furnished that
the letter was not genuine. Great complaints, however, are made, as to
the conduct of the Queen Regent, who is described as "a certain lady well
known to her Highness, and as a person without faith, friendship, or
truth; the most consummate hypocrite in the world." After giving
instances of the duplicity manifested by Catherine de Medici, the writer
continues: "She sends her little black dwarf to me upon frequent errands,
in order that by means of this spy she may worm out my secrets. I am,
however, upon my guard, and flatter myself that I learn more from him
than she from me. She shall never be able to boast of having deceived a
Spaniard."
An extract or two from this very celebrated document seemed
indispensable, because of the great importance attached to it, both at
the Dendermonde Conference, and at the trials of Egmont and Horn. The
contemporary writers of Holland had no doubt of its genuineness, and what
is more remarkable, Strada, the historiographer of the Farnese family,
after quoting Margaret's denial of the authenticity of the letter, coolly
observes: "Whether this were only an invention of the conspirators, or
actually a despatch from Alava, I shall not decide. It is certain,
however, that the Duchess declared it to be false."
Certainly, as we read the epistles, and observe how profoundly the writer
seems to have sounded the deep guile of the Spanish Cabinet, and how
distinctly events, then far in the future, are indicated, we are tempted
to exclaim: "aut Alava, aut Diabolus;" either the envoy wrote the
despatch, or Orange. Who else could look into the future, and into
Philip's heart so unerringly?
As the charge has never been made, so far as we are aware, against the
Prince, it is superfluous to discuss the amount of immorality which
should belong to such a deception. A tendency to employ stratagem in his
warfare against Spain was, no doubt, a blemish upon his--high character.
Before he is condemned, however, in the Court of Conscience, the
ineffable wiles of the policy with which he had to combat must be
thoroughly scanned, as well as the pure and lofty purpose for which
his life's long battle was fought.
There was, doubtless, some conversation at Dendermonde on the propriety
or possibility of forcible resistance to a Spanish army, with which it
seemed probable that Philip was about to invade the provinces, and take
the lives of the leading nobles. Count Louis was in favor of making
provision in Germany for the accomplishment of this purpose. It is also
highly probable that the Prince may have encouraged the proposition. In
the sense of his former communication to Egmont, he may have reasoned on
the necessity of making levies to sustain the decisions of the states-
general against violence. There is, however, no proof of any such fact.
Egmont, at any rate, opposed the scheme, on the ground that "it was wrong
to entertain any such ill opinion of so good a king as Philip, that he
had never done any thing unjust towards his subjects, and that if any one
was in fear, he had better leave the country."
Egmont, moreover; doubted the authenticity of the letters from Alava,
but agreed to carry them to Brussels, and to lay them before the Regent.
That lady, when she saw them, warmly assured the Count that they were
inventions.
The Conference broke up after it had lasted an hour and a half. The
nobles then went to dinner, at which other persons appear to have been
present, and the celebrated Dendermonde meeting was brought to a close.
After the repast was finished, each of the five nobles mounted his horse,
and departed on his separate way.
From this time forth the position of, these leading seigniors became more
sharply defined. Orange was left in almost complete isolation. Without
the assistance of Egmont, any effective resistance to the impending
invasion from Spain seemed out of the question. The Count, however, had
taken his irrevocable and fatal resolution. After various oscillations
during the stormy period which had elapsed, his mind, notwithstanding all
the disturbing causes by which it had hitherto been partially influenced,
now pointed steadily to the point of loyalty. The guidance of that pole
star was to lead him to utter shipwreck. The unfortunate noble,
entrenched against all fear of Philip by the brazen wall of an easy
conscience; saw no fault in his past at which he should grow pale with
apprehension. Moreover, he was sanguine by nature, a Catholic in
religion, a royalist from habit and conviction. Henceforth he was
determined that his services to the crown should more than counterbalance
any idle speeches or insolent demonstrations of which he might have been
previously guilty.
Horn pursued a different course, but one which separated him also from
the Prince, while it led to the same fate which Egmont was blindly
pursuing.--The Admiral had committed no act of treason. On the contrary,
he had been doing his best, under most difficult circumstances, to avert
rebellion and save the interests of a most ungrateful sovereign. He was
now disposed to wrap himself in his virtue, to retreat from a court life,
for which he had never felt a vocation, and to resign all connection with
a government by which he felt himself very badly, treated. Moody,
wrathful, disappointed, ruined, and calumniated, he would no longer keep
terms with King or Duchess. He had griefs of long standing against the
whole of the royal family. He had never forgiven the Emperor for
refusing him, when young, the appointment of chamberlain. He had served
Philip long and faithfully, but he had never received a stiver of salary
or "merced," notwithstanding all his work as state councillor, as
admiral, as superintendent in Spain; while his younger brother had long
been in receipt of nine or ten thousand florins yearly. He had spent
four hundred thousand florins in the King's service; his estates were
mortgaged to their full value; he had been obliged to sell, his family
plate. He had done his best in Tourney to serve the Duchess, and he had
averted the "Sicilian vespers," which had been imminent at his arrival.
He had saved the Catholics from a general massacre, yet he heard
nevertheless from Montigny, that all his actions were distorted in Spain,
and his motives blackened. His heart no longer inclined him to continue
in Philip's service, even were he furnished with the means of doing so.
He had instructed his secretary, Alonzo de la Loo, whom he had despatched
many months previously to Madrid, that he was no longer to press his
master's claims for a "merced," but to signify that he abandoned all
demands and resigned all posts. He could turn hermit for the rest of his
days, as well as the Emperor Charles. If he had little, he could live
upon little. It was in this sense that he spoke to Margaret of Parma,
to Assonleville, to all around him. It was precisely in this strain and
temper that he wrote to Philip, indignantly defending his course at
Tourney, protesting against the tortuous conduct of the Duchess, and
bluntly declaring that he would treat no longer with ladies upon matters
which concerned a man's honor.
Thus, smarting under a sense of gross injustice, the Admiral expressed
himself in terms which Philip was not likely to forgive. He had
undertaken the pacification of Tournay, because it was Montigny's
government, and he had promised his services whenever they should be
requisite. Horn was a loyal and affectionate brother, and it is pathetic
to find him congratulating Montigny on being, after all, better off in
Spain than in the Netherlands. Neither loyalty nor the sincere
Catholicism for which Montigny at this period commended Horn in his
private letters, could save the two brothers from the doom which was now
fast approaching.