Once more then, doubtless, a "revolution" against the feudal system?--

Revolution and insurrection must not be looked upon as synonymous. The

former consists in an overturning of conditions, of the established

condition or _status_, the State or society, and is accordingly a

_political_ or _social_ act; the latter has indeed for its unavoidable

consequence a transformation of circumstances, yet does not start from

it but from men's discontent with themselves, is not an armed rising,

but a rising of individuals, a getting up, without regard to the

arrangements that spring from it. The Revolution aimed at new

_arrangements_; insurrection leads us no longer to let ourselves be

arranged, but to arrange ourselves, and sets no glittering hopes on

"institutions." It is not a fight against the established, since, if it

prospers, the established collapses of itself; it is only a working

forth of me out of the established. If I leave the established, it is

dead and passes into decay. Now, as my object is not the overthrow of an

established order but my elevation above it, my purpose and deed are not

a political or social but (as directed toward myself and my ownness

alone) an _egoistic_ purpose and deed.

The revolution commands one to make _arrangements_, the

insurrection[211] demands that he _rise or exalt himself_.[212] What

_constitution_ was to be chosen, this question busied the revolutionary

heads, and the whole political period foams with constitutional fights

and constitutional questions, as the social talents too were uncommonly

inventive in societary arrangement (phalansteries and the like). The

insurgent[213] strives to become constitutionless.

While, to get greater clearness, I am thinking up a comparison, the

founding of Christianity comes unexpectedly into my mind. On the liberal

side it is noted as a bad point in the first Christians that they

preached obedience to the established heathen civil order, enjoined

recognition of the heathen authorities, and confidently delivered a

command, "Give to the emperor that which is the emperor's." Yet how much

disturbance arose at the same time against the Roman supremacy, how

mutinous did the Jews and even the Romans show themselves against their

own temporal government! in short, how popular was "political

discontent"! Those Christians would hear nothing of it; would not side

with the "liberal tendencies." The time was politically so agitated

that, as is said in the gospels, people thought they could not accuse

the founder of Christianity more successfully than if they arraigned him

for "political intrigue," and yet the same gospels report that he was

precisely the one who took least part in these political doings. But why

was he not a revolutionist, not a demagogue, as the Jews would gladly

have seen him? why was he not a liberal? Because he expected no

salvation from a change of _conditions_, and this whole business was

indifferent to him. He was not a revolutionist like _e. g._ Cæsar, but

an insurgent; not a State-overturner, but one who straightened _himself_

up. That was why it was for him only a matter of "Be ye wise as

serpents," which expresses the same sense as, in the special case, that

"Give to the emperor that which is the emperor's"; for he was not

carrying on any liberal or political fight against the established

authorities, but wanted to walk his _own_ way, untroubled about, and

undisturbed by, these authorities. Not less indifferent to him than the

government were its enemies, for neither understood what he wanted, and

he had only to keep them off from him with the wisdom of the serpent.

But, even though not a ringleader of popular mutiny, not a demagogue or

revolutionist, he (and every one of the ancient Christians) was so much

the more an _insurgent_, who lifted himself above everything that seemed

sublime to the government and its opponents, and absolved himself from

everything that they remained bound to, and who at the same time cut off

the sources of life of the whole heathen world, with which the

established State must wither away as a matter of course; precisely

because he put from him the upsetting of the established, he was its

deadly enemy and real annihilator; for he walled it in, confidently and

recklessly carrying up the building of _his_ temple over it, without

heeding the pains of the immured.

Now, as it happened to the heathen order of the world, will the

Christian order fare likewise? A revolution certainly does not bring on

the end if an insurrection is not consummated first!

My intercourse with the world, what does it aim at? I want to have the

enjoyment of it, therefore it must be my property, and therefore I want

to win it. I do not want the liberty of men, nor their equality; I want

only _my_ power over them, I want to make them my property, _i. e._

_material for enjoyment_. And, if I do not succeed in that, well, then I

call even the power over life and death, which Church and State

reserved to themselves,--mine. Brand that officer's widow who, in the

flight in Russia, after her leg has been shot away, takes the garter

from it, strangles her child therewith, and then bleeds to death

alongside the corpse,--brand the memory of the--infanticide. Who knows,

if this child had remained alive, how much it might have "been of use to

the world"! The mother murdered it because she wanted to die _satisfied_

and at rest. Perhaps this case still appeals to your sentimentality, and

you do not know how to read out of it anything further. Be it so; I on

my part use it as an example for this, that _my_ satisfaction decides

about my relation to men, and that I do not renounce, from any access of

humility, even the power over life and death.

As regards "social duties" in general, another does not give me my

position toward others, therefore neither God nor humanity prescribes to

me my relation to men, but I give myself this position. This is more

strikingly said thus: I have no _duty_ to others, as I have a duty even

to myself (_e. g._ that of self-preservation, and therefore not suicide)

only so long as I distinguish myself from myself (my immortal soul from

my earthly existence, etc.).

I no longer _humble_ myself before any power, and I recognize that all

powers are only my power, which I have to subject at once when they

threaten to become a power _against_ or _above_ me; each of them must be

only one of _my means_ to carry my point, as a hound is our power

against game, but is killed by us if it should fall upon us ourselves.

All powers that dominate me I then reduce to serving me. The idols

exist through me; I need only refrain from creating them anew, then

they exist no longer: "higher powers" exist only through my exalting

them and abasing myself.

Consequently my relation to the world is this: I no longer do anything

for it "for God's sake," I do nothing "for man's sake," but what I do I

do "for my sake." Thus alone does the world satisfy me, while it is

characteristic of the religious standpoint, in which I include the moral

and humane also, that from it everything remains a _pious wish_ (_pium

desiderium_), _i. e._ an other-world matter, something unattained. Thus

the general salvation of men, the moral world of a general love, eternal

peace, the cessation of egoism, etc. "Nothing in this world is perfect."

With this miserable phrase the good part from it, and take flight into

their closet to God, or into their proud "self-consciousness." But we

remain in this "imperfect" world, because even so we can use it for

our--self-enjoyment.

My intercourse with the world consists in my enjoying it, and so

consuming it for my self-enjoyment. _Intercourse_ is the _enjoyment of

the world_, and belongs to my--self-enjoyment.

The Ego and His Own · 第 39 / 70 题