Pardo de Tavera, referring to the ancient Filipino alphabet, says: “The
alphabet was composed of seventeen letters, three of which were vowels.
A consonant standing alone was always pronounced with an a sound
following; by the use of a dot or dash near and above the consonant
stem, in much the same fashion as is used in certain systems of
shorthand, instead of the sound of the a, the sound of the vowels e or
i was produced: when the dot or dash was placed below the consonant
stem the vowel sound given was equivalent to o or u.” (See Census of
the Philippine Islands: 1903 Volume One, page 327).
[4] In most of the towns of the island of Sámar, such separation as
well as that by apostrophe is frequently disregarded, this being one of
the most noticeable differences between the Sámar and Leyte dialects.
[5] See the note on the first page of this book. This is one of the
facts that urge the adoption of a more logical alphabet (?) for the
Bisayan tongue.
[6] Except o and u when used as consonants, their function then being
properly that of a w.
[7] The author believes that it is better to adopt these contractions
than to invent others of Bisayan origin for the reason that they afford
signs universally understood, and because every tongue has a tendency
to assimilate such universal signs.
[8] We do not write “Dios”, because it would be pronounced Di-os.—See
“Vowels”, supra.
[9] The use of s instead of the h, in these articles, depends upon the
place where Bisayan is spoken. In the towns of Burawen, Dúlag and
Abúyog, of the island of Leyte, and in some places in Sámar, the h is
never used, but the s instead for these articles. Generally, it is
considered more solemn to use the s instead of the h, in speeches,
letters and poetry. But many times it is considered as a ridiculous
affectation, in places where the h is used.
It will be noted that, in some instances, the Bisayan people show a
tendency to change the aspirate sound of the h, or soft sound of the
Spanish j, into s. So in olden times, the name Juan was pronounced
Suan; Jueves was pronounced Suebes; and from the Spanish jugar, they
made the Bisayan word sugal, which is still in use.
[10] See “Contractions”, supra. As it is seen, the m is for ma. This
contraction shows exactly the way in which the Bisayan original letters
were used. It is simply the ancient way of writing preserved after the
adoption of the Spanish letters.
[11] This diminutive as well as the preceding does not need to be
accented with grave and angular accent, as originally, first, because
such accents are onlv used at the ending of the words (see the rule,
page 3), and second, because the suspended guttural suund of the last
vowel of its primitive is in some way preserved by means of the
separation with which the vowels oa are pronounced (see “Vowel”, page
5)
[12] But if the primitive is mapulá, the diminutive will be mapulapula,
as will be noted later.
[13] In some places in Leyte and Samar, this particle is hi, not ha,
where it is said hibobò, hilipot, hilabà, hitáas. But, in my opinion,
it is simply a result of confounding the particle ma which is more
proper for adjectives as it bears the idea of abundance, with the
personal article hi with which it is thus intended to personify the
abstract ideas of bobò, lipat, labà, táas.
[14] It has also the regular form “halabáay”.
[15] This is a metathesis of “dacoalay”, by the transposition of the
liquid consonant l; and this l in “dacoalay” has been substituted, for
phonetical reason, for the y of “dacoayay”, which is the diminutive of
“dacoay” not used.
[16] It seems that this diminutive is the contraction of “gutiay nya
durò”; it is not strictly a diminutve, it is a superlative.
[17] Transformed from bobonbòbon.
[18] We do not write can-on, because it is a contraction of caran’on,
which is also contracted from caraonón.
[19] See “Comparative” and “Collective”, infra.
[20] The last u is not a vowel properly; it should be the consonant w.
See notes on pages 1 and 5 of this book.
[21] It also means anxiety for dancing. So from isóg (to enrage), it is
said: “daco it ac isogón” (contracted from irisogón), my rage is great.
[22] The second syllable of the combined prefix is sometimes doubled to
make the sentence more emphatic.
[23] Interfix is there used to designate the particle placed within a
word.
[24] Such is the name of the present capital of the province of Leyte.
According to a tradition, this name originated from the fact that
before the town was formed, a point of the eastern coast of its present
site was known as a place where fishes were taken from the sea by a
bamboo instrument, like a cover called taclob.
[25] It is the name of one of the most important towns in Leyte,
located on the eastern coast of said island. Also according to a
tradition, in the southwestern part of the present site of that town,
before the town was built, there was a large tall tree, from whose
prominent branches the people used to watch (tan-ao) the Moros from
Sulu, when invading the coasts of Leyte.—The last o of this tan-ao is
properly the consonat w.
[26] From lolodhanan from lolohodanan, where the ó is suppressed, and
the h and d, transposed, for phonetical reasons.
[27] As when we say: “macaoncaón iní ng̃a bayábas” (this guava is
inviting). The idea of fondness sometimes takes the same form, as
“macaoncaón ini ng̃a sorogóon” (this servant is fond of eating
surreptitiously). This form is also used for impersonal verbs, as will
be seen later, as: “macaoncáon na” (I have appetite already).
[28] I say “is”, because this combination ng̃ is properly one letter in
Bisayan, which should be called ng̃a, as anciently.
[29] This is also a verbal of sapód (to gather).
[30] The particle hi sometimes with the verbs and especially among the
derivative nouns conveys the idea of “payment for”, as when from the
verbs budlay (to tire one’s self), salacáy, (to embark), and the nouns
apóy (grandfather or grandmother), púsod (navel), it is said: himudlay
(any thing given as in payment of any work);—hinálacay (payment for
passage);—hingapóy (a present given to a grandfather or grandmother
upon the the marriage of his or her grand daughter under the
consideration of the former’s being the grandfather or grandmother of
the latter);—himósod (present given to the midwife for cutting and
attending to the navel of a new-born child).
[31] We use a hyphen in this word on account of the angular accent of
the last o of the first verb.
[32] When the brothers or sisters referred to are more than two, then
the interfix r is used, as magburugtò.
[33] The second u must be the consonant w.
[34] This is the modern way of pronouncing this word. The old way
consisted in making two syllables out of this word, and according to
that pronounciation, it is written Diyos (prouounced Di-yos), not Dyos.
[35] See “Hi”, under the heading “Verbal” supra.
[36] See note 2 on page 20.
[37] So we say dolúo-ha-Sulúg, which means a medicinal plant (duláo)
from (ha) Sulu (Sulúg).
[38] See “an, on” under the heading of “Verbal”, page 15 supra.
[39] From paladan, the d having been solved into r.
[40] It is believed that the name of one of the towns of Leyte, called
by the Spaniards “Burauen” and, by the natives, “Burauón”, has been
originated from burabáron (Contracted and made Burauón), on account of
the fact that there are many fountains in that place. There is no
reason why the native name “Burauón” used by the natives until the
present time should not be employed for all uses, the u of said word
being replaced by the w, if the letters proposed in the note of the
first page of this book are adopted.
[41] This word does not follow the rule. For phonetical reasons, in its
formation an h is used and it is made maasinhanon contracted maasinhon
instead of maasinánon which is the regular form.
[42] The natives, especially the low people pronounce Mericá instead
of America; mericano instead of the Spanish “americano” for American.
[43] The name Calyarâ (native name of the town of Carigara, Leyte) has
been probably originated from Cangara (placed of one called Garâ). A
similar explanation might be given for the formation of the names
Calbigà and Calbáyog (towns of Sámar).
Besides the particle can the pronoun hira was probably used for
similar cases. We think that the word Hiraite (Bisayan name of the
word Leyte, applied to a town of the island of the same name) is
formed by the said pronoun hirá and Ite. probably the name of the
ancient owners of that place.
[44] Mano and mana are probably a corruption of the Spanish “hermano,”
“hermana.”
[45] See page 12 et seq. of this book.
[46] The word capin sogóng, uraura, in some localities are replaced by
the Spanish word duro (hard). So they say “duro ca maopay”, maópay ng̃a
duro, or maopay hin duro (very good). It is proper to adopt foreign
words when there are not words coresponding in Bisayan, but we do not
see why the pure Bisayan words should be forgotten when they are
expressive, pure and original. The preposition cundí (but) is suffering
the same fate, by the introduction of the Spanish pero.
[47] Instead of uraura, the word masiado, a corruption of the Spanish
demasiado, is much in use. Read the preceeding note.
[48] It must be noted that the accent in the superlative is on the last
syllable, masiromstróm, while in the dimunitive (which has exactly the
same form, except the accent) the accent is upon the pennit,
masiromsírom. The meaning is different in the phrases masiromsírom pa,
and masiromsiróm pa; the first means “it is a dark yet”; the second “it
is very dark yet”.
[49] The Bisayan cardinal show that the original system of Bisayan
people in counting was the decimal. So napulo is a compound word from
na (made) and pulò (pile, island). Napulo means “one pile made”,
wherefrom the decimal system clearly shows.
[50] This word cag (and) is used in the island of Panay, but not in
Sámar or Leyte where ngan, ug are employed for the said conjunction.
In the southern part of Leyte it is said: napala ug osá.
[51] A collective noun formed by the prefix ca and the primitive duha
whose d is transformed into r, and by the affix an. It means the
reunion of two piles.
[52] There seems to be no doubt that this word ribo has the same origin
as the Tagalog “libo”; but each one has a different meaning: while the
Bisayan libo means ten thousand, the Tagalog libo means only one
thousand. To express ten thousand, the Tagalogs have the word lacsá.
[53] This word may have been derived from lagtuc which means the
swelling of a thing due to dampness, humidity, or water.
[54] An onomatopoetic word bearing the idea of littleness.
[55] An onomatopoetic word meaning a thing that makes noise (caradul).
[56] As it will be seen later there are despective verbs, as; of lacat
(to walk) laag; of yacán (to talk), yaquimbot.
[57] See page 31 of this book.
[58] These nouns are originated, in our opinion, from Spanish. See the
note on pape 31. supra.
[59] We also believe that these nouns are Spanish.
[60] See “Collective,” supra.
[61] This is the origin of “Borong̃an” a town on the eastern coast of
the island of Samar, on account of the fact that during certain epoch
of the year, that place is more or less covered with fog.
[62] See “Vowels”, page 5 of this book.
[63] See “Rule”, page 3 of this book.
[64] However, the correct and proper form is the first, Panalaron, a
verbal derived from panalad a plural infinitive of the verb pagsálad
which means “to sound”. The said suburb of Tacloban, it is believed
took this name from the fact that, anciently, the people used to sound
(panálad) in such place which was then covered by the sea.
[65] Quita means “we”, the listener included; camí means “we”, the
listener excluded.
[66] Only used after the verb.
[67] Hiyá and siyá are the same. See the note 2 on page 7 of this book.
The same may be said about hirá and sirá.
[68] Contracted from ni (of) and ácon (mine).
[69] Contracted from da and ácon. This particle da is used in some
places as equivalent to the preposition ha or the contraction han. So
in Carigata, Leyte, they say dahani (at old times), instead of hanhaní
used in Tacloban and other towns of Leyte. The forms damon, daton,
dimo, diyo, diya, dira have the same explanation.
[70] Quita is frequently used for “acó”, as when we say tagui quitá hin
salapî, (give me money), instead of tagui aco hin salapî.
[71] See “Personal pronouns” page 47.
[72] See the note 2 on page 7. We use apostrophe and not hyphen,
because hin’o, sin’o are contracted from hi ano and si ano.
[73] However in this form in which the substantive precedes the
adjective the suppression of ng̃a is permissible in poetry.
[74] This is another irregularity of the pronoun quita. Here it is
equivalent to nimo; but this last form is inadmissible in such phrase,
naton being the special pronoun for the same.
[75] In Dulag and other places of Leyte, this word is pronounced
didínhi.
[76] See “Other classes of verbs”, infra.
[77] See “Potential Form”, infra.
[78] In Basay, Sámar the m is frequently suppressed, the first vowel
becoming long on account of said suppression. So they say there:
sínurat, ínabot.
[79] This form is taken from the subjunctive, as in the Spanish
language.
[80] In the towns of Dúlag, Burauen, and Abúyog, of the island of
Leyte, these forms are always contracted, the first syllable of the
verb so formed becoming long on account of the said contraction. Thus
it is said in the mentioned places: nágsurat instead of nagsúsurat.
[81] See the note on page 65.
[82] See the note on page 63.
[83] See page 65 et. seq.
[84] It is not doubled some places, See note on page 65.
[85] See page 64 et seq.
[86] It is not doubled some localities. See note on page 65.
[87] See page 61.
[88] See page 65.
[89] See page 68.
[90] See page 62 et seq.
[91] See page 68.
[92] See page 69.
[93] The translation made in those conjugations is literal. We try to
express in English the exact idea contained in these forms.
[94] See note on page 65.
[95] See page 70 et seq.
[96] See page 71.
[97] Page 61 of this book.
[98] The future of this form is the same as in the regular Tagalog
form, where it is said susulat aco (I shall write), bucas aco susulat
(tomorrow I shall write).
[99] See page 61.
[100] In Dúlag and other places of Leyte, the accent is transposed to
the penult. So it is said: dididâ, etc.
[101] See the page 10.
[102] This conjunction is seldom used, at present, for the disjunctive
or. The English or and the Spanish o are difficult to translate into
Bisayan with cun. For this reason the Spanish o is frequently employed
in Bisayan, as well as in Tagalog for the English or.
[103] It also conveys the idea of “Saying”, as in the example: nasiring
an catsila, ngalaong: “págame”, abi tapa: “bayari acó”.
[104] There is another, viz: susmaryosep or susmarosèp the corrupted
Spanish “Jesús, María y José”.
[105] The fact that there are three classes of passive voice in Bisayan
show the great importance of the said voice in this tongue. Thus if we
wish to say “I love you”, it is more expressive to say: hinihigugma co
icao (literally: you are loved by me) than to say: nahigugma aco ha
imo.
[106] In Bisayan, there is no construction similiar to that of the
English tongue, consisting in putting the subject in the objective
case, and its verb in the infinitive: which is an exact Latin syntax,
as
he wishes me to come
Ille vult me venire
Such sentence is expressed in Bisayan with the aid of the conjunction
ng̃a, the subject in nominative case, and the verb in subjunctive mood,
thus
caruyag niya ng̃a acó camánhi.
[107] See “Foreign words necessarily adopted in Bisayan”, infra.
[108] We do not refer to those Chinese words imported to Philippines
with Chinese objects. Such words are to be kept necessarily in Bisayan,
because their equivalent vernacular expressions, either are lost, or
never existed.
[109] Derived from the Spanish “cantar” (to sing)
[110] A: We use in these lists the orthography proposed in the first
page of this book, as an orthography practically the same is now being
much used in Tagalog. But we employ only three vowels: a, i, o.