FROM FARMING TO INDUSTRY

Another fact to which attention should be called is the adjustment in

family life required by contact with the modern industrial system.

Some of the immigrant groups come from countries more developed in an

industrial way than others, but none of the newer groups come from any

country in which the factory system has become so prevalent as in the

United States. In the old country the family still exercised

productive functions as a unit. It had access to tillable land, and

was an essential part of an industrial system that is still

organically related to the stage of development of the country. It

had, therefore, within itself, the sources of self-support and

self-determination. The civilization of which it was a part may be a

declining civilization; but the conditions of life were those to which

the wife and mother were accustomed. She took them for granted, felt

at home among them, and was not conscious of being overwhelmed by

them.

In the modern American industrial community, however, the family as a

whole is generally divorced from land. It is not a unit in relation to

the industrial organization, but in its productive function is usually

broken up by it. For the family must live, and yet its income is

dependent, not upon its size nor the volume of its needs, but upon the

wage-earning capacity of the man under the prevailing system of

bargaining. That the resulting income has often been wholly

inadequate, even according to the modest standards set by dietetic

experts and by social investigators, is testified to by an enormous

body of data gathered during the decade preceding the Great War.[7]

It is unnecessary to review these studies in detail, but attention may

be called to the findings of the Immigration Commission. Of the

foreign-born male heads of households studied, 4,506, or 34.1 per

cent, earned less than four hundred dollars a year at a time when

dietetic experts agreed that five hundred dollars was a minimum below

which it was dangerous for families to fall. Seventy per cent earned

less than six hundred dollars.

These figures may be said to come from "far away and long ago," but

while there has not been time for widespread inquiry, there is a

considerable body of evidence indicating that the same condition

prevails to-day. Wages have increased greatly during the war, but with

the increase in prices there is doubt as to whether real wages have

increased or decreased. Certainly the increase has been irregular and

uneven, affecting the workers in some industries much more than in

others.

The New York State Industrial Commission made a study of the average

weekly earnings of labor in the factories of the state. They found

that between June, 1914, and June, 1918, wages had increased 64 per

cent.[8] The United States Bureau of Labor Statistics made a study of

food. Taking the year 1913 as the base, or 100, wages in 1907 were 92

and the retail prices of food, 82, and in 1918 wages were 130 and food

168. That is, the price of food increased much more rapidly than the

average union wage scale between 1907 and 1918.[9]

As a result of these low earnings, the wife and children in many

immigrant families have been forced into the industrial field and even

then the resulting incomes have often been inadequate. The Immigration

Commission found that almost one third of the foreign-born families

studied had a total family income of under five hundred dollars, and

almost two thirds had incomes less than seven hundred and fifty

dollars.

Not only is the family income often inadequate and composite, but

precarious and uncertain. The need for food is a regularly recurring

need; the demand for labor may be seasonal, periodically interrupted,

and in time of crisis wholly uncertain.

Although child labor laws have been enacted in many states and by the

United States Congress, they are comparatively recent. Their absence

in earlier years has had its inevitable effect on many foreign born.

Many of the leaders in the immigrant groups who came here when they

were still children, tell of stopping school and going to work. One

Lithuanian woman, who is among the more prosperous of the group in

Chicago, said that she stopped school when she was twelve, and went to

work in a fruit-packing concern, working ten hours a day and earning

five dollars a week, which she gave to her father. Another worked as a

cash girl in a downtown store at the age of thirteen. Similarly, in

one of the Russian families now living in Chicago, the girls were

fourteen and nine when they came to this country and settled in a New

Jersey town. The older was sent to work at once, and the younger a

year later. Now, after nine years in this country, neither girl can

speak English.

The present laws are not always efficiently enforced, and the child of

the foreign born suffers especially from such failure to enforce the

law. In one of the mining communities of Illinois, visited in the

spring of 1919, Italian boys as young as twelve were found working in

the mines. In New Mexico, children of twelve and ten, and even

younger, were taken out of school each year in the spring to go with

their fathers to work on other men's farms or to herd sheep. Our

investigator was impressed, in Rolling Prairie, with the need of

including agriculture among the occupations from which young children

are prohibited as wage earners.

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