THE WORKING-CLASSES IN 'THE GOOD OLD TIMES.'

As it has become fashionable in some quarters to hold that the

working-classes are ever sinking in position, and that they have lost

the comforts, the pleasures, and the freedom of the 'good old times,'

it may serve a useful purpose to put together, from authentic sources,

some notices of their actual condition among our ancestors. To

associate our present working-classes with slavery would seem an

insult; and it would be said, that it is a condition to which they

could not, under any circumstances, be induced to submit. But although

this is true of their present condition, it is equally true, that not

only in the rest of Europe, but even in England and Scotland, those

who of old held the position of the working-classes, were slaves in

the strictest sense of the term. Among our Saxon ancestors, to whose

free institutions our historians so often proudly refer, two-thirds of

the people--that is, in short, the whole of the working-classes--are

computed to have been slaves. Sir Walter Scott, whose descriptions of

life and manners are as faithful as they are picturesque, gives an

admirable sketch of the slave or thrall of the Saxons in the faithful

Gurth, the follower of Ivanhoe. First, we have the account of his

close-fitting tunic, made of skin; after which follows that of a part

of his dress which, Sir Walter said, was too remarkable to be

overlooked. 'It was a brass ring resembling a dog's collar, but

without any opening, and soldered fast round his neck, so loose as to

form no impediment to his breathing, yet so tight as to be incapable

of being removed except by the use of the file. On this singular

gorget was engraved in Saxon characters--"Gurth, the son of Beowald,

the born thrall of Cedric the Saxon."'

For two or three centuries after the Conquest, there is no doubt that

the peasantry were liable to be bought and sold as slaves. Even in

Magna Charta, there is a prohibition that a guardian shall not 'waste

the men or cattle' in the estate of the ward: there is here no

consideration for the men who might be 'wasted;' it is all for the

property of the ward, which is not to be injured through the cupidity

or carelessness of his guardian. Sir Frederic Eden, the historian of

the poor-law, adduces many instances in which slaves had been

sold--thus in 1283, a slave and his family were sold by the Abbey of

Dunstable for 13s. 4d.

The distinguishing feature of Britain at the present day is, that she

is in advance of all the other nations of Europe in uniting order with

freedom. Our ancestors may be said to have led us on to this proud

position, by the gradual emancipation of the peasantry from slavery.

We soon find, in the contests with European powers, the great

distinction between the Briton even of the humblest rank and the

Frenchman or German. The great victories gained by the English over

the French--Crecy, Poitiers, and Agincourt--have been supposed almost

fabulous, from the inequality of the contending forces--the small

number on the victorious side, the vast host conquered by it. But we

cease to wonder when we examine the different qualities of the

combatants. At Agincourt, the English army, which was completely

victorious, amounted to only 9000 men; while that of France, which was

routed, amounted to 50,000: at Poitiers, the disproportion was nearly

as great: and at Crecy, the conquered force more than doubled that of

the conquerors. We have not lately seen, nor are we likely to see,

contests with such results in European warfare. But we see it in

Oriental conflicts; and the late battles of our troops with the

Afghans and Sikhs were somewhat of the same character, from the

immense superiority of European over Asiatic discipline. The reason of

the superiority of the English over the French in the fourteenth and

fifteenth centuries, is plain enough to any one who has studied the

history of the people, though it may be incomprehensible to those who

have only studied the history of courts and armies. It arose from the

growing freedom of the British. Before the introduction of firearms,

the great dependence of an army was generally in the men-at-arms, as

they were called, or the knights and others who were sheathed in plate

armour, mounted on strong horses, and provided with costly weapons.

The knight and his horse were like a movable fortification; the

peasantry or serfs who went along with them to battle, half-naked and

half-fed, with rude and trifling arms, were looked upon as mere dross

in comparison with the men-at-arms. One man-at-arms was considered

equal to ten or even twenty of them; and when knights were not engaged

in encountering each other, it was deemed as a sort of amusement for a

few of them, with their heavy horses and armour, to ride down

multitudes of these abject serfs.

So it was in the rest of Europe, but not in England. The English

bowman, or billman, who carried a large axe or bill, was a strong,

healthy, well-fed man; and though he had not perfect freedom,

according to our modern acceptation of the term, he had an existence

worth struggling for, and not entirely at the command of an imperious

lord. Hence he was sometimes not much inferior, as a combatant, to the

mail-clad man-at-arms. Now, at the battle of Crecy, the French, though

the wretched serfs were so numerous, had only about 8000 men-at-arms;

and though the English had not a third of that number of the higher

kind of warriors, yet they had nearly 30,000 sturdy bowmen and

billmen. A characteristic illustration of the contempt with which the

poor slaves were viewed occurred in that very battle. A party of

cross-bowmen hesitated to advance--they felt tired, the fatigue of the

march being beyond their strength. On this, the Count of Alençon cried

out: 'Kill the lazy scoundrels!' A number of the men-at-arms rushed in

among them, to chastise them, and this produced a confusion which

assisted the English to their victory.

From these battles, and a multitude of other sources, we can see the

great superiority, in freedom and condition of living, of the humbler

class in England over that in France; and yet, at the same time, it is

difficult in the nineteenth century to believe in the extent of

tyranny exercised, down to a comparatively recent period, over the

working-classes in Britain. We may judge of the tyrannical

interference of the government with the freedom of labour by the

Statute of Labourers, passed in 1349. One of the frightful famines of

the middle ages had occurred, and labourers were scarce in comparison

with the means of employment. It is said that the same phenomenon has

now in some measure recurred in Ireland; but there is little chance of

our statesmen treating it as those of the fourteenth century did.

Justice says, that the labourer is entitled to obtain the value of his

labour, be it much or little. Parliament, however, fixed the amount

which it thought the reasonable price of labour--the rate at which the

members of the legislature desired to have it; and endeavoured, by

penalties and persecution, to obtain it at that rate. The statute

commences by abusing the labourers for taking advantage of the

scarcity of hands to demand high wages--as if there ever were human

beings, employed in the ordinary affairs of life, who would not take

what wages or profits they could obtain; and as if labourers were like

missionaries, and other devotees, who are not led by any mercenary

motive. The statute then enacts, that every person able in body, and

under the age of sixty, not having means of maintaining himself, is

bound to serve whoever shall be willing to employ him, at the wages

which were usually paid during the six years preceding the plague; and

if he refuses, and it is proved by two witnesses before the sheriff,

bailiff, lord, or constable of the village where the refusal is given,

he is to be committed to jail, and continue there till he finds surety

to enter into service in terms of the act.

It is always observable, that laws interfering with freedom of trade

go on increasing in strictness, because the confusion which the first

attempt creates is always attributed to the deficiency of the law

instead of its excess. The Statute of Labourers was of course

insufficient to put everything right between employers and employed;

and so, two years afterwards, another and stricter Statute of

Labourers was passed (23 Ed. III., ch. 1-8.) This statute not only

regulated the wages of husbandry, and the times when peasant-labourers

were to work, but fixed the precise amount which each kind of artisan

was bound to work for. The account given of it by Mr Daines

Barrington, in his observations on the statutes, may be quoted as

among the clearest and briefest. The reader will of course remember,

that the coins mentioned by him bore a much higher value than coins of

the same denomination at present. 'The common labourer in the

hay-harvest is only to have 1d. a day, except a mower, who, if he mow

by the acre, is to have 5d. per acre, or otherwise 5d. a day. A reaper

is to have in time of corn-harvest 2d., the first week in August, and

3d. till the end of the month; and they are likewise neither to ask

meat nor any other perquisite or indulgence. The law likewise requires

that they shall repair to the next town or village, carrying their

scythe or sickle openly in their hands, and shall there be hired in

some public place.... The second chapter directs that no man in

harvest--before settled to be in the month of August--shall leave the

village in which he lived during the winter, except the inhabitants of

Staffordshire, Derbyshire, Lancashire, Craven, and the marches of

Wales and Scotland--the occasion of which is, that there are large

tracts of mountain or moorland in all these counties and districts,

where nothing can be raised but oats, which are not usually ripe till

October; and, consequently, if they were not employed in more early

harvest, they would be without employment during the months of August

and September.'

But the English peasantry and artisans had now acquired too much real

independence to submit silently to these arbitrary regulations. The

celebrated insurrection of Wat Tyler, which took place thirty years

afterwards, was a concentrated embodiment of popular discontent.

However turbulent and dangerous might be the form in which the mob

demanded redress, the demands themselves were in many respects very

reasonable. Thus, the brief statement of them by Hume, the historian,

is, that they 'required a general pardon, _the abolition of slavery_,

freedom of commerce in market-towns without toll or impost, and a

fixed rent on lands, instead of the services due by villenage'--that

is to say, they desired that they should be tenants, paying rent in

money or services, and not serfs bound to remain on the soil. The

insurrection was crushed, and the insurgents obtained no immediate

redress. Parliament, however, considered the whole circumstances

before the conclusion of Richard II.'s reign. Wat Tyler's rebellion

was nearly contemporary with several other risings throughout Europe

of the enslaved working-classes against their tyrants. In France, they

formed the dreaded bands of the Jacquerie, who desolated the most

fruitful portions of that fine country. They committed great

cruelties; but in the end they were crushed by the chivalry of the

upper ranks. In the results of the two insurrections, however, there

was a marked difference between England and France. Advance and

improvement have ever, fortunately, characterised the legislation of

this country. In France, and other parts of the continent, the

insurgents were crushed with terrible slaughter, and then they were

subjected to stricter and sterner laws, to prevent them from breaking

out again--laws so strict and stern, that the French peasantry and

working-classes were kept in chain by them till the Revolution of

1788. In England, on the other hand, the parliament which met after

Tyler's insurrection was put down, took into consideration the state

of the country; and the tyrannical and oppressive laws against the

peasantry and working-classes were modified.

Still these classes remained for centuries in a condition so closely

bordering on actual slavery, that a close, practical contemplation of

it would certainly be sufficiently startling to the workmen of the

present day. The celebrated statute of Elizabeth for the relief of the

poor, passed in 1597, shews us, in sufficiently distinct terms, the

position of the workman at that period. Various kinds of vagrants or

impostors are, in the first place, enumerated, much resembling the

same class at the present day--such as persons pretending to be

shipwrecked sailors, fortune-tellers, players, bear-keepers,

musicians, &c. And then we have 'all wandering persons and common

labourers, being persons able in body, using loitering and refusing to

work for such reasonable wages as is taxed or commonly given in such

parts where such persons do or shall happen to dwell or abide, not

having living otherwise to maintain themselves.' Among the punishments

attached to this offence are, that the offender 'be stripped naked

from the middle upward, and shall be openly whipped until his or her

body be bloody.' In fact, the whole poor-law legislation which

followed this enactment, down to the act of 1834, treated the peasant

in a great measure as a slave. Doubtless the workhouse-test, which

requires that the able-bodied man who gets relief shall give labour

for it, involves slavery within the bounds of the workhouse. But this,

fortunately, now only applies to a few. The evil of the old system

was, that while it was less stringent in giving relief, and afforded

much more assistance to the able-bodied class of workmen, it

necessarily established a control over their motions, and this control

made an unpleasantly near approach to slavery. Instead of workmen

going with the eagerness of energy and hope to the employer who gave

them most wages, they too often went to the employer to whom the

parish sent them. The degrading spectacle of labourers set up to

auction in the parish pound was frequently exhibited. Apart from the

poor-law system, the actual feudal serfdom, which gave landowners

great powers over the peasantry on their estates, was not abolished

until the reign of Charles II.

We have a similar history of matters in Scotland. Thus, not to go

further back, an act passed immediately on the restoration of the

Stuarts, empowered justices of peace to fix the rate of wages to be

paid to labourers, workmen, or servants; and if they refused to work

at the legal wages so established, they might be imprisoned and

scourged. It was not an uncommon thing, at the commencement of the

last century, to see advertisements in the newspapers for the

apprehension of runaway servants. The power of the higher over the

working-classes was so great, that at one time, before the idea of a

traffic in negroes was suggested, young people were kidnapped even in

the streets of cities, and sent out as slaves to the plantations.

Instances have been given where their parents have seen them driven in

herds on board ship, yet dared not interfere. The power which the

landholders in Scotland possessed over their vassals, down to the

middle of the eighteenth century, was a condition of things necessary

to the two rebellions. The humble clansmen were not properly rebels;

they were paying obedience to their chiefs, who possessed power over

them almost unlimited. The notorious Lovat had managed to seduce an

English servant to the Highlands, and when once there, the poor fellow

found that he was a slave, and could not possibly escape. It was not

until the present century that two classes of workmen in Scotland were

emancipated from a species of slavery--colliers and saltmakers. It is

startling to read of them in the work which is still the principal law

authority in Scotland--_Erskine's Institute_. He speaks of them as

'necessary servants,' and says: 'In this class of necessary servants

may be reckoned colliers, coal-bearers, salters, and other workmen

necessary for carrying on of collieries and salt-works. These are by

law itself, without any paction, bound, merely by their entering upon

work, in a colliery or salt-manufactory, to the perpetual service

thereof; and if the owner sell or alienate the ground on which the

works stand, the right of the service of these colliers, salters, &c.,

passes over to the purchaser.' What was this but modified

slavery?--and the consideration that it actually existed within Great

Britain until a recent period, and excited no sort of compassion,

should temper any observations we might be inclined to make on the

subject of slavery in distant countries.

We cannot but rejoice that in the present day there exists not the

slightest relict of serfdom in any part of the United Kingdom. Every

man is now his own master, and has his own responsibilities. We say,

we are glad of this, because without such liberty of personal action,

there can be no social progress. At the same time, it appears

undeniable that the legislature, in emancipating the humbler classes,

has strangely neglected to go one step further--that is, to make sure

of their being educated, and so rendered capable of improving their

condition to some purpose. It is in this great shortcoming that a blot

rests on our institutions. When is that blot to be removed?

Chambers's Edinburgh Journal, No. 461 Volume 18, New Series, October 30, 1852 · 第 8 / 16 题