has been received from the Delawares. That tribe, desiring to extinguish
in their people the spirit of hunting and to convert superfluous lands
into the means of improving what they retain, has ceded to us all the
country between the Wabash and Ohio south of and including the road from
the rapids toward Vincennes, for which they are to receive annuities in
animals and implements for agriculture and in other necessaries. This
acquisition is important, not only for its extent and fertility, but as
fronting 300 miles on the Ohio, and near half that on the Wabash. The
produce of the settled country descending those rivers will no longer
pass in review of the Indian frontier but in a small portion, and, with
the cession heretofore made by the Kaskaskias, nearly consolidates our
possessions north of the Ohio, in a very respectable breadth--from
Lake Erie to the Mississippi. The Piankeshaws having some claim to the
country ceded by the Delawares, it has been thought best to quiet that
by fair purchase also. So soon as the treaties on this subject shall
have received their constitutional sanctions they shall be laid before
both Houses.
The act of Congress of February 28, 1803, for building and employing
a number of gunboats, is now in a course of execution to the extent
there provided for. The obstacle to naval enterprise which vessels of
this construction offer for our seaport towns, their utility toward
supporting within our waters the authority of the laws, the promptness
with which they will be manned by the seamen and militia of the place
in the moment they are wanting, the facility of their assembling from
different parts of the coast to any point where they are required in
greater force than ordinary, the economy of their maintenance and
preservation from decay when not in actual service, and the competence
of our finances to this defensive provision without any new burthen are
considerations which will have due weight with Congress in deciding
on the expediency of adding to their number from year to year, as
experience shall test their utility, until all our important harbors,
by these and auxiliary means, shall be secured against insult and
opposition to the laws.
No circumstance has arisen since your last session which calls for any
augmentation of our regular military force. Should any improvement occur
in the militia system, that will be always seasonable.
Accounts of the receipts and expenditures of the last year, with
estimates for the ensuing one, will as usual be laid before you.
The state of our finances continues to fulfill our expectations. Eleven
millions and a half of dollars, received in the course of the year
ending the 30th of September last, have enabled us, after meeting all
the ordinary expenses of the year, to pay upward of $3,600,000 of the
public debt, exclusive of interest. This payment, with those of the
two preceding years, has extinguished upward of twelve millions of the
principal and a greater sum of interest within that period, and by a
proportionate diminution of interest renders already sensible the effect
of the growing sum yearly applicable to the discharge of the principal.
It is also ascertained that the revenue accrued during the last year
exceeds that of the preceding, and the probable receipts of the ensuing
year may safely be relied on as sufficient, with the sum already in the
Treasury, to meet all the current demands of the year, to discharge
upward of three millions and a half of the engagements incurred under
the British and French conventions, and to advance in the further
redemption of the funded debt as rapidly as had been contemplated.
These, fellow-citizens, are the principal matters which I have thought
it necessary at this time to communicate for your consideration and
attention. Some others will be laid before you in the course of the
session; but in the discharge of the great duties confided to you by
our country you will take a broader view of the field of legislation.
Whether the great interests of agriculture, manufactures, commerce, or
navigation can within the pale of your constitutional powers be aided
in any of their relations; whether laws are provided in all cases where
they are wanting; whether those provided are exactly what they should
be; whether any abuses take place in their administration, or in that of
the public revenues; whether the organization of the public agents or of
the public force is perfect in all its parts; in fine, whether anything
can be done to advance the general good, are questions within the limits
of your functions which will necessarily occupy your attention. In these
and all other matters which you in your wisdom may propose for the good
of our country you may count with assurance on my hearty cooperation and
faithful execution.
TH. JEFFERSON.
SPECIAL MESSAGES.
November 15, 1804.
_To the Senate of the United States_:
I now lay before you a treaty, entered into on the 18th day of August of
the present year, between the United States on one part and the Delaware
Indians on the other, for the extinguishment of their title to a tract
of country between the Ohio and Wabash rivers.
And another of the 27th day of the same month, between the United States
and the Piankeshaws, for a confirmation of the same by the latter,
together with a letter from Governor Harrison on the same subject; which
treaties are submitted for your advice and consent.
TH. JEFFERSON.
NOVEMBER 15, 1804.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
Agreeably to your resolution of the 9th instant, I now lay before you a
statement of the circumstances attending the destruction of the frigate
_Philadelphia_, with the names of the officers and the number of men
employed on the occasion, to which I have to add that Lieutenant Decatur
was thereupon advanced to be a captain in the Navy of the United States.
TH. JEFFERSON.
NOVEMBER 30, 1804.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
I now lay before you copies of the treaties concluded with the Delaware
and Piankeshaw Indians for the extinguishment of their title to the
lands therein described, and I recommend to the consideration of
Congress the making provision by law for carrying them into execution.
TH. JEFFERSON.
DECEMBER 13. 1804.
_To the Senate of the United States_:
I present for your advice a treaty entered into on behalf of the United
States with the Creek Indians for the extinguishment of their right in
certain lands in the forks of Oconee and Okmulgee rivers, within the
State of Georgia. For the purpose of enabling you to form a satisfactory
judgment on the subject, it is accompanied with the instructions of
1802, April 12, to James Wilkinson, Benjamin Hawkins, and Andrew
Pickens, commissioners; those of 1803, May 5, to James Wilkinson,
Benjamin Hawkins, and Robert Anderson, commissioners, and those of 1804,
April 2, to Benjamin Hawkins, sole commissioner. The negotiations for
obtaining the whole of the lands between the Oconee and Okmulgee have
now been continued through three successive seasons under the original
instructions and others supplementary to them given from time to time,
as circumstances required, and the unity of the negotiation has been
preserved not only by the subject, but by continuing Colonel Hawkins
always one of the commissioners, and latterly the sole one. The extent
of the cession to be obtained being uncertain, the limitation of price
was what should be thought _reasonable according to the usual rate of
compensation_. The commissioner has been induced to go beyond this
limit probably by the just attentions due to the strong interest which
the State of Georgia feels in making this particular acquisition, and by
a despair of procuring it on more reasonable terms from a tribe which
is one of those most fixed in the policy of holding fast their lands.
To this may be added that if, by an alteration in the first article,
instead of giving them stock which may be passed into other hands and
render them the prey of speculators, an annuity shall be paid them in
this case, as has hitherto been practiced in all similar cases, the
price of these lands will become a pledge and guaranty for our future
peace with this important tribe, and eventually an indemnity for the
breach of it.
On the whole, I rest with entire satisfaction on the wisdom and counsel
of those whose sanctions the Constitution has rendered necessary to the
final validity of this act.
TH. JEFFERSON.
DECEMBER 31, 1804.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
The inclosed letter, written from Malta by Richard O'Brien, our late
consul at Algiers, giving some details of transactions before Tripoli,
is communicated for the information of Congress.
TH. JEFFERSON.
DECEMBER 31, 1804.
_To the Senate of the United States_:
Most of the Indians residing within our northern boundary on this
side of the Mississippi receiving from us annual aids in money and
necessaries, it was a subject of complaint with the Sacs that they
received nothing and were connected with us by no treaty. As they owned
the country in the neighborhood of our settlements of Kaskaskia and St.
Louis, it was thought expedient to engage their friendship, and Governor
Harrison was accordingly instructed in June last to propose to them an
annuity of $500 or $600, stipulating in return an adequate cession of
territory and an exact definition of boundaries. The Sacs and Foxes
acting generally as one nation, and coming forward together, he found
it necessary to add an annuity for the latter tribe also, enlarging
proportionably the cession of territory, which was accordingly done by
the treaty now communicated, of November the 3d, with those two tribes.
This cession, giving us a perfect title to such a breadth of country on
the eastern side of the Mississippi, with a command of the Ouisconsin,
strengthens our means of retaining exclusive commerce with the Indians
on the western side of the Mississippi--a right indispensable to the
policy of governing those Indians by commerce rather than by arms.
The treaty is now submitted to the Senate for their advice and consent.
TH. JEFFERSON.
JANUARY 31, 1805.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
In compliance with the desire of the House of Representatives, expressed
in their resolution of yesterday, I have to inform them that by a letter
of the 30th of May last from the Secretary of War to Samuel Hammond, a
member of the House, it was proposed to him to accept a commission of
colonel-commandant for the district of Louisiana when the new government
there should commence. By a letter of the 30th of June he signified a
willingness to accept, but still more definitively by one of October 26,
a copy of which is therefore now communicated. A commission had been
made out for him bearing date the ist day of October last, and forwarded
before the receipt of his letter of October 26. No later communication
has been received from him, nor is anything later known of his
movements.
TH. JEFFERSON.
FEBRUARY 1, 1805.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
For some weeks past I have had reason to expect by every mail from New
Orleans information which would have fully met the views of the House of
Representatives, expressed in their resolution of December 31, on the
subject of a post-road from the city of Washington to New Orleans; but
this being not yet received, I think it my duty without further delay to
communicate to the House the information I possess, however imperfect.
Isaac Briggs, one of the surveyors-general of the United States, being
about to return in July last to his station at Natchez, and apprised of
the anxiety existing to have a practicable road explored for forwarding
the mail to New Orleans without crossing the mountains, offered his
services voluntarily to return by the route contemplated, taking as
he should go such observations of longitude and latitude as would
enable him to delineate it exactly, and by protraction to show of what
shortenings it would admit, The offer was accepted and he was furnished
with an accurate sextant for his observations. The route proposed was
from Washington by Fredericksburg, Cartersville, Lower Sauratown,
Salisbury, Franklin Court-House in Georgia, Tuckabachee, Fort Stoddert,
and the mouth of Pearl River to New Orleans. It is believed he followed
this route generally, deviating at times only for special purposes, and
returning again into it. His letters, herewith communicated, will
shew his opinion to have been, after completing his journey, that the
practicable distance between Washington and New Orleans will be a little
over 1,000 miles. He expected to forward his map and special report
within one week from the date of his last letter, but a letter of
December 10, from another person, informs me he had been unwell, but
would forward them within a week from that time. So soon as they shall
be received they shall be communicated to the House of Representatives.
TH. JEFFERSON.
FEBRUARY 5, 1805.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
The Secretary of State has lately received a note from the Danish chargé
d'affaires, claiming, _in the name of his Government_, restitution
in the case of the brig _Henrich_, communicated to Congress at a
former session, in which note were transmitted sundry documents chiefly
relating to the value and neutral character of the vessel, and to the
question whether the judicial proceedings were instituted and conducted
without the concurrence of the captain of the _Henrich_. As these
documents appear to form a necessary appendage to those already before
Congress, and throw additional light on the subject, I transmit copies
of them herewith.
TH. JEFFERSON.
FEBRUARY 13, 1805.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
In the message to Congress at the opening of the present session I
informed them that treaties had been entered into with the Delaware and
Piankeshaw Indians for the purchase of their right to certain lands on
the Ohio. I have since received another, entered into with the Sacs and
Foxes, for a portion of country on both sides of the river Mississippi.
These treaties, having been advised and consented to by the Senate, have
accordingly been ratified, but as they involve conditions which require
legislative provision, they are now submitted to both branches for
consideration.
TH. JEFFERSON.
FEBRUARY 20, 1805.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
I communicate, for the information of Congress, a letter of September 18
from Commodore Preble, giving a detailed account of the transactions of
the vessels under his command from July the 9th to the 10th of September
last past.
The energy and judgment displayed by this excellent officer through the
whole course of the service lately confided to him and the zeal and
valor of his officers and men in the several enterprises executed by
them can not fail to give high satisfaction to Congress and their
country, of whom they have deserved well.
TH. JEFFERSON.
FEBRUARY 28, 1805.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
I now lay before Congress a statement of the militia of the United
States, according to the returns last received from the several States.
It will be perceived that some of these are not of recent dates, and
that from the States of Maryland, Delaware, and Tennessee no returns are
stated. As far as appears from our records, none were ever rendered from
either of these States.
TH. JEFFERSON.
FEBRUARY 28, 1805.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
I now render to Congress the account of the fund established by the act
of May 1, 1802, for defraying the contingent charges of Government. No
occasion having arisen for making use of any part of the balance of
$18,560 unexpended on the 31st day of December, 1803, when the last
account was rendered by message, that balance has been carried to the
credit of the surplus fund.
TH. JEFFERSON.
SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
Proceeding, fellow-citizens, to that qualification which the
Constitution requires before my entrance on the charge again conferred
on me, it is my duty to express the deep sense I entertain of this new
proof of confidence from my fellow-citizens at large, and the zeal with
which it inspires me so to conduct myself as may best satisfy their just
expectations.
On taking this station on a former occasion I declared the principles
on which I believed it my duty to administer the affairs of our
Commonwealth. My conscience tells me I have on every occasion acted
up to that declaration according to its obvious import and to the
understanding of every candid mind.
In the transaction of your foreign affairs we have endeavored to
cultivate the friendship of all nations, and especially of those with
which we have the most important relations. We have clone them justice
on all occasions, favored where favor was lawful, and cherished mutual
interests and intercourse on fair and equal terms. We are firmly
convinced, and we act on that conviction, that with nations as with
individuals our interests soundly calculated will ever be found
inseparable from our moral duties, and history bears witness to the
fact that a just nation is trusted on its word when recourse is had
to armaments and wars to bridle others.
At home, fellow-citizens, you best know whether we have done well or
ill. The suppression of unnecessary offices, of useless establishments
and expenses, enabled us to discontinue our internal taxes. These,
covering our land with officers and opening our doors to their
intrusions, had already begun that process of domiciliary vexation which
once entered is scarcely to be restrained from reaching successively
every article of property and produce. If among these taxes some minor
ones fell which had not been inconvenient, it was because their amount
would not have paid the officers who collected them, and because, if
they had any merit, the State authorities might adopt them instead of
others less approved.
The remaining revenue on the consumption of foreign articles is paid
chiefly by those who can afford to add foreign luxuries to domestic
comforts, being collected on our seaboard and frontiers only, and,
incorporated with the transactions of our mercantile citizens, it may be
the pleasure and the pride of an American to ask, What farmer, what
mechanic, what laborer ever sees a taxgatherer of the United States?
These contributions enable us to support the current expenses of the
Government, to fulfill contracts with foreign nations, to extinguish the
native right of soil within our limits, to extend those limits, and to
apply such a surplus to our public debts as places at a short day their
final redemption, and that redemption once effected the revenue thereby
liberated may, by a just repartition of it among the States and a
corresponding amendment of the Constitution, be applied _in time
of peace_ to rivers, canals, roads, arts, manufactures, education,
and other great objects within each State. _In time of war_, if
injustice by ourselves or others must sometimes produce war, increased
as the same revenue will be by increased population and consumption, and
aided by other resources reserved for that crisis, it may meet within
the year all the expenses of the year without encroaching on the rights
of future generations by burthening them with the debts of the past. War
will then be but a suspension of useful works, and a return to a state
of peace a return to the progress of improvement.
I have said, fellow-citizens, that the income reserved had enabled us to
extend our limits, but that extension may possibly pay for itself before
we are called on, and in the meantime may keep down the accruing
interest; in all events, it will replace the advances we shall have
made. I know that the acquisition of Louisiana has been disapproved by
some from a candid apprehension that the enlargement of our territory
would endanger its union. But who can limit the extent to which the
federative principle may operate effectively? The larger our association
the less will it be shaken by local passions; and in any view is it not
better that the opposite bank of the Mississippi should be settled by
our own brethren and children than by strangers of another family? With
which should we be most likely to live in harmony and friendly
intercourse?
In matters of religion I have considered that its free exercise is
placed by the Constitution independent of the powers of the General
Government. I have therefore undertaken on no occasion to prescribe
the religious exercises suited to it, but have left them, as the
Constitution found them, under the direction and discipline of the
church or state authorities acknowledged by the several religious
societies.
The aboriginal inhabitants of these countries I have regarded with the
commiseration their history inspires. Endowed with the faculties and the
rights of men, breathing an ardent love of liberty and independence, and
occupying a country which left them no desire but to be undisturbed, the
stream of overflowing population from other regions directed itself on
these shores; without power to divert or habits to contend against
it, they have been overwhelmed by the current or driven before it;
now reduced within limits too narrow for the hunter's state, humanity
enjoins us to teach them agriculture and the domestic arts; to encourage
them to that industry which alone can enable them to maintain their
place in existence and to prepare them in time for that state of society
which to bodily comforts adds the improvement of the mind and morals. We
have therefore liberally furnished them with the implements of husbandry
and household use; we have placed among them instructors in the arts of
first necessity, and they are covered with the aegis of the law against
aggressors from among ourselves.
But the endeavors to enlighten them on the fate which awaits their
present course of life, to induce them to exercise their reason, follow
its dictates, and change their pursuits with the change of circumstances
have powerful obstacles to encounter; they are combated by the habits
of their bodies, prejudices of their minds, ignorance, pride, and the
influence of interested and crafty individuals among them who feel
themselves something in the present order of things and fear to become
nothing in any other. These persons inculcate a sanctimonious reverence
for the customs of their ancestors; that whatsoever they did must be
done through all time; that reason is a false guide, and to advance
under its counsel in their physical, moral, or political condition is
perilous innovation; that their duty is to remain as their Creator made
them, ignorance being safety and knowledge full of danger; in short,
my friends, among them also is seen the action and counteraction of
good sense and of bigotry; they too have their antiphilosophists who
find an interest in keeping things in their present state, who dread
reformation, and exert all their faculties to maintain the ascendency of
habit over the duty of improving our reason and obeying its mandates.
In giving these outlines I do not mean, fellow-citizens, to arrogate to
myself the merit of the measures. That is due, in the first place, to
the reflecting character of our citizens at large, who, by the weight of
public opinion, influence and strengthen the public measures. It is due
to the sound discretion with which they select from among themselves
those to whom they confide the legislative duties. It is due to the zeal
and wisdom of the characters thus selected, who lay the foundations of
public happiness in wholesome laws, the execution of which alone remains
for others, and it is due to the able and faithful auxiliaries, whose
patriotism has associated them with me in the executive functions.
During this course of administration, and in order to disturb it,
the artillery of the press has been leveled against us, charged with
whatsoever its licentiousness could devise or dare. These abuses of
an institution so important to freedom and science are deeply to be
regretted, inasmuch as they tend to lessen its usefulness and to sap
its safety. They might, indeed, have been corrected by the wholesome
punishments reserved to and provided by the laws of the several States
against falsehood and defamation, but public duties more urgent press on
the time of public servants, and the offenders have therefore been left
to find their punishment in the public indignation.