TO THE HON. H.S. CONWAY.

STRAWBERRY HILL, _July_ 8, 1778.

I have had some conversation with a ministerial person, on the subject

of pacification with France; and he dropped a hint, that as we should

not have much of a good peace, the Opposition would make great clamour

on it. I said a few words on the duty of Ministers to do what they

thought right, be the consequence what it would. But as honest men do

not want such lectures, and dishonest will not let them weigh, I waived

that theme, to dwell on what is more likely to be persuasive, and which

I am firmly persuaded is no less true than the former maxim; and that

was, that the Ministers are _still_ so strong, that if they could get a

peace that would save the nation, though not a brilliant or glorious

one, the nation in general would be pleased with it, and the clamours of

the Opposition be insignificant.

I added, what I think true, too, that no time is to be lost in treating;

not only for preventing a blow, but from the consequences the first

misfortune would have. The nation is not yet alienated from the Court,

but it is growing so; is grown so enough, for any calamity to have

violent effects. Any internal disturbance would advance the hostile

designs of France. An insurrection from distress would be a double

invitation to invasion; and, I am sure, much more to be dreaded, even

personally, by the Ministers, than the ill-humours of Opposition for

even an inglorious peace. To do the Opposition justice, it is not

composed of incendiaries. Parliamentary speeches raise no tumults: but

tumults would be a dreadful thorough bass to speeches. The Ministers do

not know the strength they have left (supposing they apply it in time),

if they are afraid of making any peace. They were too sanguine in making

war; I hope they will not be too timid of making peace.

What do you think of an idea of mine of offering France a neutrality?

that is, to allow her to assist both us and the Americans. I know she

would assist only them: but were it not better to connive at her

assisting them, without attacking us, than her doing both? A treaty with

her would perhaps be followed by one with America. We are sacrificing

all the essentials we _can_ recover, for a few words; and risking the

independence of this country, for the nominal supremacy over America.

France seems to leave us time for treating. She mad no scruple of

begging peace of us in '63, that she might lie by and recover her

advantages. Was not that a wise precedent? Does not she _now_ show that

it was? Is not policy the honour of nations? I mean, not morally, but

has Europe left itself any other honour? And since it has really left

itself no honour, and as little morality, does not the morality of a

nation consist in its preserving itself in as much happiness as it can?

The invasion of Portugal by Spain in the last war, and the partition of

Poland,[1] have abrogated the law of nations. Kings have left no ties

between one another. Their duty to their people is still allowed. He is

a good King that preserves his people; and if temporising answers that

end, is it not justifiable? You, who are as moral as wise, answer my

questions. Grotius[2] is obsolete. Dr. Joseph and Dr. Frederic, with

four hundred thousand commentators, are reading new lectures--and I

should say, thank God, to one another, if the four hundred thousand

commentators were not in worse danger than they. Louis XVI. is grown a

casuist compared to those partitioners. Well, let us simple individuals

keep our honesty, and bless our stars that we have not armies at our

command, lest we should divide kingdoms that are at our _bienséance_!

What a dreadful thing it is for such a wicked little imp as man to have

absolute power! But I have travelled into Germany, when I meant to talk

to you only of England; and it is too late to recall my text. Good

night!

[Footnote 1: A partition of Poland had been proposed by the Great

Elector of Brandenburgh as early as the middle of the seventeenth

century, his idea being that he, the Emperor, and the King of Sweden

should divide the whole country between them. At that time, however, the

mutual jealousies of the three princes prevented the scheme from being

carried out. But in 1770 the idea was revived by Frederic the Great, who

sent his brother Henry to discuss it with the Czarina. She eagerly

embraced it; and the new Emperor Joseph had so blind an admiration for

Frederic, that it was not hard to induce him to become a confederate in

the scheme of plunder. And the three allies had less difficulty than

might have been expected in arranging the details. In extent of

territory Austria was the principal gainer, her share being of

sufficient importance to receive a new name as the kingdom of Galicia;

the share of Prussia being West Prussia and Pomerania, with the

exception of Dantzic and the fortress of Thorn; while Russia took Polish

Livonia and the rich provinces to the east of the Dwina. But the

spoilers were not long contented with their acquisitions. In 1791

intrigues among the Polish nobles, probably fomented by the Czarina

herself, gave her a pretence for interfering in their affairs; and the

result was a second partition, which gave the long-coveted port of

Dantzic and a long district on the shore of the Baltic to Prussia, and

such extensive provinces adjoining Russia to Catharine, that all that

was left to the Polish sovereign was a small territory with a population

that hardly amounted to four millions of subjects. The partition excited

great indignation all over Europe, but in 1772 England was sufficiently

occupied with the troubles beginning to arise in America, and France was

still too completely under the profligate and imbecile rule of Louis XV.

and Mme. du Barri, and too much weakened by her disasters in the Seven

Years' War, for any manly counsels or indication of justice and humanity

to be expected from that country.]

[Footnote 2: Grotius (a Latinised form of Groot) was an eminent

statesman and jurist of Holland at the beginning of the seventeenth

century. He was a voluminous author; his most celebrated works being a

treatise, "De jure belli et pacis," and another on the "Truth of the

Christian Religion."]

[Illustration: VIEW OF GARDEN, STRAWBERRY HILL, FROM THE GREAT

BED-CHAMBER.]

_UNSUCCESSFUL CRUISE OF KEPPEL--CHARACTER OF LORD CHATHAM._

Letters of Horace Walpole — Volume II · 第 100 / 134 题