CHAPTER XVI

FIERCE FIGHTING AT CHELMSFORD

The continuation of the despatch from Brentwood, as follows, was

published on Saturday, 15th September:

“At Little Waltham I found myself close to the scene of action. About a

mile ahead of me the hamlet of Howe Street was in flames and burning

furiously. I could see the shells bursting in and all over it in perfect

coveys. I could not make out where they were coming from, but an officer

I met said he thought the enemy must have several batteries in action on

the high ground about Littley Green, a mile and a half to the north on

the opposite side of the river. I crossed over myself, and got up on the

knoll where the Leicestershires and Dorsets had been stationed, together

with a number of the 4.7-inch guns brought from Colchester.

“This piece of elevated ground is about two miles long, running almost

north and south, and at the top of it I got an extensive view to the

eastward right away to beyond Witham, as the ground fell all the way.

The country was well wooded, and a perfect maze of trees and hedgerows.

If there were any Germans down there in this plain they were lying very

low indeed, for my glasses did not discover the least indication of

their presence. Due east my view was bounded by the high wooded ground

about Wickham Bishops and Tiptree Heath, which lay a long blue hummock

on the horizon, while to the south-east Danbury Hill, with our big

war-balloon floating overhead, was plainly discernible.

“While I gazed on the apparently peaceful landscape I was startled by a

nasty sharp, hissing sound, which came momentarily nearer. It seemed to

pass over my head, and was followed by a loud bang in the air, where now

hung a ring of white smoke. It was a shell from the enemy. Just ahead of

me was a somewhat extensive wood; and, urged by some insane impulse of

seeking shelter, I left the car, which I ordered my chauffeur to take

back for a mile and wait, and made for the close-standing trees. If I

had stopped to think I should have realised that the wood gave me

actually no protection whatever, and I had not gone far when the

crashing of timber and noise of the bursting projectiles overhead and in

the undergrowth around made me understand clearly that the Germans were

making a special target of the wood, which, I imagine, they thought

might conceal some of our troops. I wished heartily that I was seated

beside my chauffeur in his fast-receding car.

“However, my first object was to get clear of the wood again, and after

some little time I emerged on the west side, right in the middle of a

dressing station for the wounded, which had been established in a little

hollow. Two surgeons, with their assistants, were already busily engaged

with a number of wounded men, most of whom were badly hit by shrapnel

bullets about the upper part of the body. I gathered from one or two of

the few most slightly wounded men that our people had been, and were,

very hardly put to it to hold their own. ‘I reckon,’ said one of them, a

bombardier of artillery, ‘that the enemy must have got more than a

hundred guns firing at us, and at Howe Street village. If we could only

make out where the foreign devils were,’ continued my informant, ‘our

chaps could have knocked a good many of them out with our

four-point-sevens, especially if we could have got a go at them before

they got within range themselves. But they must have somehow contrived

to get them into position during the night, for we saw nothing of them

coming up. They are somewhere about Chatley, Fairstead Lodge, and

Little Leighs, but as we can’t locate them exactly and only have ten

guns up here, it don’t give us much chance, does it?’ Later I saw an

officer of the Dorsets, who confirmed the gunner’s story, but added that

our people were well entrenched and the guns well concealed, so that

none of the latter had been put out of action, and he thought we should

be able to hold on to the hill all right. I regained my car without

further adventure, bar several narrow escapes from stray shell, and made

my way back as quickly as possible to Chelmsford.

“The firing went on all day, not only to the northward, but also away to

the southward, where the Saxons, while not making any determined attack,

kept the Vth Corps continually on the alert, and there was an almost

continuous duel between the heavy pieces. As it appeared certain that

the knoll I had visited in the forenoon was the main objective of the

enemy’s attack, reinforcements had been more than once sent up there,

but the German shell fire was so heavy that they found it almost

impossible to construct the additional cover required. Several batteries

of artillery were despatched to Pleshy and Rolphy Green to keep down, if

possible, the fire of the Germans, but it seemed to increase rather than

diminish. They must have had more guns in action than they had at first.

Just at dusk their infantry made the first openly offensive movement.

“Several lines of skirmishers suddenly appeared in the valley between

Little Leighs and Chatley, and advanced towards Lyonshall Wood, at the

north end of the knoll east of Little Waltham. They were at first

invisible from the British gun positions on the other side of the

Chelmer, and when they cleared the spur on which Hyde Hall stands they

were hardly discernible in the gathering darkness. The Dorsetshire and

the other battalions garrisoning the knoll manned their breastworks as

they got within rifle range, and opened fire, but they were still

subjected to the infernal rafale from the Hanoverian guns on the hills

to the northward, and to make matters worse at this critical moment the

Xth Corps brought a long line of guns into action between Flacks Green

and Great Leighs Wood, in which position none of the British guns except

a few on the knoll itself

[Illustration: BATTLE OF CHELMSFORD.

POSITION ON THE EVENING OF SEPTEMBER 11.]

could reach them. Under this cross hurricane of projectiles the British

fire was quite beaten down, and the Germans followed up their

skirmishers by almost solid masses, which advanced with all but impunity

save for the fire of the few British long-range guns at Pleshy Mount.

There they were firing almost at random, as the gunners could not be

certain of the exact whereabouts of their objectives. There was a

searchlight on the knoll, but at the first sweep of its ray it was

absolutely demolished by a blizzard of shrapnel. Every German gun was

turned upon it. The Hanoverian battalions now swarmed to the assault,

disregarding the gaps made in their ranks by the magazine fire of the

defenders as soon as their close advance masked the fire of their own

cannon.

“The British fought desperately. Three several times they hurled back at

the attackers, but, alas! we were overborne by sheer weight of numbers.

Reinforcements summoned by telephone, as soon as the determined nature

of the attack was apparent, were hurried up from every available source,

but they only arrived in time to be carried down the hill again in the

rush of its defeated defenders, and to share with them the storm of

projectiles from the quick-firers of General Von Kronhelm’s artillery,

which had been pushed forward during the assault. It was with the

greatest difficulty that the shattered and disorganised troops were got

over the river at Little Waltham. As it was, hundreds were drowned in

the little stream, and hundreds of others killed and wounded by the fire

of the Germans. They had won the first trick. This was indisputable, and

as ill news travels apace, a feeling of gloom fell upon our whole force,

for it was realised that the possession of the captured knoll would

enable the enemy to mass troops almost within effective rifle range of

our river line of defence. I believe that it was proposed by some

officers on the staff that we should wheel back our left and take up a

fresh position during the night. This was overruled, as it was

recognised that to do so would enable the enemy to push in between the

Dunmow force and our own, and so cut our general line in half. All that

could be done was to get up every available gun and bombard the hill

during the night, in order to hamper the enemy in his preparations for

further forward movement and in his entrenching operations.

“Had we more men at our disposal I suppose there is little doubt that a

strong counter attack would have been made on the knoll almost

immediately; but in the face of the enormous numbers opposed to us, I

imagine that General Blennerhasset did not feel justified in denuding

any portion of our position of its defenders. So all through the dark

hours the thunder of the great guns went on. In spite of the cannonade

the Germans turned on no less than three searchlights from the southern

end of the knoll about midnight. Two were at once put out by our fire,

but the third managed to exist for over half an hour, and enabled the

Germans to see how hard we were working to improve our defences along

the river bank. I am afraid that they were by this means able to make

themselves acquainted with the positions of a great number of our

trenches. During the night our patrols reported being unable to

penetrate beyond Pratt’s Farm, Mount Maskell, and Porter’s Farm on the

Colchester Road. Everywhere they were forced back by superior numbers.

The enemy were fast closing in upon us. It was a terrible night in

Chelmsford.

“There was a panic on every hand. A man mounted the Tindal statue and

harangued the crowd, urging the people to rise and compel the Government

to stop the war. A few young men endeavoured to load the old Crimean

cannon in front of the Shire Hall, but found it clogged with rust and

useless. People fled from the villa residences in Brentwood Road into

the town for safety, now that the enemy were upon them. The banks in

High Street were being barricaded, and the stores still remaining in the

various grocers’ shops, Luckin Smith’s, Martin’s, Cramphorn’s, and

Pearke’s, were rapidly being concealed from the invaders. All the

ambulance wagons entering the town were filled with wounded, although as

many as possible were sent south by train. By one o’clock in the

morning, however, most of the civilian inhabitants had fled. The streets

were empty, but for the bivouacking troops and the never-ending

procession of wounded men. The General and his Staff were deliberating

to a late hour in the Shire Hall, at which he had established his

headquarters. The booming of the guns waxed and waned till dawn, when a

furious outburst announced that the second act of the tragedy was about

to open.

“I had betaken myself at once to the round tower of the church, next the

Stone-bridge, from which I had an excellent view both east and north.

The first thing that attracted my eye was the myriad flashings of rifle

fire in the dimness of the breaking day. They reached in a continuous

line of coruscations from Boreham Hall, opposite my right hand, to the

knoll by Little Waltham, a distance of three or four miles, I should

say. The enemy were driving in all our outlying and advanced troops by

sheer weight of numbers. Presently the heavy batteries at Danbury began

pitching shell over in the direction of the firing, but as the German

line still advanced, it had not apparently any very great effect. The

next thing that happened was a determined attack on the village of Howe

Street made from the direction of Hyde Hall. This is about two miles

north of Little Waltham. In spite of our incessant fire, the Germans had

contrived to mass a tremendous number of guns and howitzers on and

behind the knoll they captured last night, and there were any quantity

more on the ridge above Hyde Hall. All these terrible weapons

concentrated their fire for a few moments on the blackened ruins of Howe

Street. Not a mouse could have lived there. The little place was simply

pulverised.

“Our guns at Pleshy Mount and Rolphy Green, aided by a number of field

batteries, in vain endeavoured to make head against them. They were

outnumbered by six to one. Under cover of this tornado of iron and fire,

the enemy pushed several battalions over the river, making use of the

ruins of the many bridges about

+--------------------------------------------------------------------------+

| [Illustration] |

| |

| =DECREE= |

| |

| =CONCERNING THE POWER OF COUNCILS OF WAR.= |

| |

| |

| WE, GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF EAST ANGLIA, in virtue of the powers conferred |

| upon us by His Imperial Majesty the German Emperor, Commander-in-Chief |

| of the German Armies, order, for the maintenance of the internal and |

| external security of the counties of the Government-General:-- |

| |

| ARTICLE I.--Any individual guilty of incendiarism or of wilful |

| inundation, of attack, or of resistance with violence against the |

| Government-General or the agents of the civil or military authorities, |

| of sedition, of pillage, of theft with violence, of assisting prisoners |

| to escape, or of exciting soldiers to treasonable acts, shall be |

| PUNISHED BY DEATH. |

| |

| In the case of any extenuating circumstances, the culprit may be sent to |

| penal servitude with hard labour for twenty years. |

| |

| ARTICLE II.--Any person provoking or inciting an individual to commit |

| the crimes mentioned in Article I. will be sent to penal servitude with |

| hard labour for ten years. |

| |

| ARTICLE III.--Any person propagating false reports relative to the |

| operations of war or political events will be imprisoned for one year, |

| and fined up to £100. |

| |

| In any case where the affirmation or propagation may cause prejudice |

| against the German army, or against any authorities or functionaries |

| established by it, the culprit will be sent to hard labour for ten |

| years. |

| |

| ARTICLE IV.--Any person usurping a public office, or who commit |

| any act or issues any order in the name of a public functionary, will be |

| imprisoned for five years, and fined £150. |

| |

| ARTICLE V.--Any person who voluntarily destroys or abstracts any |

| documents, registers, archives, or public documents deposited in public |

| offices, or passing through their hands in virtue of their functions as |

| government or civic officials, will be imprisoned for two years, and |

| fined £150. |

| |

| ARTICLE VI.--Any person obliterating, damaging, or tearing down |

| official notices, orders, or proclamations of any sort issued by the |

| German authorities will be imprisoned for six months, and fined £80. |

| |

| ARTICLE VII.--Any resistance or disobedience of any order given in the |

| interests of public security by military commanders and other |

| authorities, or any provocation or incitement to commit such |

| disobedience, will be punished by one year’s imprisonment, or a fine of |

| not less than £150. |

| |

| ARTICLE VIII.--All offences enumerated in Articles I.-VII. are within |

| the jurisdiction of the Councils of War. |

| |

| ARTICLE IX.--It is within the competence of Councils of War to |

| adjudicate upon all other crimes and offences against the internal and |

| external security of the English provinces occupied by the German Army, |

| and also upon all crimes against the military or civil authorities, or |

| their agents, as well as murder, the fabrication of false money, of |

| blackmail, and all other serious offences. |

| |

| ARTICLE X.--Independent of the above, the military jurisdiction already |

| proclaimed will remain in force regarding all actions tending to imperil |

| the security of the German troops, to damage their interests, or to |

| render assistance to the Army of the British Government. |

| |

| Consequently, there will be PUNISHED BY DEATH, and we expressly repeat |

| this, all persons who are not British soldiers and-- |

| |

| (_a_) Who serve the British Army or the Government as spies, or receive |

| British spies, or give them assistance or asylum. |

| |

| (_b_) Who serve as guides to British troops, or mislead the German |

| troops when charged to act as guides. |

| |

| (_c_) Who shoot, injure, or assault any German soldier or officer. |

| |

| (_d_) Who destroy bridges or canals, interrupt railways or telegraph |

| lines, render roads impassable, burn munitions of war, provisions, or |

| quarters of the troops. |

| |

| (_e_) Who take arms against the German troops. |

| |

| ARTICLE XI.--The organisation of Councils of War mentioned in Articles |

| VIII. and IX. of the Law of May 2, 1870, and their procedure are |

| regulated by special laws which are the same as the summary jurisdiction |

| of military tribunals. In the case of Article X. there remains in force |

| the Law of July 21, 1867, concerning the military jurisdiction |

| applicable to foreigners. |

| |

| ARTICLE XII.--The present order is proclaimed and put into execution on |

| the morrow of the day upon which it is affixed in the public places of |

| each town and village. |

| |

| The Governor-General of East Anglia, |

| |

| =COUNT von SCHONBURG-WALDENBURG,= |

| =Lieutenant-General.= |

| |

| NORWICH, _September 7th, 1910_. |

+--------------------------------------------------------------------------+

there which had been hastily destroyed, and which they repaired with

planks and other materials they brought along with them. They lost a

large number of men in the process, but they persevered, and by ten

o’clock were in complete possession of Howe Street, Langley’s Park, and

Great Waltham, and moving in fighting formation against Pleshy Mount and

Rolphy Green, their guns covering their advance with a perfectly awful

discharge of shrapnel. Our cannon on the ridge at Partridge Green took

the attackers in flank, and for a time checked their advance, but,

drawing upon themselves the attention of the German artillery, on the

south end of the knoll, were all but silenced.

“As soon as this was effected another strong column of Germans followed

in the footsteps of the first, and deploying to the left, secured the

bridge at Little Waltham, and advanced against the gun positions on

Partridge Green. This move turned all our river bank entrenchments right

down to Chelmsford. Their defenders were now treated to the enfilade

fire of a number of Hanoverian batteries that galloped down to Little

Waltham. They stuck to their trenches gallantly, but presently when the

enemy obtained a footing on Partridge Green they were taken in reverse,

and compelled to fall back, suffering terrible losses as they did so.

The whole of the infantry of the Xth Corps, supported--as we

understand--by a division which had joined them from Maldon, now moved

down on Chelmsford. In fact, there was a general advance of the three

combined armies stretching from Partridge Green on the west to the

railway line on the east. The defenders of the trenches facing east were

hastily withdrawn, and thrown back on Writtle. The Germans followed

closely with both infantry and guns, though they were for a time checked

near Scot’s Green by a dashing charge of our cavalry brigade, consisting

of the 16th Lancers and the 7th, 14th, and 20th Hussars, and the Essex

and Middlesex Yeomanry. We saw nothing of their cavalry, for a reason

that will be apparent later. By one o’clock fierce fighting was going

on all round the town, the German hordes enveloping it on all sides but

one. We had lost a great number of our guns, or at anyrate had been cut

off from them by the German successes around Pleshy Mount, and in all

their assaults on the town they had been careful to keep out of

effective range of the heavy batteries on Danbury Hill. These, by the

way, had their own work cut out for them, as the Saxon artillery were

heavily bombarding the hill with their howitzers. The British forces

were in a critical situation. Reinforcements--such as could be

spared--were hurried up from the Vth Army Corps, but they were not very

many in numbers, as it was necessary to provide against an attack by the

Saxon Corps. By three o’clock the greater part of the town was in the

hands of the Germans, despite the gallant way in which our men fought

them from street to street, and house to house. A dozen fires were

spreading in every direction, and fierce fighting was going on at

Writtle. The overpowering numbers of the Germans, combined with their

better organisation, and the number of properly trained officers at

their disposal, bore the British mixed Regular and Irregular forces

back, and back again.

“Fearful of being cut off from his line of retreat, General

Blennerhasset, on hearing from Writtle soon after three that the

Hanoverians were pressing his left very hard, and endeavouring to work

round it, reluctantly gave orders for the troops in Chelmsford to fall

back on Widford and Moulsham. There was a lull in the fighting for about

half an hour, though firing was going on both at Writtle and Danbury.

Soon after four a terrible rumour spread consternation on every side.

According to this, an enormous force of cavalry and motor infantry was

about to attack us in the rear. What had actually happened was not quite

so bad as this, but quite bad enough. It seems, according to our latest

information, that almost the whole of the cavalry belonging to the three

German Army Corps with whom we were engaged--something like a dozen

regiments, with a proportion of horse artillery and all available

motorists, having with them several of the new armoured motors carrying

light, quick-firing and machine guns--had been massed during the last

thirty-six hours behind the Saxon lines extending from Maldon to the

River Crouch. During the day they had worked round to the southward, and

at the time the rumour reached us were actually attacking Billericay,

which was held by a portion of the reserves of our Vth Corps. By the

time this news was confirmed the Germans were assaulting Great Baddow,

and moving on Danbury from east, north, and west, at the same time

resuming the offensive all along the line. The troops at Danbury must be

withdrawn, or they would be isolated. This difficult manœuvre was

executed by way of West Hanningfield. The rest of the Vth Corps

conformed to the movement, the Guards Brigade at East Hanningfield

forming the rearguard, and fighting fiercely all night through with the

Saxon troops, who moved out on the left flank of our retreat. The wreck

of the Ist Corps and the Colchester Garrison was now also in full

retirement. Ten miles lay between it and the lines at Brentwood, and had

the Germans been able to employ cavalry in pursuit, this retreat would

have been even more like a rout than it was. Luckily for us the

Billericay troops mauled the German cavalry pretty severely, and they

were beset in the close country in that neighbourhood by Volunteers,

motorists and every one that the officer commanding at Brentwood could

get together in this emergency.

“Some of them actually got upon our line of retreat, but were driven off

by our advance guard; others came across the head of the retiring Vth

Corps, but the terrain was all against cavalry, and after nightfall most

of them had lost their way in the maze of lanes and hedgerows that

covered the countryside. Had it not been for this we should probably

have been absolutely smashed. As it was, rather more than half our

original numbers of men and guns crawled into Brentwood in the early

morning, worn out and dead-beat.”

The Invasion of 1910, with a full account of the siege of London · 第 16 / 21 章