RUPERT AND THE FLEET. PROPOSED VOYAGE TO GUINEA. ILLNESS OF RUPERT.
THE FIRST DUTCH WAR. THE NAVAL COMMISSIONERS AND THE PRINCE. SECOND
DUTCH WAR. ANTI-FRENCH POLITICS
Rupert received a warm welcome on his return to England, and was at
once sworn a member of the Privy Council. It was but natural that he
should turn his attention to naval affairs. The growth of the sea
power of England had received an impetus during the years of the
Commonwealth, due indirectly to Rupert himself; for had not the
Commonwealth been forced to protect itself against the pirate Princes,
it would probably have cared less for its navy.[1] Charles II, like a
true Stuart, cared for his fleet also, and took a keen interest in
ship-building and other matters connected with the navy. In October
1662, he appointed Rupert to the Committee for the Government of
Tangiers, together with the Duke of York, Albemarle, Sandwich,
Coventry, and Pepys of famous memory. If Pepys may be credited, the
Prince did not take the business at all seriously: "The Duke of York
and Mr. Coventry, for aught I see, being the only two that do anything
like men. Prince Rupert do nothing but laugh a little, with an oath
now and then."[2]
But if Rupert was indifferent about Tangiers he was keenly interested
in the African question. The quarrels of the English and Dutch traders
on the African coast had produced much ill-feeling between the two
nations, and, in August {303} 1664, Rupert offered to lead a fleet to
Guinea, to oppose the aggressions of the Dutch Admiral, De Ruyter. A
fleet of twelve ships was accordingly fitted out. On September 3,
wrote Pepys: "Prince Rupert, I hear this day, is going to command this
fleet going to Guinea against the Dutch. I doubt few will be pleased
with his going, he being accounted an unhappy man;"[3]--a view which
contrasts strangely with the terror which Rupert's mere name had roused
in earlier days. Two days later Pepys had encountered Rupert himself:
"And, among other things, says he: 'D-- me! I can answer but for one
ship, and in that I will do my part, for it is not as in an army where
a man can command everything.'"[4]
A royal company had been formed for the promotion of the enterprise,
and a capital was raised of L30,000, in which the Duke of York held
many shares.[5] Eighty pounds was laid out on "two trumpets, a
kettle-drum, and a drummer to attend Prince Rupert to sea;"[6] and,
after a farewell supper at Kirke House, Rupert went down the river at
three o'clock on an October morning, accompanied by the King, Duke of
York, and many Courtiers. With the next tide he embarked, but the
weather was very rough, and for some days he was wind-bound at
Portsmouth. His crews numbered two hundred and fifty in all, besides
fifty-four supernumaries in his train.[7] As was invariably the case
at this period, the fleet was badly and insufficiently provisioned; but
the delay at Portsmouth enabled Rupert to have this rectified, and
thus, for the first time, he came into collision with Pepys, the
victualler of the navy.
For some weeks the Prince hovered about the Channel, waiting for an
expected Dutch fleet; but the Dutch {304} out-witted him. By promising
to keep within harbour, they persuaded the King to recall Rupert, and,
in the meantime, privately ordered their Mediterranean fleet to sail
for New Guinea. Thus nothing was done by the English, and the only
warfare waged by Rupert was with his chaplain, of whom he wrote bitter
complaints to Lord Arlington, the then Secretary of State.
"Sir,
"I beseech you, at the delivery of this inclosed leter, to acquaint the
King and the Duke of York that, after I had closed their leters, the
spirit of mutiny entered our parson againe, so that there was no rest
for him, until I commanded him to his cabin, and withal to make readdy
for prayers this next morning, which he had neglected yesterday. Att
this instant I receave this inclosed, by whiche you may see his humor.
After this stile he talked, till ten last night, abusing the captain
most horribly. In consideration of my Lord of Canterburie, whoe
recommended him, I strained my patience very much; but if this felow
shoulde continue longer on bord, you may easily imagine the troble he
woulde put us to. If I had any time I would writt to my Lord
Archbishop, giving him the whoele relation of what passed. I am now
sending all our captains present to indevor the hastening down to the
Downes. If nothing hinder, I hope, God willing, to sayle to-morrow.
Minne is not yet abord, but I expect him the next tide. I will be sure
give you notice what our motions will be from time to time, and rest
"Your affectionat frend to serve you,
"Rupert.
"Oct. 8, Lee Rd.
"Pray to doe me the favor as to acquaint my Lord Archbishop of
Canterburie with this, and my respects to him."[8]
{305}
His next letter, of October 11, shows that the Prince had been relieved
of his militant chaplain. "Our ship, by wanting Levit, is very quiet.
God send us another (chaplain) of a better temper. Hitherto we have
not trobled Him much with prayers."[9] But the matter did not end
there, and October 30, Rupert wrote again: "Our late parson, I heere,
plaies the devil in alle companies he comes; raising most damned
reports of us alle, and more particularly of me." This letter is
devoid of all complimentary phrases, and ends simply, "Yours, Rupert."
An apologetic postscript explains these omissions. "His Majesty has
given me direction to write to him thus, without ceremony, and it will
be easier for us all to follow. I have therefore begonne, and desire
you to do the like."[10]
The fleet never reached its destination. A war was imminent nearer
home, and Charles was probably unwilling to send so many ships out of
the Channel; but the reasons for their abrupt recall were a subject of
much discussion. "This morning I am told that the goods on board
Prince Rupert's ship, for Guinea, are unlading at Portsmouth, which
makes me believe that he is resolved to stay and pull the crow with
them at home," says a letter among the Hatton papers. "But the matter
be so secretly carried that this morning there was not the least
intimation given what to depend on, even to them that are commonly
knowing enough in affairs of that kind."[11]
An additional reason for the collapse of the expedition was the severe
illness of Rupert. The old wound in the head, which he had received
through Gassion's treachery, had never properly healed, and now an
accidental injury to it had very serious results. The Duke of York,
much concerned by the accident, immediately sent a surgeon to {306} the
fleet, and wrote with friendly solicitude to his cousin: "As soon as
Will Legge showed me your letter of the accident in your head, I
immediately sent Choqueux to you, in so much haste as I had not time to
write by him. But now, I conjure you, if you have any kindness for me,
have a care of your health, and do not neglect yourself. I am very
glad to hear your ship sails so well. I was yesterday to see the new
ship at Woolwich launched, and I think, when you see her, (which I hope
you will do very quickly, under Sir John Lawson,) you will say she is
the finest ship that has yet been built."[12]
The surgeon operated upon the Prince, who wrote November 6, to the
King: "I could not go from shipp to shipp to hasten the work, since
Choqueux will not let me stir, to which I consented the rather, since
he promises to have me quite well and whoele in a few days."[13] But
the promise was not made good, and a very dangerous illness ensued.
"Prince Rupert, by a chance, has bruised his head, and cannot get
cured," says one of the Hatton correspondents in December. "He is gone
up to London to endeavour it there... He is mightily worn away, and in
their opinion that are about him is not long-lived. He would fain go
to Guinea, and is endeavouring to be despatched there; he believes the
warmth of that clime would do him good."[14] Life, apparently, still
held attractions for Rupert. According to Pepys, he was "much
chagrined" at the idea of dying, but recovered his spirits wonderfully
when assured of convalescence. "Since we told him that we believe he
would overcome his disease, he is as merry, and swears, and laughs, and
curses, and do all the things of a man in health as ever he did in his
life."[15]
The illness lasted a long time; but though he was {307} exceedingly
weak, Rupert did not fail to take his part in the first Dutch war. The
formal declaration of war was made in February 1665, to the great joy
of the English nation, whose commercial heart had been stirred by
colonial jealousies. "What matters this or that reason?" cried the
honest Duke of Albemarle (General Monk). "What we want is more of the
trade which the Dutch now have!"[16] France, for equally selfish
reasons, threw in her lot with the Dutch, but delayed coming to their
assistance; and the first engagement did not take place till June 13,
1665.
The English fleet was divided into three squadrons, Red, White and
Blue. In the Red commanded the Duke of York, as Lord High Admiral;
Rupert was Admiral of the White, and his rival, Lord Sandwich, led the
Blue. On the twenty-first of April they sailed to the Texel, hoping to
blockade the Zuyder Zee, meet De Ruyter on his return from Africa, and
cut off the home-coming vessels. The English commanders, Rupert
excepted, believed that the Dutch would at once come out and fight.
But Rupert proved right, the Dutch made no sign, and within a
fortnight, want of provisions drove the English back to Harwich.
In the meantime the Dutch sent forth a fleet of 103 men-of-war, 7
yachts, 11 fire-ships, and 12 galiots. This was divided into seven
squadrons, and placed under the joint command of Evertsen and Opdam.
By May 13th they were at sea, and immediately captured some English
merchantmen coming from Hamburg. There was an outcry of indignation in
England, and the fleet hurried to sea. On June 3rd the rival fleets
met in Southwold Bay. The English, who had 109 men-of-war and 28
fire-ships and ketches, were numerically superior to their enemy.
Opdam was, besides, hopelessly hampered by imperative commands from the
States to fight at once, and by a want {308} of military pride and
esprit de corps throughout his fleet. The action began with Rupert in
the van, York in the centre, and Sandwich in the rear. Rupert
"received the charge" of the Dutch fleet, not firing until close to it,
and then shooting through and through it.[17] Having thus met, the two
fleets passed each other, and then turned to renew the encounter.
Sandwich, getting mixed up with the Dutch, cut their fleet in two and a
general _melee_ ensued. In the Dutch centre the Junior Admiral was
killed, and his crew, in a panic, carried their ship out of action.
Twelve or thirteen other vessels imitated this ungallant conduct, and
when,--after a desperate encounter with the Royal Charles,--Opdam's
ship blew up, the fate of the battle was decided. Evertsen and Tromp,
each believing the other killed, both took command and issued contrary
orders. Three or four of their vessels ran foul of one another, and
were burnt by an English fire-ship; by 7 p.m. the whole Dutch fleet had
begun a disorderly retreat.[18]
The Dutch losses had been very heavy, those of the English
comparatively slight; but the English fire-ships were expended, and the
wind blew hard for the coast of Holland, which made a too vigorous
pursuit of the flying foe dangerous. Nevertheless, the Duke of York
ordered the chase to be continued, and retired to rest. Sir William
Penn, who was on board the "Royal Charles" as first Captain of the
fleet, also went to sleep, leaving the ship in the charge of Captain
Harman. During the night one of the Duke's gentlemen, Brouncker, came
and urged Harman to slacken sail, in consideration of the danger to
which the Duke was exposed. This, Harman refused to do; but when
Brouncker returned later, with an order purporting to come from James
himself, he reluctantly yielded. Next morning the enemy was out of
sight, and James expressed both {309} surprise and displeasure at the
discovery, denying that he had ever ordered the chase to be given up.
The affair was hotly discussed, and Bishop Burnet plainly implies that
the Duke had used this cowardly device to save both his person and his
reputation.[19] But James was no coward, and it is exceedingly
unlikely that he would have stooped to such a trick. Rupert and
Albemarle, who hated Penn, would fain have blamed him as "a cowardly
rogue who brought all the roguish fanatic captains into the fleet."[20]
But Penn declared that he had been in bed at the time, and knew nothing
about the matter. The statement elicited from Brouncker, in a
Parliamentary inquiry, that he had acted on his own responsibility, out
of anxiety for the Duke's safety, was probably the real truth.
Rupert, though in an extremely weak state of health, had shown his
usual courage and energy in the action. The official reports did not
give satisfaction to his admirers. "Not a word is said of Prince
Rupert, though the seamen say that none excelled him in valour and
success," they complained.[21] The Prince himself wrote cheerfully to
Arlington, though, as his letter confesses, he was again on the
sick-list. "My greatest joy is to have ben so happie as to have bin a
small instrument in this last encounter, to chastise so high an
insolency as that of the Dutch. I hope, with his Majesty's good
liking, to continue so, till they be brought to their duty; which work
will be very easy if we linger not out the time, for which this place
is not unfitt and will give a thousand excuses for delays. What this
day will be resolved on in the Council I know not, being laid by the
leg, by a small mistake of the Surgeon, of which I shall not trouble
you. This {310} is writt abed, as you may see by the ill caracter,
which I desire you not to take ill."[22]
Though the Dutch had been defeated with great loss, the war was by no
means over, and it was necessary to put to sea again, as soon as
refitting had been accomplished. This time the Duke of York was
forced, much against his will, to stay at home. Charles at the
instigation of the Queen mother, forbade his brother again to risk his
life, and offered the joint command of the fleet to Rupert and
Sandwich. Rupert was supposed to have a personal aversion to Sandwich,
which may or may not have been well grounded.[23] Sandwich's character
has been variously represented, and, whether justly or not, his honesty
was certainly suspected. His own creature, Pepys, a little later
confided to his diary his concern for his lord in "that cursed business
of the prizes," and his vehement disapproval of the whole affair.[24]
On the other hand, both Evelyn and Clarendon esteemed Sandwich highly.
But be the reason what it may, Rupert was averse to sharing the command
with him, and hesitated to accept it. A conference with the King at
Hampton Court at last won him over; he submitted "very cheerfully," and
forthwith made ready to sail.[25]
Unfortunately Coventry, who disliked Rupert "for no other reason than
for not esteeming him at the same rate he valued himself," says
Clarendon, succeeded in persuading the King that the result of such a
union must be disastrous. When all was ready, and Rupert's "family" on
board, the King affectionately informed his cousin that he could not
dispense with his society that summer. Rupert, "though wonderfully
surprised, perplexed, and even broken-hearted," offered no resistance.
He quietly {311} disembarked his retinue, and returned, "with very much
trouble," to Court.[26]
Some consolation he may have found in the fact that Sandwich did
nothing all the summer, and, on his return, fell under a cloud on
charges of peculation. Rupert seems to have treated him with great
kindness, giving him his countenance and support,[27] but the
sympathies of the Parliament were evidenced by a proposal to vote to
Rupert a gift of L10,000, and to Sandwich half-a-crown.[28]
His rival being thus disposed of, the command of the fleet was offered
in 1666 to Rupert, in conjunction with the Duke of Albemarle. To this
new colleague Rupert had no objections, and there was, happily, "great
unanimity and consent between them." True, Rupert would fain have
sailed in a separate ship, but, it being represented that this might
cause confusion in orders, he yielded to the argument. Albemarle left
much to Rupert's management, "declaring modestly, upon all occasions,
that he was no seaman;" and this was doubtless very pleasing to the
Prince, who loved to rule. As both Admirals were "men of great
dexterity and indefatigable industry," the outlook was exceedingly
favourable.[29]
The sailors welcomed Rupert gladly; and, on February 13, "several
sea-captains who had served under Prince Rupert, invited him to dinner,
and spoke cheerfully of going against the Dutch again together."[30]
On May 25 they sailed from the Nore, with 58 ships and 9 fire-ships.
Rupert was in excellent spirits and, reported his secretary, went "most
cheerfully" on the expedition.[31]
Unfortunately the King and his Council committed at the outset a
strategic blunder for which neither of the Admirals {312} was
responsible. It was rumoured that a French fleet was coming from Belle
Isle, under the Duke of Beaufort, and Rupert was ordered to sail with
24 ships to intercept it before it could join with the Dutch. The
sailors grumbled loudly at this separation. "Nothing was to be heard
among the seamen but complaints about the dividing of the fleet, and
the sending away Prince Rupert."[32] But orders had to be obeyed, and
Rupert sailed away, leaving Albemarle with only 56 ships to meet De
Ruyter's 85.
In the Prince's absence, Albemarle fell in with the Dutch in the Downs,
and the famous four days' battle began, June 1st. The wind was with
Albemarle, but he had only 35 ships well in hand, the rest straggling
behind. With great ingenuity he made his attack so that only a portion
of the Dutch fleet could engage with him, and the fight was continued,
with immense gallantry and varying fortune, from 9 a.m till 10 p.m. On
the second day the English returned in good order, but, though the
Dutch were crowded and confused, Albemarle was too weak to press his
advantage. Each side lost about three ships. On the third day
Albemarle held off, hoping for Rupert's arrival. This did not take
place till late in the afternoon, and the blame of this long delay was
due to home authorities. As soon as firing was heard in the Downs,
Coventry had signed an order for Rupert's recall, and sent it to
Arlington, expecting that he would at once despatch it. But Arlington
happened to be in bed, and his servants dared not wake him; "a
tenderness not accostumed to be in the family of a secretary," says
Clarendon, with just severity.[33] Consequently Rupert never received
the order until he himself had heard the noise of battle, and turned
back to Albemarle's aid, on his own responsibility. A contrary wind
delayed him yet longer, and it was 3 p.m on Sunday, June 3, before he
reached the scene of action, where he was received by {313} the sailors
with shouts of joy. In the confusion of joining the fleets, the "Royal
Prince" ran aground, and was burnt by the Dutch; a misfortune "which
touched every heart, for she was the best ship ever built, and like a
castle at sea."[34] The fight was not resumed until the next morning.
All order had been lost, and both sides were in confusion. There was
two hours' furious firing, and the Dutch centre passed right through
the English centre, where the fight was very hot. Finally the
exhausted Dutch suffered the English to draw away, and Albemarle,
rallying his scattered fleet, beat an honourable retreat.[35]
Rupert's arrival had not turned defeat into victory, but it had saved
Albemarle from imminent disaster. The losses of the English had been
extremely heavy, but those of the Dutch had been also severe, and all
the moral prestige belonged to the English, who had sustained the fight
against great odds, with extraordinary gallantry. The credit was due,
in a great measure, to the skill and valour of the admirals, but not a
little, also, to the good discipline and seamanship of the men and
officers. Dryden who celebrated the event in a long poem, while giving
the admirals their due, did not forget the rest.
"Thousands there were, in darker fame shall dwell,
"Whose deeds some nobler poem shall adorn,
"But, though to me unknown, they sure fought well,
"Whom Rupert led, and who were British born."[36]
As before, Rupert's admirers thought that "the good prince" had not
received his due in the official reports of the action. His secretary,
James Hayes, wrote to Arlington's secretary to expostulate. "Give me
leave to suggest that, {314} since in the Dutch gazette those lying
words speak dishonourably of the Prince, it will offer an occasion of a
word or two in yours, more to his merit; in whom I did indeed discover
so extraordinary courage, conduct and presence of mind in the midst of
all the showers of cannon bullet, that higher I think cannot be
imagined of any man that ever fought. I observed him with astonishment
all that day."[37] This letter produced the following note, added to
the official gazette: "The writer of this letter could not think fit to
mingle in his relations any expressions of His Royal Highness's
personal behaviour, because it was prepared for his own sight. But it
is most certain that never any Prince, or it may be truly said, any
private person, was, in an action of war, exposed to more danger from
the beginning to the end of it. His conduct and presence of mind
equalling his fearless courage, and carrying him to change his ship
three times, setting up his Royal standard in each of them, to animate
his own men and brave the enemy."[38] For this tribute Hayes returned
grateful thanks. "You have done right to a brave Prince, whose worth
will endure praise, though I find his ears are too modest to hear his
own."[39]
Rupert was far more engaged with his smouldering wrath against the
Commissioners of the Navy, than in considering what the gazette did, or
did not say of himself. A month earlier he had written to the King
that "unless some course" were taken with the victualler--viz.
Pepys--the whole fleet would be ruined.[40] Now, when the fleet came
in to refit, the first thing he did on meeting the King, was to
reiterate his complaints. "Which," wrote Pepys, "I am troubled at, and
do fear may in violence break out upon this office some time or other,
and we shall {315} not be able to carry on the business."[41] But
Rupert's time on shore was short, and the storm was deferred.
By July 22 the fleet was again at sea. Severely as it had suffered,
the refitting had been conducted with remarkable celerity, and the King
and the Duke of York themselves showed such an active interest in the
preparations, that Rupert swore that they were the best officers in the
navy. The fleet went out "in very good heart," Rupert's ship boasting
"a dancing-master and two men who feign themselves mad and make very
good sport to a bag-pipe."[42] Unluckily, the very day after putting to
sea, came a violent thunderstorm, which damaged the ships so severely
that the Prince declared himself more afraid of the weather than of the
enemy.
On July 25 they fell in with the Dutch fleet, commanded by Tromp and De
Ruyter, off the North Foreland. The Dutch line was uneven, the van and
centre crowded; the English line presented a remarkable regularity.
The fight began at 10 a.m., and Tromp immediately engaged the English
rear, carried it away with him, out of sight, and was eventually
shattered by it. This independent action on the part of his
subordinate, greatly embarrassed De Ruyter. His van was speedily
over-matched, and at 4 p.m. his centre gave way. At night the English
renewed the attack in a desultory fashion, and Rupert appears to have
run some danger, for he afterwards promoted a gunner who had saved his
life at the risk of his own.[43]
On the day following, the Prince added insult to injury by sending his
little yacht "Fan-Fan," which had been built the week before, to attack
De Ruyter. Rowing under the great ship, the little vessel plied her
valiantly with her two small guns. This game continued for an hour, to
the intense amusement of the English, and the indignation of {316} the
Dutch, who could not bring their guns to bear on the yacht, by reason
of her nearness to them. At last they contrived to hit her, and she
was forced to retreat to the protection of her own fleet.[44] De
Ruyter then effected a masterly retreat, his enemies fearing to follow
on account of his proximity to his own shores.
The English had won a brilliant victory with very little loss--only one
ship and two or three fire-ships at most. Of the Dutch fleet at least
twenty ships had perished, and it was quite unable to renew the fight.
The coast of Holland was now exposed to a triumphant enemy, and a
renegade Dutchman, Laurens van Heemskerk, offered to guide the English
to the islands of Vlieland and Ter Schelling, where lay many merchant
vessels and all kinds of stores. The enterprise was entrusted to
Robert Holmes, with orders to destroy all that he found, and to carry
away no booty. In the harbour he discovered 170 merchant-men and two
men-of-war, and he did his work so thoroughly that the affair was
called in England, "Sir Robert Holmes, his Bonfire.[45]
Van Heemskerk afterwards fell into great poverty in England, and was
evicted from his house for non-payment of rent; upon which he
petitioned the King for some reward for his services, stating that, but
for the great goodness of Prince Rupert, his wife and children must
inevitably have starved.[46]
During August the fleet lingered about Sole Bay, hoping that wrath for
the burning of their harbour would bring the Dutch out again. But
Rupert laid Albemarle a bet of "five pieces" that they would not come,
and won his money.[47] The sailors, inspired by their late success,
were anxious for further action, and would fain have attacked {317} the
East India fleet at Bergen; but want of provisions held the commanders
back. Rupert wrote furiously to the King that his men were all sick
for want of food; the beer was bad, each barrel was short of the proper
quantity, and all his remonstrances only produced from Pepys accounts
of things already sent.[48] Fearing the weather, he came into the
Downs, and there took a French vessel. The French Vice-Admiral on
board at once demanded to be taken to Rupert, whom he knew. The Prince
treated him "as a gallant person ought to be," and restored to him all
his personal possessions.[49] On board the same vessel was found the
engineer, La Roche, with whom Arthur Trevor had battled in earlier days
at Oxford. Rupert had, however, pardoned, or forgotten, his contumacy,
and released him in consideration of the services he had formerly
rendered in England.[50] Finally, on October 2nd, the fleet anchored
in the Thames, and immediately afterwards burst the storm which Pepys
had long expected.
It is indisputable, even on Pepys' own showing, that peculation,
bribery, and corruption were the causes of the neglect from which the
fleet had suffered. The Naval Commissioners, in order to make their
own profit, cheated and starved the sailors; they falsified the
quantities of food that they sent, and what they delivered was bad.
Rupert had just cause for his wrath, and he did not hesitate to express
it. Five days after the return of the fleet, Pepys and his colleagues
were called upon to answer for their conduct. They endeavoured very
ingeniously to defend themselves by transferring the blame to the
Prince. Thus Pepys describes the interview. "Anon we were called into
the green room, where were the King, Duke of York, Prince Rupert, Lord
Chancellor, Lord Treasurer, Duke of Albemarle, {318} and Sirs G.
Carteret, W. Coventry, Morrice. Nobody beginning, I did, and made, as
I thought, a good speech, laying open the ill state of the Navy, by the
greatness of the debt, greatness of the work to do against next year,
the time and materials it would take, and our own incapacity through a
total want of money. I had no sooner done, but Prince Rupert rose up
in a great heat, and told the King that, whatever the gentleman said,
he had brought home his fleet in as good a condition as ever any fleet
was brought home; that twenty boats would be as many as the fleet would
want, and that all the anchors and cables left in the storm might be
taken up again... I therefore did only answer that I was sorry for His
Highness's offence, but what I said was the report I had received. He
muttered and repeated what he had said, and, after a long silence, no
one, not so much as the Duke of Albemarle, seconding the Prince, we
withdrew. I was not a little troubled at this passage, and the more,
when speaking with Jack Fenn about it, he told me that the Prince will
now be asking who this Pepys is, and will find him to be a creature of
My lord Sandwich, and that this was therefore done only to disparage
him."[51]
In consequence of this dispute, Batten was sent down to view the fleet.
He had been Rupert's enemy of old, and he now made a very unfavourable
report, which he intended to present to the Duke of York. To this end
he obtained an audience, but great was his dismay when he found Rupert
in the company of his cousin. "It was pretty to see," says Pepys, with
malicious glee, "how, when he found the Prince there, he did not speak
out one word, though the meeting was of his asking, and for nothing
else. And when I asked him, he told me that he knew the Prince too
well to anger him, and that he was afraid to do it."[52]
{319}
But the King showed himself apathetic in this matter; it was doubtless
true that the Commissioners lacked funds, and the charges against them
were not, just then, further pressed. Probably the plague and the
great fire of London threw all other affairs temporarily into the
shade. The Prince was with the fleet when informed of the great fire,
and is said to have merely remarked that, "Now Shipton's prophecy was
out,"[53]--the burning of London having been one of the events foretold
by the reputed prophetess, Mother Shipton. Evidently Rupert had ceased
to be surprised, whatever might happen.
In January 1667 he was again very ill. The old wound in his head broke
out afresh, and his life was despaired of; but in February he consented
to an operation, which gave him some relief and enabled him to sleep.
A second operation brought him fairly to convalescence, and after this
he "diverted himself in his workhouse," where, amongst other curious
things, he made instruments with which the surgeons were able to dress
his wound quickly and easily.[54] Owing partly to this illness and
partly to the King's poverty and home policy, the fleet was neglected
throughout the whole year--only two small squadrons were fitted out;
and in May, the Dutch took an ample revenge by entering the Medway, and
burning the country near Felixstowe.
Rupert had, before this, urged the fortification of Harwich and
Sheerness; and the King, now roused from his nonchalance, sent him to
superintend the fortification of these and other places, which would
secure the Medway from invasion,--and the Prince also had command of
all the troops quartered in these places.[55] With his usual care for
his subordinates, he demanded the deferred pay of his captains, and
attended a Council meeting in order to press the {320} matter.[56] The
empty condition of the treasury occasioned a quarrel with Arlington,
and the report ran that Rupert had, in Council, dealt Arlington a box
on the ear, which had knocked off his hat and wig.[57] This was an
exaggeration, but Rupert was always on bad terms with the cabal of
which Arlington was a member. The known integrity of the Prince made
him very popular with the nation at large, and he was requested by
Parliament to draw up a report on the causes of the late naval
disasters. Few things could have pleased him better than such an
opportunity of airing his grievances. He drew up a long narrative,
beginning with the separation of the fleet in June 1666, and going on
to the "horrible neglects" of the overseers, workmen, and above all,
the victuallers of the navy. "The next miscarriage I shall mention was
the intolerable neglect in supplying provisions during the whole summer
expedition, notwithstanding the extraordinary and frequent importunity
of our letters... I remember also we did then complain that great
quantities of wood-bound casks were staved, and much of the provisions
proved defective; also that the gauge of the beer barrels was 20
gallons in a butt short of what it ought to be, and the bills of credit
came with the pursers of the fleet, instead of provisions. This want
of provisions did manifestly tend to the extraordinary prejudice of his
Majesty's service in that whole summer, but most especially after the
victory obtained in July fight, when we had carried the fleet on the
enemy's coast, and lay there, before the Vlie Island, in the way of all
their merchant ships. We were enforced, merely for want of provisions,
to quit out to Sole Bay."[58] The Parliament, upon receipt of this
report, appointed a committee to inquire into the neglect mentioned,
and voted thanks to Rupert and Albemarle for their conduct of the war.
{321}
The manning of the fleet caused nearly as much discussion as did the
victualling, and about this period Rupert and James of York were by no
means of one mind concerning it. Rupert dismissed James's men as
cowards, and James rejected Rupert's "stout men" as drunkards. "If
they will turn out every man that will be drunk, they must turn out all
the commanders in the fleet," cried the exasperated Prince. "What is
the matter if a man be drunk, so, when he comes to fight, he do his
work?"[59] But the dispute ran high; James declared he "knew not how"
Colonel Legge's son had been made a captain after a single voyage, and,
though he liked Colonel Legge well, he insisted that the boy must serve
a longer apprenticeship. "I will ask the King to let me be that I
am--Admiral!" he declared wrathfully, when Rupert combated his
decisions.[60] The King listened to all these disputes with his usual
lazy good nature. "If you intend to man the fleet without being
cheated by the captains and pursers, you may go to bed and never have
it manned at all," he said.[61] But James had his way in so far that
Sir William Penn was appointed to command the summer fleet, in spite of
Rupert's aversion to him. "I do pity Sir William Penn," quoth Pepys,
naively.[62]
Owing to the representations of Rupert "and other mad, silly people,"
as Pepys phrased it,[63] no large fleet was fitted out in 1668; and, so
far as the navy was concerned, no events occurred until 1672, when the
second Dutch war broke out.
This war was as unpopular as the first had been popular. In the
interval between them Charles II had made the secret Treaty of Dover
with Louis XIV, and he now {322} entered into this war solely to assist
Louis' ambition. Therefore instead of the English opposing the Dutch
and French, as formerly, the French and English were now allied against
the Dutch. Rupert and Ormonde vigorously opposed the declaration of
war, and perhaps it was on account of his dislike to the whole business
that the Prince remained at home, while the Duke of York took command
of the fleet. Nevertheless Rupert was put in command of all naval
affairs on shore, and he resolved that the fleet should not suffer as
it had before done, for the want of all necessary supplies.
His first act in his new capacity was to summon Pepys, and his
colleagues to give an exact list of the fleet, the station and
condition of each ship, and an account, "particular, not general," of
all their stores, great and small.[64] He diligently superintended the
fortification of the coast, inspected the regiments there stationed,
and kept a watchful eye on the necessities of the fleet. But, in spite
of this efficient assistance on shore, James accomplished nothing of
moment, and the battle of Southwold Bay, fought May 28, left the
honours to the Dutch, though both sides claimed the victory.
Before the next campaign, the Test Act had been passed, by which Roman
Catholics were prevented from holding any office under the Crown. This
forced the Duke of York to resign his command of the fleet, and Rupert
was appointed to take his place.
Rupert's position was a difficult one. He detested the secret policy
of Charles, and consequently the French, who were his allies. With the
Cabal, as the home Ministry was then called, he was also at enmity.
The Ministers, therefore, in order to make him as inefficient as
possible, manned the fleet with adherents of the Duke of York, who were
told--though falsely--that detracting from the Prince {323} would
please the Duke. Therefore "they crossed him in all that they could,
and complained of all that he did." In short, Rupert had to contend
with intrigues at home, limitation of his proper powers, want of men,
ammunition and provisions, the deceit of the Naval Commissioners,
insubordination among his officers, and defection of his allies.[65]
As his second in command, he begged to have Holmes, with whom his
connection had been so long and intimate. Thanks to the favour of both
Rupert and the Duke of York, Holmes had risen high in the navy, and was
now an Admiral, and Governor of Sandown Castle, in the Isle of Wight.
His promotion seems to have excited some jealousy, and Marvell
described him bitterly, as "First an Irish livery boy, then a
highwayman, (a pirate would be nearer the mark,) now Bashaw of the Isle
of Wight, the cursed beginner of the two Dutch wars."[66] The last
sentence alludes to Holmes's exploits in Africa in 1664, and his attack
on the Smyrna fleet in 1672, which were the immediate causes of the
wars of 1665 and 1672 respectively. But in both cases Holmes only
obeyed orders for which he was not responsible. Pepys hinted darkly,
concerning him, that "a cat will be a cat still,"[67] but then Pepys
had private reasons for disliking him. He was a good soldier, and an
experienced sailor, and the Cabal Ministry had no better reason for
refusing to let him go with Rupert than the fact that he was the
Prince's friend. Instead of Holmes they forced Rupert to take Sir
Edward Spragge, with whom he was not, then, on good terms.[68]
The long delay in setting out the fleet tempted the Dutch to repeat
their descent upon the Medway, and this {324} they would undoubtedly
have done, but for the personal energy of the Prince. Collecting
together a few ships, he "made a demonstration", and sailed through the
Channel, to the great surprise of the Dutch, who immediately
retired.[69]
By May 20th the English fleet was ready to sail, and it was at once
joined by the French, under Admiral D'Estrees. About a week later they
fell in with the Dutch off Schoneveldt. Rupert sent a few vessels
forward to draw out the enemy from their harbour, but De Ruyter came
upon them so unexpectedly that they crowded back in confusion, each
falling to the squadron nearest to her. The place was narrow, the wind
for the Dutch, and some of the officers advised retreat. "But," said
the English proudly," our Admiral never knew what it was to go
back,"[70] and Rupert insisted on fighting then and there. When De
Ruyter attacked, the line of the allies was not ready, and the result
was an indecisive battle, attended with great loss of life.[71] In his
official report, the Prince acknowledged that all had done their
best:--"All the officers and seamen generally behaved themselves very
well, of which I shall send the particulars when I am better informed;
in my squadron, more especially Captain Legge, Sir John Holmes, Captain
Welwang, Sir Roger Strickland and Sir William Reeves. Sir Edward
Spragge also, on his side, maintained the fight with so much courage
and resolution, and their whole body gave way to such a degree, that,
had it not been for fear of the shoals, we had driven them into their
harbours. The case being thus, I judged it fit to stand off a little,
and anchor where now I ride. I hope his Majesty will be satisfied,
that, considering the place we engaged in, and the shoals, there was as
much done as could be expected; and thus I leave it to His Majesty's
{325} favourable construction, to whom I wish many happy years to come,
this being his birthday."[72]
The Dutch were at home, and it was easy for them to refit, but the
situation of the allies was more critical. Rupert made what
preparations he could, and sat up the whole night of June 3rd,
expecting an attack. But the carelessness of Spragge nullified this
vigilance. Early on the morning of July 4th, Spragge came on board the
Admiral. Rupert "said little", but told him to prepare for battle.
Nevertheless he delayed his departure so long that De Ruyter came out
before he had reached his own ship, and the whole of the Blue Squadron
had to await his return.[73] The Red and White Squadrons weighed
anchor very quickly; Rupert, in his impatience cut his cable, and some
others followed his example.
But this second battle was as indecisive as the first. D'Estrees
permitted the Dutch Admiral Banckert to hold him in check, and gave no
effective aid. Rupert engaged with De Ruyter and "performed wonders,"
though his ship took in so much water that he was unable to use his
lower tier of guns. Spragge opposed himself to Tromp. The loss of men
was about equal on both sides, and no ships were lost at all. The
allies pursued the Dutch from 10 p.m. to 6 a.m.; but they had gained no
serious advantage, and were obliged to turn home to refit.[74]
Rupert came home in an exceedingly bad temper. "There goes a story
about town that the Prince, at his first coming, when the Commissioners
of the Navy came to wait upon him, fell into such a passion against
them that he had like to have made use of his cane upon some of them.
Certain it is that he is very angry with them for not having taken care
to supply the fleet with {326} necessaries,"[75] says one letter.
Another, dated June 13, shows that the King too came in for a share of
his cousin's indignation: "The Prince, they say, storms exceedingly at
the want of provision they had, and declares he shall never thrive at
sea till some are hanged at land. The King said merrily, the day
before he went to see him, that he must expect a chiding, but he had
sweetened him by letter all he could."[76] Rupert, however, refused
absolutely to return to the fleet, unless he were given a new
Commission, freed from all vexatious restrictions. This was
accordingly done, and July 9th, he was made General on sea and land,
with power to make truce and grant articles; and he held the post of
First Lord of the Admiralty from this date till May 1679.
It was now proposed to throw a land force into Holland, and the command
of the army was given to Schomberg, a German soldier of fortune.
Unluckily, while the ships were refitting at Portsmouth, Schomberg
irrevocably offended his chief, by ordering the "Greyhound" frigate to
carry a flag on her main-top. This order he gave that she might be the
more easily distinguishable, but she had in reality no right to carry
any such colours, and Rupert, when he beheld her coming through the
fleet, was transfixed with amazement. His peremptory orders for the
hauling down of the flag being disregarded, he fired on it; whereupon
it was taken down, and the Captain came on board the Admiral to explain
that he had acted by Schomberg's direction. Rupert arrested him for
insolent language, but soon pardoned and released him. Schomberg he
would not forgive, and in revenge, as that General declared, he ordered
him and his forces to Yarmouth, where they lay idle all the summer.
The feud raged for some {327} time, and Schomberg sent on a challenge
to Rupert, but the duel was prevented by the King.[77]
A quarrel was also reported to have occurred between Rupert and the
Duke of York, in which swords had been drawn, the Duke calling the
Prince "Coward," and the Prince retorting with the epithet of
"Traitor."[78] Another rumour, probably better grounded, was that
D'Estrees would not sail with Rupert, and had refused to furl his
flag[79] when the Prince came on board him. This was mere gossip, but
it had a foundation, for the two Admirals were on very bad terms--a
fact which increased Rupert's popularity at home, for the French were
detested of the people, and the Prince was now "the only hero in their
thoughts."[80]
At the beginning of August the allies put to sea, and on the 11th they
met the Dutch off the Texel. The French were in the van, Rupert
commanded the centre, Spragge the rear. The three squadrons engaged,
as before, with Banckert, De Ruyter, and Tromp respectively. Rupert
drew off, trying to lead De Ruyter from the coast. Spragge
deliberately waited for Tromp, whom he had promised the King to take
dead or alive, and, in the fierce personal contest that followed, lost
his own life. D'Estrees simply allowed Banckert to run right through
his squadron, and held off from the fight. Banckert was thus left free
to join De Ruyter against Rupert, who, completely deserted by his van
and rear, had to contend against fearful odds.[81]
"Does your Highness see the French yonder?" asked Captain Howard,
standing at his side.
"Ay--Zounds, do I!" cried Rupert passionately.[82] The Dutch also
noted D'Estrees' treacherous conduct. "The {328} French have hired the
English to fight for them, and have come to see them earn their
wages,"[83] was the saying passed amongst them. But one gallant
Frenchman, at least, blushed for his countrymen. The Vice-Admiral, De
Martel, putting himself into Rupert's squadron, fought valiantly at his
side; on which, it was said, in bitter jest, that D'Estrees threatened
to hang him "for venturing the King's ship."[84] Finally Rupert
extricated himself and ran down to the rear, De Ruyter withdrawing
about 7 p.m. The result of the battle was a victory for the Dutch, who
thus opened their blockaded ports, and saved their coast from a second
assault.
Possibly the French doubted the good faith of the English, and
therefore acted thus strangely; but, be the motive for their conduct
what it may, feeling ran high against them. Rupert, with difficulty
prevented his own sailors from insulting D'Estrees when he came on
board his ship,[85] and in England men spoke only of the French
traitors.
Rupert's return was eagerly desired, and it was reported that he came
back "very angry and raging and to do some extraordinary thing." He
was in the zenith of his popularity, and was received "with the
greatest dearness possible," both by King and people.[86] But it was
no part of the King's policy to quarrel with the French, and he tried
to smooth over the affair, saying that it was not foul play, but "a
great miscarriage."[87] Rupert, however, would not hold his tongue,
and wherever he went, he fiercely blamed D'Estrees, even stating
plainly to the French Ambassador, his opinion of his countryman's
conduct.[88] At the same time he was so scrupulously exact in his {329}
assertions that he would not publish his narrative of the battle, until
he could find out what had been the exact way of the wind when he was
off Camperdown.[89]
D'Estrees retorted with the declaration that Rupert, owing to his
aversion to the war, had not pushed the first battle so far as he could
have done.[90] But, said a contemporary, "it is as impossible to make
any Englishman suspect the Prince's courage, as to persuade him that
the French have any, at sea."[91] De Martel boldly seconded Rupert,
and wrote to his own government: "If Count D'Estrees would have fallen
with a fair wind upon De Ruyter and Banckert at their first engaging,
when in numbers they much exceeded the Prince, they must, of necessity
have been enclosed between His Highness and Count D'Estrees; and so the
enemy would have been entirely defeated."[92] For this unwelcome
candour he was sent to the Bastille, upon which Rupert swore furiously
that Charles ought to defend him, by force of arms if necessary.[93]
And the more the Prince raged and stormed, so much the more was he
adored by the people, who admired him "to such a degree," said a
cynical observer, "that it would be impossible for him to do anything
amiss, so long as he opposes the French, or as they think he does."[94]
Ever since the Restoration he had been exceedingly popular, and as
early as 1666 there had been rumours of an abortive plot to place him
on the throne. The statement of the witness who revealed it, is as
follows: "William Hopkins doth depose that he heard Edward Dolphin of
Camphill, near Birmingham, say these words, or to that purpose, viz.:
'The Papists should be uppermost for a time...' {330} and said he could
tell me more, for he cared not if he were hanged so he could serve the
country. Then, speaking low, he said, (as I suppose,) 'The King and
the Duke of York are Papists, and the King hath been at Mass
underground within this week or fortnight, and I can prove it.' And
when I contradicted him, he said the King's wife was a Papist, and that
a royal G. should rule over us. And when I demanded if he meant not
George Monck, he replied it was Prince Rupert he meant. Then I said he
was no G., so he answered G. stood for a German, and Prince Rupert was
a German Prince, and declared he meant Prince Rupert should be above
the King, and said all should be willing to it, and venture lives and
fortunes to vindicate the cause of the said Prince Rupert."[95] The
whole plot probably existed only in the ravings of a lunatic, but
insignificant though it is in itself, it is an indication of the
country's feeling.
That Rupert would have listened for a moment to any disloyal scheme is,
of course, incredible. Indeed the only time, after the Restoration,
that he played any part in politics was in this year of 1673, when he
was forced into the position of popular leader, and carried away by his
wrath against the French. Feeling against "Popery" was, just then,
keen, the nation having been stirred by the Duke of York's open
adhesion to the Roman Church, and his marriage with a Roman bride,
believed by the ignorant, to be the Pope's own granddaughter. "What
will the Prince say?" was the popular cry, on all occasions;[96] and
the position contrasts oddly with the attitude of the populace towards
Rupert in the Civil War. Then he was "atheistical, popish, heathenish,
tyrannical, bloodthirsty;" now the country turned to him as a true
patriot, the staunch upholder of the Anglican Church, the defender of
the rights of Parliament.
Shaftesbury, the prime mover of all the agitation against {331} James,
hastened to ally himself with the Prince, and together they formed an
anti-French party, which stirred up the Commons against the French
alliance. "Prince Rupert and he are observed to converse much
together, and are very great, and indeed I see His Highness's coach
often at the door. They are looked to be the great Parliament men and
for the interests of old England."[97]
The result of all this was, naturally, a coolness between Rupert and
the King, but it was not of long duration. The Prince was really too
loyal to suffer his connection with the country party to carry him to
any great lengths, and it soon ceased altogether.[98] In the
iniquitous Popish Plot he had no share, nor would he countenance the
attempts to exclude James from the succession in favour of Monmouth.
True he lent Monmouth his house at Rhenen, when that unsuccessful
schemer had been forced to retire abroad, but the loan was entirely a
private matter, and quite apart from politics.[99] Rupert had no
liking for intrigues, and he held himself equally aloof from those of
Shaftesbury, and those of the Cabal. To the members of the Cabal he
was always hostile, which, says Campbell, was no wonder, seeing that
they were "persons of the utmost art," and the Prince was "one of the
plainest men that could be."[100] Yet, in spite of his objections to
the King's ministers, Rupert always retained the King's friendship,
steering his way amongst factions and intrigues so tactfully, and yet
so honestly, that he was beloved and respected by all parties.[101]
[1] Campbell's Admirals, II. p. 242.
[2] Pepys Diary, 4 June, 1664.
[3] Pepys Diary, Sept. 3, 1664.
[4] Ibid. Sept. 5, 1664.
[5] D. S. P. Sept. 13, 1664.
[6] Dom. State Papers, Sept. 23, 1664.
[7] Ibid. Oct. 8, 15, 24, 1664.
[8] Domestic State Papers. Oct. 8 1664. Chas. II. 103. f. 27.
[9] Dom. State Papers. Chas II. 103. f. 40.
[10] Ibid. Oct. 11, 1664. Chas. II. Vol. 103. f. 153.
[11] Hatton Correspondence, Vol. I. p. 37. Camd. Soc. New series.
Lyttleton to Hatton, Oct. 19, 1664.
[12] Bromley Letters, 283-284. 27 Oct. 1664.
[13] Domestic State Papers. Rupert to King, Nov. 6, 1664. Chas. II.
104. 42.
[14] Hatton Correspondence, Vol. I. p. 44. 10 Dec. 1664.
[15] Pepys. 15 Jan. 1665.
[16] Mahan's Sea Power, p. 107.
[17] Dom. State Papers. Hickes to Winson, June 10, 1665.
[18] See Clowes' Royal Navy, II. pp. 256-266. Campbell, II. 93-98.
[19] Burnet Hist. of his own Times, ed. 1838. p. 148 and _note_.
Campbell, II. pp. 99-100. Clowes, II. 265. Pepys Diary, 20 Oct.
1666.
[20] Pepys, 6 Nov. 1665.
[21] Dom. State Papers, June 10, 1665.
[22] Dom. State Papers, Chas. II. 124, 46. Rupert to Arlington, June
13, 1665.
[23] Ibid. 2 July, 1665.
[24] Pepys. 11 Oct., 31 Sept 1665, 12 Jan. 1666, 23 Oct. 1667.
[25] Clarendon Life, II. 402.
[26] Clarendon Life, II. 403.
[27] Pepys. 25 Oct. 1665.
[28] Ibid. 6 Nov. 1665.
[29] Clarendon's Life, III. 69.
[30] Dom. State Papers, Feb. 16, 1666.
[31] Ibid. May 27, 1666.
[32] Dom. State Papers, Clifford to Arlington, June 6, 1666.
[33] Clarendon's Life, III. 72.
[34] Dom. State Papers, Clifford to Arlington, June 6, 1666.
[35] Campbell. Vol. II. 107-111. Mahan's Influence of Sea Power on
History, 118-126. Clowes' Royal Navy, II. 267-278.
[36] Dryden, Annus Mirabilis. 1666.
[37] Dom. State Papers. Chas. II. 159. f. 3. Hayes, 15 June, 1666.
[38] Ibid. Vol. 159. 3 (1).
[39] Ibid. 159. 55. Hayes, June 21, 1666.
[40] Ibid. Chas. II. 156. 100. 22 May, 1666.
[41] Pepys. June 20, 1666.
[42] Dom. State Papers, Clifford to Arlington, July 5, 1666.
[43] Ibid. Geo. Hillson, Gunner of Ruby, to Pepys, Nov. 30, 1666.
[44] Dom. State Papers. Clifford to Arlington, July 27, 1666.
[45] Dom. State Papers. Rupert to King, Aug. 11, 1666. Clowes, II.
278-285. Mahan, 131. Campbell, 112-117. Clarendon Life, III. 79.
[46] D. S. P. 1670. Chas. II. 281 a 173.
[47] Ibid. Clifford to Arlington, Aug. 16, 1666.
[48] Dom. State Papers, Rupert to King, Aug. 27, Sept 24, 1666.
[49] Clarendon's Life, III. 83.
[50] Dom. State Papers, 19 Sept 1666, 19 and 20 Oct. 1666. Chas. II.
175. f. 111, 112.
[51] Pepys, Oct. 7, 1666.
[52] Ibid. Oct. 10, 1666.
[53] Pepys, 20 Oct. 1666.
[54] Dom. State Papers, Feb. 21, 1667.
[55] Ibid. June 13, July 6, Nov. 23, 1667.
[56] Dom. State Papers, July 25, 1668.
[57] Ibid. Sept. 12, 1668.
[58] Prince Rupert's Narrative, see Warb. III. p. 480.
[59] Pepys, Jan. 2, 1668.
[60] Pepys, Jan. 28, 1668.
[61] Ibid. Mar. 18, 1668.
[62] Ibid. Mar. 20, 1668.
[63] Ibid. May 28, 1668. Campbell, II. 121-122.
[64] Dom. State Papers, May 4, 1672.
[65] Campbell, II. 246. Letters to Williamson, I. p. 195.
[66] Andrew Marvell. Seasonable Argument, 1677. Letters to
Williamson. II. 63, _note_.
[67] Pepys, 24 Jan. 1666.
[68] Campbell, II. 149. Clowes, Vol. II. 309-310.
[69] Campbell, II. 149. Clowes, II. 310.
[70] Hatton Correspondence, I. p. 105. May 20, 1673.
[71] Clowes, II. 311-315.
[72] Campbell, II. 246. Memoir of Prince Rupert, p. 58.
[73] Hist. MSS. Commission, Rept. 15. Vol. III. pp. 9-13. Journal of
Sir Edward Spragge, May 1673. Dartmouth MSS. Vol. III.
[74] Campbell, II. 151-153. Clowes, II. 314-315.
[75] Camden. Society. New Series. Letters to Sir Joseph Williamson,
Vol. I. p. 48. May 6, 1673.
[76] Ibid. I. 39, June 13, 1673.
[77] Letters to Williamson, Vol. I. pp. 121, 124, 145, July 21, Aug.
4, Aug. 6, 1673.
[78] Hist. MSS. Com. Rept. 12. Fleming MSS. p. 102, 22 July, 1673.
[79] Hatton Correspondence, Vol. I. p. 106.
[80] Letters to Williamson, I. p. 63.
[81] Campbell, II. 157-159. Clowes, II. 316-317.
[82] Letters to Williamson, Vol. I. p. 174. Aug. 18, 1673.
[83] Campbell, II. 159.
[84] Letters to Williamson, Vol. II. p. 9. Sept. 5, 1673.
[85] Ibid. Vol. I. p. 185.
[86] Ibid. I. pp. 183, 191. Aug. 25, 1673.
[87] Ibid. II. p. 1.
[88] Ibid. I. p. 191. Aug. 29, 1673.
[89] Letters to Williamson, II. 13. Sept. 5, 1673.
[90] Clowes, II. 520-322. Campbell, II. 152. Hist. MSS. Com. Rpt.
12. Fleming MSS. p. 103.
[91] Hatton Correspondence, Vol. I. p. 114.
[92] Ibid. Vol. II. p. 1, _note_.
[93] Ibid. II. 20, Sept. 19, 1673.
[94] Ibid. I. p. 194, Aug. 29, 1673.
[95] Dom. State Papers. Chas. II. 172. 13.
[96] Letters to Williamson, Vol. I. p. 143, Aug. 4, 1673.
[97] Letters to Williamson, Vol. II. p. 21, Sept. 19, 1673.
[98] Campbell, II. p. 47.
[99] Hist. MSS. Com. Rept. 12. Fleming MSS. p. 162.
[100] Campbell, II. p. 246.
[101] Ibid. II. 245. Memoir of Prince Rupert, Preface.
{332}