RUPERT'S CARE OF THE FLEET. NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE SCOTS. RUPERT'S
VOYAGE TO IRELAND. THE EXECUTION OF THE KING. LETTERS OF SOPHIE TO
RUPERT AND MAURICE
By May 1648 a Royalist reaction was setting in in England. The King
had been two years a prisoner, and the people, already weary of the
Army and the Parliament, began to think with favour of their
unfortunate sovereign. Royalist risings took place in Kent and some of
the Eastern Counties, and a large portion of the fleet, encouraged by
this, revolted from the Parliament and came over to Holland. Thither
Rupert and the younger Charles hastened to meet it. The French, eager
to detain Rupert in their service, again and again offered him "any
conditions" to remain with them, but he adhered firmly to the Stuart
fortunes.[1] And well was it for young Charles that he did so; for, as
even his enemies acknowledged, no other man could, or would have
competed successfully with the terrible difficulties which they had now
to encounter. Fortunately, his experience in England had not been
wasted. He was learning to cultivate patience, tolerance and
self-control, and never were such qualities more needed. A letter,
dated August 9, 1648, bears witness to the change in the Prince's
manners.--"Let me assure you, Sir, that Prince Rupert's carriage was
such at Calais, and throughout the journey thither, that, I protest, I
was overjoyed to see it, both for the public, and for the Prince's
(Charles) happiness in his company... Certainly, Sir, he appears to me
to be a {223} strangely changed man in his carriage; and for his
temperance and his abilities, I think they were never much
questioned."[2]
His abilities were about to be taxed to the uttermost. The small fleet
was in a most unsatisfactory state. Provisions were scarce, the
sailors mutinous, and the loyalty of the Commanders--their recent
revolt notwithstanding--exceedingly doubtful. As usual, counsels were
divided. Batten and Jordan, the two officers who had brought over the
fleet from the Parliament, were for sailing to Scotland; others desired
to relieve Colchester, which had been seized for the King; Rupert
wished to make for the Isle of Wight, where the King was confined; the
sailors desired to hover about the Thames and capture returning
merchant vessels. Consequently, all that could be done was to hang
about the Downs, capturing a few prizes and making occasional assaults
upon the English coast. An attack on Deal resulted in the death of
Captain Beckman, but the sailors were still unwilling to return to
Holland. On the approach of the Parliamentary fleet, commanded by Lord
Warwick, it was resolved to fight, but the engagement was
prevented,--once by a sudden storm, and again by the contumacy of
Batten, who refused to follow Rupert.
Finally, in September it was decided to return to Holland; but Warwick
followed the Royalist fleet closely, and there ensued a curious race
for the possession of the Helvoetsluys harbour. Warwick gained, and
seemed likely to win the day; but a Captain Allen, who happened to be
on the shore, came to the aid of the Royalists. As Warwick's ship drew
near, Allen signed for the line to draw him in, and, when it was thrown
to him, contrived to let Warwick slip back, so that Rupert's ship came
in before him. After that, Rupert successfully hauled up all the rest
of his fleet, except the "Convertine," which came in with the next
tide; {224} nevertheless Warwick followed him into the harbour, and for
more than a month the hostile fleets remained in this curious position;
so close that the sailors could shout to one another, and yet unable to
proceed to hostilities, because they were in a neutral harbour.[3]
Sometimes the sailors met on shore, and then brawls arose amongst them.
But much worse was the frequent desertion of Rupert's men. Warwick
spared no pains to win them over, and once he even sent an officer to
the Prince, with a request that he might speak to his men. Rupert's
reply was characteristic: "The Prince told him, 'Yes, in his hearing;
but, if he spake anything amiss he would throw him overboard'."
Needless to add, the man retired without speaking at all.[4]
Yet in spite of Rupert's vigilance, bribes and other temptations drew
some of the ships over to the enemy, until only nine remained.
Thereupon the Prince manned the "Convertine" with his most loyal men,
furnished her with cannon, and laid her athwart the rest of his fleet.
The Dutch remonstrated against this warlike action, but Rupert answered
that if they promised him protection, he would rely on their word; if
not, he would himself protect the fleet entrusted to him by the King.
And the Dutch, who seem to have been very compliant towards the young
Prince who had grown up amongst them, let him have his way.
The Hague was now the head-quarters of the Prince of Wales, and thither
flocked all his old Councillors, besides many other Cavaliers. Faction
raged amongst them as violently as ever. "It was," says Clarendon, "no
hard matter to get anything disliked that was resolved in the
Council."[5] That the administration of affairs was bad was a point on
which every one agreed, but they concurred in nothing else.
{225}
Rupert had fallen under the influence of Sir Edward Herbert, the
quarrelsome attorney-general, and Hyde and Cottington found themselves
eagerly welcomed by these two, who "inveighed bitterly against the
whole administration of the fleet." Batten, Rupert held for a coward
or a traitor; Long, the secretary of the Prince of Wales, for a mere
swindler, and, despite his "changed carriage", he had not renounced his
old hatred of Culpepper. Their mutual animosity "infinitely disturbed
councils,"[6] and was in all respects unfortunate. Their policy was
diametrically opposed. Culpepper was for conciliating the English
populace, and when the Royalist rising took place in 1648, he was
averse to permitting the young Duke of Buckingham to share in it,
unless he would declare for the Covenant, "and such-like popular ways."
Such views naturally did not find favour with the Prince, who adhered
to the young Duke's cause.--"Prince Rupert stuck to itt," wrote Hatton,
"and we carried it against him;"[7] that is, against Culpepper.
The disputes came to a climax over a question of supply. A cargo of
sugar, captured at sea, had to be sold for the payment of the fleet,
and Rupert proposed to employ a certain Sir Robert Walsh in the
business. Culpepper protested such vehement distrust of the man in
question that Rupert took his expressions as reflecting on himself, and
haughtily demanded: "What exceptions there were to Sir Robert Walsh,
that he might not be fit for it?" Culpepper returned, nothing daunted,
that Walsh was "a shark, and a fellow not fit to be trusted."
Whereupon, said Rupert: "Sir Robert is my friend, and you must not
think to meet him but with your sword in your hand, for he is a
gentleman and a soldier." Culpepper, grown reckless of his words,
declared fiercely that he would not fight with Walsh, but with the
Prince himself, to which Rupert replied, very quietly, "It is well!"
The Council rose in confusion; but the Prince {226} of Wales, who was
greatly agitated, ultimately succeeded in soothing his cousin.
Culpepper proved more implacable, and several days elapsed before he
could be induced to offer an apology, which Rupert received
graciously.[8]
The fleet was at this time formally given over to Rupert's command.
For many reasons he accepted the charge reluctantly, and offered to
serve nominally under the Duke of York. But of this Prince Charles
would not hear, and Rupert was therefore invested "with all the command
at sea that he formerly held on shore."[9] The facility with which the
exiled Cavaliers took to the sea is strange to modern ideas, but in the
seventeenth century the line between soldier and sailor was not very
finely drawn. In Rupert's own case his education among the amphibious
Hollanders probably stood him in good stead. Certainly he seems to
have thoroughly understood all nautical matters, and on one occasion we
read: "By the ill-conning of the mates the ship was brought to leeward,
_which caused the Prince to conn her himself_."[10]
Some of Rupert's friends would fain have dissuaded him from "an
undertaking of so desperate an appearance,"[11] but he was determined
to do his best, and the Prince of Wales frankly acknowledged that, but
for his cousin's "industry and address" there would have been no fleet
at all.[12] And Hyde, who, as we know, had never loved the Prince,
wrote to Sir Richard Fanshaw, that the preservation of the fleet must
be entirely ascribed to Prince Rupert, "who, seriously, hath expressed
greater dexterity and temper in it than you can imagine. I know there
is, and will be, much prejudice to the service by his being engaged in
that command, but the truth is there is an unavoidable {227} necessity
for it." And, after recounting the bad behaviour of Batten and Jordan,
who had corrupted the sailors, and refused to put to sea, he adds: "In
this distress Prince Rupert took the charge, and with unrivalled pains
and toil, put all things in reasonable order.... And really I believe
that he will behave himself so well in it that nobody will have cause
to regret it."[13]
And Rupert did behave himself well. No toil proved too arduous for
him, no undertaking too dangerous. Indeed, the labours involved in his
task were so great and so many that it seems scarcely credible that
they could be performed by one man. He became a merchant; he discussed
the prices of sugar, indigo, tobacco, and other commodities, and
personally conducted the sale of his prizes. He attended to his own
commissariat; dispensing with the cheating commissioners, as "unuseful
evils."[14] We find him gravely considering the quality of "pickled
meat," or lamenting that peas and groats are both too dear to buy.[15]
"Concerning the pork, he tells me he doth not think there can be so
great a quantity provided suddenly," says a correspondent. "He hath
not yet provided any shirts nor apparel for the men."[16] He was his
own recruiting officer, and went from port to port in Ireland,
persuading men to join his fleet. The conduct of each man was his
personal concern; and, as in the war in England, he was overwhelmed
with complaints and correspondence by his officers. One letter may
serve as an example of the rest.
"According to the service and duty I owe unto your Highness," writes
Thomas Price, "I am enforced to certify your Highness of the dangerous
and unbeseeming carriage of Robert Pett, gunner of His Majesty's ship
the Revenge, {228} who, upon Saturday night last, being the tenth of
January, about nine o'clock at night, being very much in drink, would
have taken tobacco over a barrell of powder, (being in his cabin, which
is in the gun room and a great quantity of loose powder lying round
about), had he not been prevented by Captain Payton Cartwright, who was
called by some of the gun room for that purpose. The gunner, being
something unruly, he was forced to go up to His Highness Prince Maurice
to acquaint him with it. Upon which he was committed to the guard, for
fear of further danger."[17]
Mutiny was unhappily only too frequent; but the Prince's presence
usually sufficed to quell it. While the fleet was at Helvoetsluys,
there arose some discontent in the "Antelope," beginning with "a
complaint upon victuals." Rupert went on board, and promptly told the
men that they were free to leave the service. To this they made no
answer, but they were unappeased, and when, two days later, Rupert sent
for twenty of them to help to rig up his own ship, they refused to
come. The Prince then went again to the "Antelope," and "walked the
deck, to see his commands obeyed." The sailors crowded about him, and
one gathered courage to shout defiance. His example would have
disastrously inspired the rest, had not Rupert acted with extraordinary
promptitude. Seizing the mutineer in his arms, he held him as though
about to drop him over the ship's side, which remarkable action
"wrought such a terror upon the rest, that they forthwith returned to
their duty."[18] Clarendon exaggerates this incident much as Pepys
does the affair at Newark. The Prince, he says, "with notable vigour
and success, suppressed two or three mutinies, in one of which he was
compelled to throw two or three of the seamen overboard, by the
strength of his own arms."[19] Since there {229} was frequently no
money to pay the sailors, mutiny was of course to be expected.
Nominally the men were paid 25_s_ a month, but, unless prizes were
taken, they did not get the money. Usually they acquiesced in the
condition of affairs with admirable resignation. In 1648, a deputation
of five sailors came from Helvoetsluys to Prince Charles at the Hague,
with a request to be told whether he had or had not any money. Being
truthfully answered that he had none, they expressed themselves
satisfied with a promise of shares in the next prizes, and returned to
the fleet, having, as Hyde informed Rupert, "behaved themselves very
civilly."[20] And not only for money to pay his sailors, but for every
other necessary Prince Charles was dependent on the prizes taken by
Rupert. "Being totally destitute of means, we intend to provide for
the satisfaction of our debts out of the proceeds of the goods in the
ship lately taken," he wrote in 1650.[21] In short the fleet
represented all the funds which the poverty-stricken Royalists could
gather together, and for the next three years the exiled Court was
supported by the exertions of Rupert.
While the fleet lay inactive in 1648 the Prince of Wales was engaged in
negotiations with the Scots. In Scotland the Royalist reaction was
stronger than it was in England; the Scottish Presbyterians were wholly
dissatisfied with Cromwell and the English Puritans, and they now
sought to make terms with their Sovereign. But one of their first
conditions was that neither Rupert nor Maurice should set foot in
Scotland, and this was exceedingly displeasing to the Prince of Wales.
The Earl of Lauderdale, who had been sent to the Hague to negotiate the
affair, reported that Rupert's power over the Prince was absolute, and
that if he chose to come to Scotland come he would, in spite of the
negative vote of the whole Council. Rupert himself proposed to
accompany Prince Charles in a private capacity, {230} taking no share
in the affairs of State;[22] but the Scots, who knew his influence over
his cousin, refused to entertain the suggestion. Prince Charles then,
with his own hand, struck out the clause of the treaty which disabled
Rupert from bearing him company; an arbitrary action which seriously
annoyed Lauderdale.[23] Rupert, however, smoothed the matter over,
saying that, provided his absence were not made a formal condition, he
would remain in Holland. Altogether he "carried himself so
handsomely"[24] as to win over Lauderdale, who finally declared that
Rupert's coming to Scotland would be, after all, "of great
advantage."[25]
But Rupert, in spite of his conciliatory behaviour inclined far more to
the Royalism of Montrose than to that of Lauderdale and Argyle. The
Marquess of Montrose, who had sustained the King's cause in Scotland
with extraordinary heroism and brilliancy, was at that time at Brussels
and quite ready to risk another venture on the King's behalf. He was,
however, so obnoxious to the Presbyterian party that no hope of their
union could be entertained. Charles had to choose between the two, and
Rupert strongly inclined to the heroic Montrose. The character and
achievements of the Marquess were well calculated to inspire admiration
in the Prince. The two had met once in England, during the August of
1643, and a strong mutual esteem existed between them. Therefore,
while Charles was leaning to Argyle, Rupert was conducting a voluminous
correspondence with Montrose. The "noble kindness" of the Marquess,
said the Prince, made him anxious to serve the King in his company, and
he would very willingly join in any undertaking that he proposed.[26]
Montrose replied with equal friendliness: "I will ... rather hazard to
sink by you than {231} save myself aside of others." But,
unfortunately, a meeting between them was impossible. The Marquess
could not come to the Hague on account of the Presbyterian emissaries
there assembled, and also because he was continually beset by spies,
from whom he was anxious to conceal his alliance with the Prince.
Rupert would fain have visited him at Brussels, but he was bound "by a
heavy tie" to the fleet, and could only lament that "whilst I am
separating the sheep from the goats I dare not absent myself without
hazard."[27] Montrose was anxious to take the fleet to Scotland,
where, he said, "there be so handsome and probable grounds for a clear
and gallant design ... that I should be infinitely sorry that you
should be induced to hazard your own person, or those little rests
(remains) upon any desperate thrusts; for, while you are safe, we shall
find twenty fair ways to state ourselves."[28] But both that scheme,
and the negotiations with Lauderdale fell through, and it was finally
resolved to take the fleet to Ireland, where the Marquess of Ormonde
stood out for the King with as great a devotion as Montrose had shown
in Scotland.
In October Rupert received a letter from the King, at the hands of Will
Legge, who bore also an important message which the King dared not
write. He had now laid a plan for escape from the Isle of Wight, and
he required Rupert to send a ship thither, and to acquaint "no other
mortal" with the matter, except the Prince of Orange.[29] Rupert would
have gone in person, but was still detained by his care of the fleet.
However, the Prince of Orange willingly sent one of his own ships,
which was boarded and searched by a captain of the Parliament. For
several days it lingered on the coast, under pretence of waiting for a
wind, but, as we all know, Charles's {232} attempt at escape was
frustrated, and the vessel returned without him.
On November 21st Warwick sailed for England, and Rupert, freed from the
surveillance of his foe, at once prepared his ships for action. Money
of course was lacking, but Rupert sent out two of his ships to take
prizes, which was successfully done, and the resources were further
increased by the sale of the Antelope's ordnance; besides which, "the
Queen of Bohemia pawned her jewels, or the work had never been
done."[30] Lord Craven also added his contribution. "What I have in
my power shall be at your service, unless your brother Edward in the
meantime disfurnish me," he wrote to Rupert.[31]
A difficulty next arose about the use of the standard. Properly, only
the Lord High Admiral could carry it, and that title the Prince of
Wales had no power to confer. Yet Warwick made use of the standard,
and it was therefore left to Rupert's discretion to hoist it if needful
for the encouragement of his men.
Towards the end of January 1649, all was ready, and Rupert sailed for
Ireland with three flag-ships, four frigates, and one prize; Maurice of
course accompanying him. They were temporarily joined by three
Dutchmen requiring consortship, a circumstance which proved very
beneficial to the Royalists. At day-break, January 22, they sighted
the Parliament fleet off Dover, and Rupert judging valour to be the
better part of discretion, sailed straight for it. Terrified by this
extraordinary boldness, and believing the Dutch ships to be in Rupert's
pay, Warwick's fleet sought shelter beneath the forts; and the Prince,
much encouraged by this success, passed unmolested to Kinsale.[32]
The usual endeavours to sow ill-will between Rupert and Ormonde had not
been wanting. Digby, apparently {233} forgetful of his recent
professions of friendship for Rupert, addressed the Lord Lieutenant in
his old strain. "One thing I think it necessary to advertise you of,
that Prince Rupert hath set his rest to command this expedition of the
fleet, and the Council have complied with him in it, insomuch that if
it arrives safe in Ireland you must expect him with it. I hope his aim
is only at the honour of conveying the fleet thither, through so much
hasard, and then returning to the Prince. But if he have any further
design of continuing to command the fleet, or of remaining in that
kingdom, I fear the consequences of it, knowing what applications have
been made to him formerly, and how unsettled and weak a people you have
there, apt to catch at anything that's new."[33] Hyde, on the other
hand, warned Rupert that there would certainly be attempts to excite
quarrels between himself and Ormonde, but added, with a confidence he
did not feel: "Truly, Sir, I do not apprehend any danger this way. I
know your Highness will comply in all things with him, as a person,
besides his great merit, of the clearest and most entire approbation of
any subject the King hath."[34] In similar terms wrote Jermyn at the
Queen's behest, to Ormonde, who replied rather crushingly: "I am
infinitely obliged to Her Majesty for her care to keep me in Prince
Rupert's good opinion. I shall be, and have been, industrious to gain
his favour, and my endeavour has hitherto been successful. Neither do
I apprehend any danger of a change; his carriage towards me having been
full of civility, as well in relation to my employment as to my
person."[35]
There was in fact the best of intelligence between Rupert and Ormonde,
and thanks to the Lord Lieutenant's noble and unsuspicious nature,
nothing could destroy it. The "applications" to Rupert, mentioned by
Digby, were made {234} by the Roman Catholic rebels, who disliked
Ormonde's steady hand and firm adherence to the established religion.
They represented to Rupert that they were averse, not to the King, but
to his Lord Lieutenant, and that if only he (Rupert) would consent to
lead them "they would all join in one to live and die for His Majesty's
service, under Your Highness's command; that being their greatest
ambition."[36] Rupert's enemies at the Hague hastened to report these
intrigues to Ormonde, colouring them, as much as possible, to Rupert's
discredit. But Ormonde replied calmly that he had been already
informed of them by Rupert himself, who had asked his advice as to the
answers he should send. That he knew those who desired to divide the
King's party "assumed encouragements from Prince Rupert, without
warrant from him." That he, personally would willingly resign his
charge to the Prince, if it were for the King's advantage; but that he
knew it to be "impossible for the Prince to descend to what would look
like supplanting one that hath endeavoured, with some success, to serve
him in his charge."[37]
But though Ormonde refused to doubt Rupert's integrity, he did not
derive from him the assistance he had hoped. Rupert had written, on
his arrival at Kinsale, promising to follow Ormonde's advice in all
things, and to give him all the aid in his power. But his want of men
made it impossible for him to block up Dublin harbour, as the Lord
Lieutenant desired,[38] and the necessity of capturing prizes, the sale
of which supported the fleet, prevented any action of importance. The
Parliament complained bitterly that no ship could leave the Bristol
Channel by day without falling a prey to the Princes,[39] and yet
Rupert seldom had money to send to Ormonde. "Your Lordship may be
{235} assured of all the supplies and assistances our ships can afford
you," he wrote in answer to one of Ormonde's frequent appeals for
money. "But I must entreat your Lordship to consider the great charge
the fleet is at, and, if we lose this opportunity, we may be hindered
by a far greater strength than yet appears. The least squadron we must
now send out must be of five ships. Three we can leave behind, fitted
with all but men, ready to do service here. I intend, with the first
opportunity, to go to Waterford.... From thence I shall not fail to
receive your commands. Mr. Fanshaw can give you an account how low we
are in matters of monies."[40]
The want of men was even more serious than the want of money. In the
summer Rupert hoped to really fight the Parliament fleet, and with that
view he personally sought recruits in all the neighbouring port towns.
By great exertions he raised a considerable number, but, when the task
was accomplished, the Council of War hung back from the risk of a
battle, and the Prince, rather than incur the charge of "vanity and
rashness," dismissed his hard-won recruits and retired into harbour.
Changed indeed was the man who had fought at Marston Moor![41]
But in spite of all difficulties, Rupert contrived to take prizes, to
support the Royalists at the Hague, and even to send some succour to
the Scilly islands, which held out for the King. "I believe we shall
make a shift to live in spite of all our factions!"[42] he wrote
cheerfully. And make a shift he did, through "a wearisome summer,
passed in anxiety and troubles."[43] Cromwell had arrived in June, and
was rapidly conquering Ireland. The King's army was defeated near
Dublin; the towns began to revolt to the Parliament; the faithful
garrisons were mercilessly massacred {236} by Cromwell; and Rupert only
escaped the treachery of the Governor of Cork by a press of business
which prevented him from accepting an invitation to hunt. "The
Governor of Cork," says the historian of Rupert's voyages, "resolved to
make himself famous by an infamous act, to which purpose, knowing His
Highness loved hunting, he invited him to a chase of deer, close by the
town; but Heaven abhorring such inhumanity, prevented that design, by
providing importunate business to impede His Highness' intentions."[44]
But though thwarted in this scheme, the Governor of Cork could and did
surrender the city to the enemy, after which Kinsale was no longer a
safe port for the Royalist fleet. If the ships were to be preserved,
it was high time to quit the Irish coast. The Parliament had already
sent a fleet to block the Prince up in the harbour, but again fortune
favoured him. A friendly wind blew the Parliament fleet out to sea,
and enabled Rupert to slip out past them. For want of men, he was
forced to leave three of his ships behind him, and in November 1649, he
began the world anew with seven sail.
Within a few days of Rupert's first arrival at Kinsale, the execution
of Charles I had taken place. For some weeks Rupert remained ignorant
of this final disaster, but in February a vague rumour reached him, and
he wrote in great agitation to Ormonde: "I beseech your Lordship to let
me know whether you have any certain news of the King's
misfortune."[45] The dreadful rumour was only too soon confirmed.
From the Hague he received dismal accounts of the general depression
and confusion--"all men being full of designs to be counsellors and
officers;" and he was entreated to write a few lines to cheer and
encourage his young cousin, now Charles II.[46] Very shortly he
received {237} his commission as Lord High Admiral, which the new King
had now power to grant, and he thereupon published a solemn declaration
of his intention to fight the Parliament to the death.
"The bloody and inhumane murder of my late dread uncle of ever renowned
memory hath administered to me fresh occasion to be assistant, both in
Counsel and to the best of my personal power, to my dear cousin, now
Charles II of England... I do protest and really speak it, it was ever
my intention to do him service and employ my best endeavours for
enthroning him, as bound by consanguinity, but more particularly
engaged by reason of former favours received from his late royal
father, my murdered uncle. Yet I do ingeniously confess it was never
my desire to be employed in this great and weighty matter of His
Majesty's Admiral. I should willingly have been satisfied with an
inferior place, where I might have had the freedom, in part, to bring
to condign punishment such great traitors and rebels who had a hand in
the murder of my late uncle, and do still persist in their perverse way
of rebellion and cruelty. And my reasons why I did not wish so great a
command were these--namely, I know, and was ascertained, myself had
been rendered odious to many English who did not rightly understand my
real intentions, but only believed lies and forged reports of my
enemies' framing. And I did likewise consider that my undertaking the
admiralty might be a means to draw away the affections of His Majesty's
subjects, by reason such rumours had been upon me. These, and many
other reasons which now I will omit, did move me several times to
refuse what, at length, His Majesty's Council of Lords, knights and
gentlemen, who are now about him, did, in a manner, thrust upon
me."[47] Rupert's greatness had been, in truth, thrust upon him, but
having accepted it, he resolved to use it {238} for avenging his uncle
to the uttermost. "Prince Rupert," declared a sailor of the
Parliament, who had been his prisoner, "is not ashamed openly to
profess that, provided he may ruin and destroy the English interest,
especially the estates of the merchants and mariners of London, he
cares not whether he gets a farthing more while he lives than what will
maintain himself, his confederates, and his fleet."[48]
Such being Rupert's attitude, it is worth while to note that of his
brothers. Maurice was of course one with him. Edward also expressed
himself as strongly as his two seniors could have wished. "I should
die happy if I could steep my hands (quand j'aurai trempe mes mains) in
the blood of those murderers."[49] That satisfaction was denied him,
but he did his best by insulting the Ambassadors of the Parliament in
the streets of the Hague. This affair produced great excitement in
England, and the States of Holland were forced to request Edward to
"keep a better tongue," or else to quit their territory. He had been
just about to depart to Heidelberg, but, with true Palatine obstinacy,
deferred his departure for another week, and went about boasting his
status as a "freeborn Prince of the Empire."[50] The States, with
their wonted prudence, let him alone until after he was safely
departed, when they endeavoured to appease the English Parliament by a
show of indignation. "The States here," wrote Nicholas, "have lately
caused a summons publicly to be made, by ringing of a bell, requiring
Prince Edward--who they know went hence to Germany three months
since--to appear in the State House, by a day prefixed, to answer the
affront he did to St. John and his colleagues; which is said to be
only, as they passed him, to have called them a pack of rogues and
rebels."[51]
{239}
The conduct of Charles Louis contrasted strongly with that of the rest
of his family. He, far more than Edward, had cause for gratitude to
his Uncle, and yet he could write coldly of the King's trial:--"Others,
(_i.e._ himself), who are but remotely concerned in the effects
thereof, cannot be blamed if they do not intermeddle. Neither is it in
their power to mend anything, for it hath been seen in all Governments
that strength will still prevail, whether it be right or wrong."[52]
Nevertheless he quitted England after the King's execution, chiefly, it
is to be feared, because he had become convinced that he himself would
not be elected to the vacant throne. Having renounced the cause of the
Parliament, he was anxious to be reconciled to his brothers, and
Sophie, evidently at his instigation, wrote to inform Rupert and
Maurice of the Elector's changed views. Both her letters are dated
April 13th, 1649, and that to Rupert is written in French.
"Dearest Brother,
"It is only through printed reports that we hear any news of Rupert le
Diable, for no one has received any letters from you. My brother the
Elector is now here, and cares no more for those cursed people in
England, for he has paid his duty to the King, which he might easily
have avoided, as business called him to Cleves. Here also are the
Scottish Commissioners, who every day bring some new proposal to the
King, full of impertinency. They would not that the King should keep
any honest man about him, for which they are in great favour with the
Princess of Orange, who declares herself much for the Presbyterians,
and says that Percy is the honestest man the King has about him. But I
believe you care not much to know of intrigues here, for which cause I
shall not trouble you further; besides, you have other business to do
{240} than read my letters. Only I entreat you to take notice, that I
remain
"Your most aff. sister and servant, "Sophie."[53]
To Maurice, Sophie wrote in German, and in a more familiar style.
Probably she was better acquainted with him than with Rupert, for he
had encouraged and laughed at her childish tricks, during the years
that he spent "in idleness" at the Hague.
"Highborn Prince and Dear Brother,
"I must write to you by all occasions, for I always have something to
tell you. This time it shall be that the Prince Elector is here, and
that he is now altogether against the Knaves, as we are. The peace is
made in France. My brother Edward says he has taken no employment yet.
Prince Ratzevil is deadly sick, they say that the Marquis Gonzaga hath
poisoned him; he is in Poland yet. The States have forbidden all their
Ministers to pray for any Kings in the Church, but the French will not
desist. I am so vexed with you for not writing to me that I do not
know how to express it. I hope you have not forgotten me, seeing that
I am
"Your faithful sister and humble servant, "Sophie."[54]
To this letter the Elector added a short postscript.
"My service to you, brother Rupert and brother Maurice; more I cannot
say, being newly arrived, and visitations do hinder me. Carl Ludwig."
What effect this judiciously-worded composition might have had it is
impossible to say. Both letters fell into the hands of the Parliament
and never reached their proper destination. It was many years before
Rupert and the Elector met again.
[1] Benett MSS. Warburton, III. p. 250.
[2] Nicholas Papers, I. 95. Camden Soc. New Series. Hatton to
Nicholas, Aug. 9, 1648.
[3] Warburton, III. pp. 250-254.
[4] Ibid. p. 253.
[5] Clarendon, Bk. XI. p. 63.
[6] Clarendon, Bk. XI. p. 127.
[7] Nicholas Papers, I. p. 96.
[8] Clarendon, Bk. XI, pp. 128-130; Carte Letters, I. p. 192.
[9] Warburton, III. p. 257.
[10] Ibid. p. 386.
[11] Ibid. 255.
[12] Transcripts. Charles II to Rupert, 20 Jan. 1649.
[13] Clar. St. Papers. Hyde to Fanshaw, 21 Jan. 1649.
[14] Warburton, III. p. 295.
[15] Rupert Transcripts. Hyde to Rupert, Dec. 11, 1648. Hermes to
Rupert, Jan. 12, 1649.
[16] Ibid. Ball to Rupert, 15 Dec. 1648.
[17] Rupert Transcripts. Price to Rupert, 15 Jan. 1651.
[18] Warburton, III. pp. 262-264.
[19] Clarendon, Bk. XI. p. 152.
[20] Rupert Transcripts. Hyde to Rupert, Jan. 1649.
[21] Warburton. III. p. 308. Charles II to Rupert, Jan. 27, 1650.
[22] Hamilton Papers, p. 219. Camd. Soc. June 24, 1648.
[23] Ibid. p. 245.
[24] Hamilton Papers, p. 246, Camden Soc. Lauderdale to Lanerick, Aug.
1648.
[25] Ibid. p. 249, Aug. 20, 1648.
[26] Warburton, III. pp. 254, 262, 267-270.
[27] Hist. MSS. Com. Rpt. II. Montrose MSS. p. 173.
[28] Warburton, III. p. 269.
[29] Ibid. p. 272.
[30] Warburton, III. p. 273.
[31] Rupert Transcripts. Craven to Rupert, 29 Jan. 1649.
[32] Warburton, III. p. 282.
[33] Carte's Ormonde, VI. 587. 27 Nov. 1648.
[34] Warburton, III. p. 277, Hyde to Rupert, Jan. 27, 1649.
[35] Carte Letters, II. p. 406. 29 Sept. 1648.
[36] Rupert Transcripts. Talbot to Rupert, Nov. 7, 1648.
[37] Carte Letters, II. 427-430. 25 Jan. 1650.
[38] Ibid. II. 381. 29 May, 1649.
[39] Clowes Royal Navy, II. p. 120.
[40] Carte Letters, II. 375.
[41] Warburton, III. pp. 293-294.
[42] Ibid. p. 290. Rupert to Grenvile, Apr. 28, 1649.
[43] Ibid. p. 297.
[44] Warburton, pp. 297-8.
[45] Carte Papers. Irish Confederation, VII. 256. Rupert to Ormonde,
Feb. 12, 1649.
[46] Warburton. III. pp. 284-5. Hyde to Rupert, Feb. 28, 1649.
[47] Prince Rupert: his Declaration. Pamphlet. British Museum. Mar.
9, 1649.
[48] Dom. State Papers. Com. 24 fol. 60.
[49] Bromley Letters, p. 295. Edward to Elizabeth.
[50] Perfect Passages, April 11, 1651. Whitelocke, p. 49. Green, VI.
17-28. Mercurius Politicus, Apr. 3-10, 1651.
[51] Carte Letters, II. p. 2. 14 May 1661.
[52] Forster's Statesmen, VI. p. 82.
[53] Domestic State Papers. Commonwealth, I. fol. 53. Sophie to
Rupert, Apr. 13, 1649.
[54] Domestic State Papers. Commonwealth, I. fol. 54, Sophie to
Maurice. Apr. 13, 1649.
{241}