INTRODUCTION

Victor Hugo's conception of the scheme of the series of poems to which

he gave the title of _La Légende des Siècles_ is thus described in

the preface to the first scenes: 'Exprimer l'humanité dans une espèce

d'oeuvre cyclique; la peindre successivement et simultanément sous tous

ses aspects, histoire, fable, philosophie, religion, science, lesquels

se résument en un seul et immense mouvement d'ascension vers la lumière;

faire apparaître, dans une sorte de miroir sombre et clair--que

l'interruption naturelle de travaux terrestres brisera probablement

avant qu'il ait la dimension rêvée par l'auteur--cette grande figure une

et multiple, lugubre et rayonnante, faible et sacrée, L'Homme.' The poet

thus dreamt of a vast epic, of which the central figure should be no

mythical or legendary hero, but Man himself, conceived as struggling

upwards from the darkness of barbarism to the light of a visionary

golden age. Every epoch was to be painted in its dominant

characteristic, every aspect of human thought was to find its fitting

expression. The first series could pretend to no such completeness,

but the poet promised that the gaps should be filled up in succeeding

volumes. It cannot be said that this stupendous design was ever carried

out. The first volumes, which were published in 1859, and from which the

poems contained in this selection are taken, left great spaces vacant

in the ground-plan of the work, and little attempt was made in the

subsequent series, which appeared in 1877 and 1883, to fill up those

spaces. In fact, Hugo has left large tracts of human history untrod. He

has scarcely touched the civilization of the East, he has given us no

adequate picture of ancient Greece. _L'Aide offerte à Majorien_ can

hardly be regarded as a sufficient picture of the wanderings of the

nations, nor _Le Régiment du Baron Madruce_ as an adequate embodiment

of the spirit of the eighteenth century. The Reformation, and, what is

stranger still, the French Revolution, are not handled at all, though

the heroism of the Napoleonic era finds fitting description in _Le

Cimetière d'Eylau_. The truth is that Hugo set himself a task which

was perhaps beyond the power of any single poet to accomplish, and was

certainly one for which he was not altogether well fitted. He did not

possess that capacity for taking a broad and impartial view of history

which was needed in the author of such an epic as he designed. His

strong predilections on the one hand, and his violent antipathies on the

other, swayed his choice of subjects, narrowed his field of vision,

and influenced his manner of presentment. The series cannot therefore

pretend to philosophic completeness. It is a gallery of pictures painted

by a master-hand, and pervaded by a certain spirit of unity, yet devoid

of any strict arrangement, and formed on no carefully maintained

principle. It is a set of cameos, loosely strung upon a thread, a

structure with countless beautiful parts, which do not however cohere

into any symmetrical whole. The poems are cast in many forms; allegory,

narrative, vision, didactic poetry, lyric poetry, all find a place.

There is little history, but much legend, some fiction, and a good deal

of mythology. The series was not designed as a whole. _La Chanson des

Aventuriers de la Mer_ was written in or before 1840, _Le Mariage de

Roland_, _Aymerillot_, and _La Conscience_ in or about 1846, and other

pieces at intervals between 1849 and 1858, the date at which the poet

appears to have begun the task of building these fragments into an epic

structure. Nor is there in these poems any dispassionate attempt to

portray the character of the successive ages in the life of the race.

For Hugo there was no 'émancipation du moi.' The _Légende_ is less a

revelation of history than it is a revelation of the poet. His choice

of themes was dictated less by a careful search after what was most

characteristic of each epoch than by his own strong predilections. He

loved the picturesque, the heroic, the enormous, the barbarous, the

grotesque. Hence _Éviradnus_, _Ratbert_, _Le Mariage de Roland_. He

loved also the weak, the poor, the defenceless, the old man and the

little child. Hence _Les Pauvres Gens_, _Booz endormi_, _Petit Paul_. He

delighted in the monstrous, he revelled in extremes, and he had little

perception of the lights and shades which make up ordinary human

character. Neither his poems nor his romances show much trace of that

psychological analysis which is the peculiar feature of so much modern

literature. Child of the nineteenth century, as he was in so many

respects, in many of the features of his art he belongs to no era, and

conforms to no tendency, except that of his own Titanic genius. He could

see white and he could see black, but he could not see grey, and never

tried to paint it. He does not allow Philip II even his redeeming

virtues of indefatigable industry and unceasing devotion to duty, while

in his Rome of the decadence would assuredly be found scarce five good

men. His vision is curiously limited to the darker side of history; he

hears humanity uttering in all ages a cry of suffering, and but rarely

a shout of laughter. He sees the oppression of the tyrant more vividly

than the heroism of the oppressed. Has he to write of the power of

Spain? It is in the portrayal of the tyrant of Spain rather than the men

who overcame Spain that his genius finds scope. Does he wish to paint

the era of religious persecution? It is the horror of the Inquisition

rather than the heroism of its victims that is pictured on his canvas.

Delineations of heroic virtue there are indeed in the _Légende_, but it

is noteworthy that they occur usually in fictions such as _Éviradnus_,

_Le Petit Roi de Galice_, and _La Confiance du Marquis Fabrice._[1] He

has given us no historical portraits of noble characters which can be

put side by side with those of Philip II and Sultan Mourad. As in his

dramas, his kings and rulers are always drawn in dark colours. His

heroes belong to the classes that he loved, poor people, common

soldiers, old men, children, and, be it added, animals. He is always the

man of great heart and strong prejudices, never the dramatist or the

philosopher.

[Footnote 1: It is interesting to observe how frequently his heroes are

old men, as Éviradnus, Booz, Fabrice.]

Hugo himself says sadly in his Preface, 'Les tableaux riants sont

rares dans ce livre; cela tient à ce qu'ils ne sont pas fréquents

dans l'histoire,' but in truth the tinge of gloom which lies upon the

_Légende_ is rather the impress upon the volume of history of the poet's

own puissant individuality. He was no scientist and no _savant_, he

had none of that spirit of imperturbable calm with which Shakespeare

surveyed all mankind, none of that impartial sympathy with which

Browning investigated the psychology of saints and sinners alike. He

loved deeply and he hated fiercely, and his poetry was the voice of his

love and his hate. The intensity of his own poetic vision made the past

stand before him as clearly as the present; the note of personal feeling

is as clear and strong in _Sultan Mourad_ and _Bivar_ as in _Les

Châtiments_ or _Le Retour de l'Empereur_. His great qualities of heart

and mind and his singular defects are written large upon every page of

the _Légende_. His passionate hatred of injustice and his passionate

love of liberty, his reverence for the virtues of the home, and

especially for filial obedience and respect, his love for little

children, his antagonism to war and his admiration for what is great

in war which was ever struggling with that antagonism, his patriotic

feeling for the triumphs of the Napoleonic era, to him the heroic age of

French history, his exaggerated belief in the wickedness of kings and

the innocence of poor people, the exaltation of pity into the greatest

of all virtues--these and many other characteristic traits find ample

illustration in his legend of the centuries. It is ever Hugo that is

speaking to us, however many be the masks that he wears.

Yet it would be a mistake to suppose that no general conception of the

history and destiny of mankind is to be found in the work, or that the

author had no sense of an increasing purpose running through the ages.

The conception is no doubt that of a poet and a seer, not of a historian

or a philosopher, but it is clear and vivid, and is expressed with

Titanic force. Hugo pictured the history of mankind as a long struggle

upwards towards the light. Man has in all ages been oppressed by many

evils--by war, by tyranny, by materiality, by mental and moral darkness.

He has sinned greatly, he has suffered greatly; he has been burdened

with toil and surrounded by shadow, tormented by his rulers and misled

by his priests. Paganism was merely material; Rome was strong, cruel,

and repressive; 'a winding-sheet of the nations,' he calls her in

_Changement d'Horizon_[2]; Judaism, his view of which must be sought

rather in _Dieu_ than in the _Légende_, cold and harsh, could influence

man only by keeping him within the strait-waistcoat of a narrow law; the

life of the founder of Christianity was only a momentary gleam of light

in the darkness; the Middle Age was a confused turmoil of rude heroism

and cunning savagery; the Renaissance a relapse into heathenism and

the worship of nature. Yet with the modern ages comes a rift in the

blackness; the poets reveal a new spirit; their songs are the songs of

peace and not of war:

Le poète à la mort dit: Meurs, guerre, ombre, Envie!--

Et chasse doucement les hommes vers la vie;

Et l'on voit de ses vers, goutte à goutte, des pleurs

Tomber sur les enfants, les femmes et les fleurs;

Et des astres jaillir de ses strophes volantes;

Et son chant fait pousser des bourgeons verts aux plantes;

Et ses rêves sont faits d'aurore, et dans l'amour,

Sa bouche chante et rit, toute pleine de jour.

(_Changement d'Horizon_.)

[Footnote 2: For a fuller development of this view see _La Fin de Satan:

Le Gibet_, I, i.]

Gentleness and humanity are the characteristic virtues of the later age.

It is a mistake to suppose, as some have done, that such pieces as _Le

Crapaud_, _Après la Bataille_, and _Les Pauvres Gens_ have no connexion

with any epoch. In Hugo's view, that tenderness for the weak and the

defenceless which is their keynote was the peculiar mark of the age in

which he lived, and a foretaste of the glory that was to come. For the

great purpose which his reading of human history reveals to him is

the increase of the love of man to man, the widening of the bounds of

liberty, the growth of brotherly feeling. Suffering and oppression

behind, freedom and joy in front, so does Hugo's imagination picture

world-history, and his love of violent antitheses made him paint the

past in the darkest colours in order that his vision of the future might

shine with the greater radiance. Troubled as he was, no doubt, by the

sombre events of 1850-1, and by the slow progress that the principles

of peace seemed to be making in the world, yet the inspiration of that

vision was never lost, and in the apocalyptic vision of the poem _Plein

Ciel_ he gave superb lyrical expression to the thought that man will

find his heaven, not above the clouds, but in a regenerated earth,

penetrated with the spirit of light and love.

This underlying conception was expressed again in the poem entitled _La

Vision d'où est sorti ce livre_, which was written at Guernsey in 1857,

but published only in 1877. In this vision the history of man appears to

the poet in the form of a gigantic wall, on which are seen the crimes

and sufferings of all the ages. Two spirits pass by, the spirit of Fate

(_Fatalité_), which is the enemy of man, and the spirit of God (Dieu),

which is the friend of man. This wall is shivered into fragments, by

which the seer understands the destruction of pain and evil, and the

closing of the long volume of human history. That volume, the end of

which the dreamer foresees, the poet proposes to write:

Ce livre, c'est le reste effrayant de Babel;

C'est la lugubre Tour des Choses, l'édifice

Du bien, du mal, des pleurs, des deuils, des sacrifices,

Fier jadis, dominant les lointains horizons,

Aujourd'hui n'ayant plus que de hideux tronçons

Épars, couchés, perdus dans l'obscure vallée;

C'est l'épopée humaine, âpre, immense--écroulée.

The poet's view of the problem of evil and the destiny of humanity

becomes clearer if the _Légende_ is read in connexion with the two poems

mentioned in the Preface to the volume of 1859, as designed to form

with it an immense trilogy: _Dieu_ and _La Fin de Satan_. Neither was

published till after the poet's death, and the latter was left in an

unfinished condition. But they were both planned in the days when,

isolated on his rock and severed from active life, the poet meditated on

the deep questions of life and death. They were meant to be, the one the

prelude, and the other the sequel of his poem of humanity. The leading

thought of _Dieu_ is the falseness of all the positive systems of

religion which have burdened or inspired humanity, and the truth that

'Dieu n'a qu'un front: Lumière; et n'a qu'un nom: Amour,'

though it is only death which will fully reveal that light.

The theme of _La Fin de Satan_ is the final reconciliation of good and

evil. As Satan falls from heaven, a feather drops from his wing, and

from that feather the Almighty creates the angel Liberty, who is thus

the child equally of the spirit of Good and the spirit of Evil; that

angel finally brings about the pardon of Satan, when the demon finds

that it is impossible for him to live without the presence of the

Almighty. Man is endowed with liberty, this child of good and ill, and

his spirit hovers therefore ever between the exalted and the mean. So

humanity appears to the seer in _Dieu_:

Et je vis apparaître une étrange figure;

Un être tout semé de bouches, d'ailes, d'yeux,

Vivant, presque lugubre et presque radieux;

Vaste, il volait; plusieurs des ailes étaient chauves.

En s'agitant, les cils de ses prunelles fauves

Jetaient plus de rumeur qu'une troupe d'oiseaux,

Et ses plumes faisaient un bruit de grandes eaux.

Cauchemar de la chair ou vision d'apôtre,

Selon qu'il se montrait d'une face ou de l'autre,

Il semblait une bête ou semblait un esprit.

Il paraissait, dans l'air où mon vol le surprit,

Faire de la lumière, et faire des ténèbres.

To Hugo, therefore, evil is not an equal force with good, nor is it

eternal. It was created in time, it will end in time. It is a mistake to

suppose that he accepted any kind of Manichaeism as his solution of the

problem of the universe. In reality his thought is much more permeated

with Christian feeling than with Manichaeism. Though he rejected

dogmatic Catholicism, and indeed assailed it with Voltairian mockery,

yet his vision of the Eternal as the embodiment of that mercy and

goodness which is greater than justice is in its essence a Christian

conception. Inspired, in part at least, by Christian thought seems also

to be his conception of the eventual reconciliation of good and evil,

and that belief in the restoration of all things which finds expression

in the concluding lines of _L'Âne_:

Dieu ne veut pas que rien, même l'obscurité,

Même l'Erreur qui semble ou funeste ou futile,

Que rien puisse, en criant: Quoi, j'étais inutile!

Dans le gouffre à jamais retomber éperdu;

Et le lien sacré du service rendu,

A travers l'ombre affreuse et la céleste sphère,

Joint l'échelon de nuit aux marches de lumière.

Hope is indeed the keynote of Hugo's poetry. In the darkest days

of 1871, when France was tearing out her own vitals and Paris was

destroying itself, he could write thus:

Les récits montrent l'un après l'autre leurs têtes,

Car les évènements ont leur cap des Tempêtes,

Derrière est la clarté. Ces flux et ces reflux,

Ces recommencements, ces combats sont voulus,

Au-dessus de la haine immense, quelqu'un aime.

Ayons foi. Ce n'est pas sans quelque but suprême

Que sans cesse, en ce gouffre où rêvent les sondeurs,

Un prodigieux vent soufflant des profondeurs,

A travers l'âpre nuit, pousse, emporte et ramène

Sur tout l'écueil divin toute la mer humaine.

(_L'Année Terrible._)

See too the beautiful lines written when to public disaster was added

private grief for the loss of his son Charles, especially the passage,

too long to quote here, in _L'Enterrement_, beginning 'Quand le jeune

lutteur....'

If, passing from the underlying conception to the actual material of the

_Légende_, we ask to what extent the poems can be regarded as history,

the answer must be that they are not history at all in the ordinary

sense of the word. In his _Préface_ Hugo remarks: 'C'est l'aspect

légendaire qui prévaut dans ces deux volumes.' As a matter of fact,

there is not a single poem in any of the series which is a narrative

based upon actual fact. Of the pieces in the present volume, _Le Mariage

de Roland, Aymerillot_, and _Bivar_ are founded on legends. _Éviradnus_

and _La Confiance du Marquis Fabrice_ are inventions, and the others are

mostly embroideries woven upon ancient themes rather than historical or

even legendary pictures. These latter, of which _La Conscience_ is the

best instance in this volume, suggest De Vigny's conception: 'Une pensée

philosophique, mise en scène sous une forme épique ou dramatique.' Of

accuracy in detail and local colour, Hugo was utterly careless. He

possessed a capacious, but not an exact, memory, and, provided the

general impression produced by a description was the true one, he did

not stop to inquire whether every detail was correct. Nor did he always

enjoy an extensive knowledge of the epoch which he delineated. But he

possessed to the full the poet's faculty of building the whole form and

feature of a past age out of a few stray fragments of information. The

historical colour of _Ruy Blas_ is said to be based on two French books,

carelessly consulted, yet of _Ruy Blas_ M. Paul de Saint-Victor, after

making a close study of the period, wrote: 'Ce fragment de siècle que

je venais d'exhumer de tant de recherches, je le retrouvais, vivant et

mouvant, dans l'harmonie d'un drame admirable. Le souffle d'un grand

poète ressuscitait subitement l'ossuaire des faits et des choses que

j'avais péniblement rajusté.'[3]

[Footnote 3: Quoted in Eugène Rigal's _Victor Hugo, poète épique_.]

Moreover, inaccurate as Hugo often is, it is never the inaccuracy that

falsifies. He has been severely criticized for having in _Au Lion

d'Androclès_ assigned to a single epoch events and personages which are

really separated by centuries. But all the facts are typical of the

spirit which dominated Imperial Rome, and combine therefore to form a

description which has poetic and imaginative, if not historical, truth.

And if, with greater licence, he has accumulated upon the head of a

single Mourad all the crimes of a long line of Sultans it is because in

drawing Mourad he is drawing the Turkish nation. Mourad is to him the

typical Turk, the embodiment of Oriental cruelty and lust. If again, to

pass to a larger subject, he has chosen legend rather than history as

the basis of many of his poems, it is not only because of his own innate

love of the marvellous and romantic, but because he cared for the truth

embodied in legend more than the truth embodied in chronicle. If he

mingled fiction with his history, it was because he conceived of the

fiction as being as true a representation of the facts of an era as

annals and records. It may be true that Hugo made imagination do duty

for study, but it is also true that an imagination, such as Hugo's, may

be as sure an instrument as study in reconstructing the past. He may

have mistaken the date of Crassus by several centuries, but readers of

Suetonius will hardly deny the faithfulness of his delineation of at

least one side of the civilization of ancient Rome; he may have invented

a Spanish princess, but his carefully stippled portrait of Philip II

is true to the life, even if it be Philip in his darkest moods. His

inaccuracies are in truth of small account. Who that reads _Le Cimetière

d'Eylau_ cares whether there was a place of burial in the battlefield or

not? or what lover of _Booz endormi_ seeks to know how closely the flora

of Palestine has been studied? A more serious criticism than the charge

of inaccuracy is that of partial vision, and from this Hugo cannot be

entirely exculpated. He saw with his heart, and seeing with the heart

must always mean partial vision. For at the root of Hugo's nature lay an

immense pity, pity not merely for the suffering, but for what is base

or criminal, or what is ugly or degraded. It was this pity which is the

keynote of _Notre-Dame de Paris_ and _Les Misérables_; it is this pity

which inspired much of the _Légende des Siècles_.

The defence of the weak by the strong is one of his constant themes, as

witness _Éviradnus_, _Le Petit Roi de Galice_, _Les Pauvres Gens._ The

contrast of the weak and the strong is one of his favourite artistic

effects, as witness _Booz endormi_, _La Confiance du Marquis Falrice._

An act of pity redeemed Sultan Mourad, an act of pity made the poor ass

greater than all the philosophers. It was this absorbing pity for

the defenceless that made Hugo so merciless to the oppressor and so

incapable of seeing anything but the deepest black in the picture of

the tyrant. One-sided the poet may be, but it is the one-sidedness of a

generous nature; he may err, but his errors at least lean to the side of

virtue.

It would be impossible in the brief space of an introduction such as

this to discuss at any length the characteristics of Hugo as a literary

artist, but a few remarks may be made on some of the features of his art

which are most conspicuous in the poems selected for this volume. It is

scarcely necessary to dwell upon the poet's extraordinary fecundity of

words and images. Occasionally, especially in his later works, this

degenerates into diffuseness, and he exhibits a tendency to repetition

and a fondness for long enumeration of names and details. On the other

hand, he constantly shows how well he understood the power of brevity

and compression. There is not a superfluous word nor a poetic image in

_La Conscience_, the severe and simple style of which is well suited

to the sternness of the subject. The story of _Après la Bataille_ is

related with telling conciseness, while in the highly finished work of

_Booz endormi_ there are no redundant phrases. The many variations on

the same theme in _Aymerillot_ may be criticized as tedious, but there

underlies them the artistic purpose of intensifying the reader's sense

of the cowardice of the nobles by an accumulation of examples. A like

criticism and a like defence may be made of the long list of the crimes

of Sultan Mourad, though here perhaps the poet's torrent of facts goes

beyond the point at which the amassing of details is effective. On the

other hand, the swiftness of the narrative of the _Mariage de Roland_,

and the soldierly brevity of the _Cimetière d'Eylau_, a piece not

included in this volume, are alike admirable, and show Hugo at his best

as a story-teller.

One of the most marked features of Hugo's poetry is his custom of

attributing human desires and volition to inanimate objects. To Hugo,

the whole universe seemed to be alive, both as a whole and in each of

its separate parts, and his way of humanizing the inanimate is not

so much a conscious literary artifice as the natural habit of his

imagination. The tendency is not confined to his poetry; readers of his

romances will remember the gargoyles of Notre-Dame and the cannon

which got loose in the hold of the _Claymore_ and became 'une bête

surnaturelle.' But the instances in his romantic poetry are naturally

more numerous and more vivid. The swords of the heroes are always alive;

in the duel between Roland and Olivier:

Durandal heurte et suit Closamont.

In the combat between Roland and his enemies in the _Petit Roi de

Galice_, the hero staggers and Froïla leaps forward to crush him:

Mais Durandal se dresse et jette Froïla

Sur Pacheco, dont l'âme en ce moment hurla.

The statues in the hall at Final are moved at the gentle tread of

Fabrice and his little ward, and seem to bow to them as they pass.

Chaque statue, émue à leur pas doux et sombre,

Vibre, et toutes ont l'air de saluer dans l'ombre,

Les héros le vieillard, et les anges l'enfant.

But the most striking instance of this tendency occurs in _Éviradnus_,

where, from beginning to end, all that surrounds the actors in the

story lives with a passionate life. The trees that overhear the plot of

Sigismond and Ladislas tremble and moan, and the words that issue from

the lips of the miscreants are dark with shadow or red with blood. The

half-ruined castle of Corbus fights with the winter, like a strong man

with his enemies; the gargoyles on its towers bark at the winds, the

graven monsters on the ramparts snarl and snort, the sculptured lions

claw and bite the wind and rain[4]. In the gloomy halls the griffins

seize with their teeth the great beams of the roofs, and the door is

afraid of the noise of its own opening. The very shadows feel fear and

the pillars are chilled with terror. The armour of the horses and the

men is terribly alive, and charger and knight make but one monster,

clothed in scales of steel.

[Footnote 4: With this picture in verse of the fight between the castle

and the storm should be compared the prose picture of the fight between

the fire and the water in _Le Rhin_ (Lettre xix).]

Hugo loves especially to endow with life objects that suggest a

struggle. It is the wrecked and broken ship of _Pleine Mer_ rather than

the triumphant vessel of _Plein Ciel_ that is animate.

Ce Titan se rua, joyeux, dans la tempête;

* * * * *

Quand il marchait, fumant, grondant, couvert de toile,

Il jetait un tel râle â l'air épouvanté

Que toute l'eau tremblait.

* * * * *

Et pour l'âme il avait dans sa cale un enfer.

Allied with this habit of vivifying the inanimate is the more subtle

artifice of transfiguring or magnifying concrete objects, so that they

become symbolic without ceasing to be real. This blending of the actual

and the figurative is seen in the description of the King and Emperor in

_Éviradnus:_

Leurs deux figures sont lugubrement grandies

Par de rouges reflets de sacs et d'incendies.

* * * * *

Leurs ongles monstrueux, crispés sur des rapines,

Égratignent le pâle et triste continent.

In _La Confiance du Marquis Fabrice_ the reality of the wine and the

suggestion of the blood are very artfully mingled

Quelque chose de rouge entre les dalles fume,

Mais, si tiède que soit cette douteuse écume,

Assez de barils sont éventrés et crevés

Pour que ce soit du vin qui court les pavés.

Another remarkable feature of Hugo's literary art is the feeling for

light and shade which it displays. He likes to wrap his poems in a

physical atmosphere of brightness or gloom, corresponding to the

sentiment which pervades them. How, for instance, in _Les Orientales_,

that exquisite little gem, _Sarah la Baigneuse_, flashes and sparkles

with light! How striking in _La Fin de Satan_ is the contrast between

the murky atmosphere in which the maker of crosses works and the bright

sunshine in which Christ's triumphant entry into Jerusalem is bathed!

With what consummate art the darkness of the Crucifixion is made to

accentuate the horror of the event!

L'ombre immense avait l'air d'une accusation;

Le monde était couvert d'une nuit infamante;

C'était l'accablement plus noir que la tourmente,

La morne extinction de l'haleine et du bruit.

Contrast the radiance of the dawn in which the Satyr, the emblem of

strong and joyous Nature, is first seen:

C'était l'heure où sortaient les chevaux du soleil;

Le ciel tout frémissant du glorieux réveil,

Ouvrant les deux battants de sa porte sonore,

Blancs, ils apparaissaient formidables d'aurore;

Derrière eux, comme un orbe effrayant, couvert d'yeux,

Éclatait la rondeur du char radieux

* * * * *

Les quatre ardents chevaux dressaient leur poitrail d'or;

Faisant leurs premiers pas, ils se cabraient encor

Entre la zone obscure et la zone enflammée;

De leurs crins, d'où semblait sortir une fumée

De perles, de saphirs, d'onyx, de diamants,

Dispersée et fuyante au fond des éléments,

Les trois premiers, l'oeil fier, la narine embrasée,

Secouaient dans le jour des gouttes de rosée;

Le dernier secouait des astres dans la nuit.

In _La Confiance du Marquis Fabrice_ light and shadow are very skilfully

managed. We see the little princess Isora making her toilet in the early

morning, when everything is fresh and bright. It is in the dawn that she

loves to play. But the banquet of death takes place at night in a dimly

lighted hall, when the lack of clear light adds to the horror of the

scene. Note the Rembrandtesque effects in such phrases: 'aux tremblantes

clartés,' 'l'ombre indistincte,' 'à travers l'ombre, on voit toutes les

soifs infâmes,' and it ends in 'le triomphe de l'ombre,' a phrase in

which the literal and the figurative are subtly blended together. On

the other hand, how everything sparkles and gleams in _Le Mariage de

Roland_! Olivier's sword-point glitters like the eye of a demon, while

Durandal shines as he falls on his foeman's head; the sunshine is all

round them in the day, and the night passes quickly; sparks fly from the

weapons as they strike one another, and light up the very shadows with

a dull flash. Take again _La Rose de l'Infante_. Everything round the

little princess is bright: 'le profond jardin rayonnant et fleuri,' 'un

grand palais comme au fond d'une gloire,' 'de clairs viviers,' 'des

paons étoilés.' The very grass, too, seems to sparkle with diamonds and

rubies. But Philip is a dark shadow, half hidden in mist:

On voit d'en bas une ombre, au fond d'une vapeur,

De fenêtre à fenêtre errer, et l'on a peur.

He is always dressed in black:

Toujours vêtu de noir, ce tout-puissant terrestre

Avait l'air d'être en deuil de ce qu'il existait.

No light is ever seen in his palaces:

L'Escurial, Burgos, Aranjuez, ses repaires,

Jamais n'illuminaient leurs livides plafonds.

His eye shines, it is true, but it is a gleam that suggests a darkness

beneath:

Sa prunelle

Luit comme un soupirail de caverne.

Note again the oppressive darkness of the opening lines of _Pleine Mer_,

in which the only touch of light is the winding-sheet of the waves, and

contrast it with the atmosphere of light which surrounds the ship in

_Plein Ciel_, where even the night is bright:

La Nuit tire du fond des gouffres inconnus

Son filet où luit Mars, où rayonne Vénus.

_Le Crapaud_ is wrapped in the light of sunset:

Le couchant rayonnait dans les nuages roses;

C'était la fin d'un jour d'orage, et l'occident

Changeait l'ondée en flamme en son brasier ardent.

* * * * *

Les feuilles s'empourpraient dans les arbres vermeils;

L'eau miroitait, mêlée à l'herbe, dans l'ornière.

And this because sunset is the hour for gentle thoughts and quiet

feeling:

Dans la sérénité du pâle crépuscule,

La brute par moments pense et sent qu'elle est soeur

De la mystérieuse et profonde douceur.

So strong is Hugo's feeling for light and shadow that he often seems to

solidify them, as it were, into concrete objects. When the trap-door in

the hall of Corbus is opened

Il en sort de l'ombre, ayant l'odeur du crime,

and in the pit are seen

D'ombres tâtant le mur et de spectres reptiles.

La Légende des Siècles · 第 6 / 152 题