The country is now on the eve of an election the importance of which it
would be impossible to overrate. Yet a few days, and it will be decided
whether the people of the United States shall condemn their own conduct,
by cashiering an Administration which they called upon to make war on
the rebellious slaveholders of the South, or support that Administration
in the strenuous endeavors which it is making to effect the
reconstruction of the Republic, and the destruction of Slavery. It is to
insult the intelligence and patriotism of the American people to
entertain any serious doubt as to the issue of the contest. It can have
but one issue, unless the country has lost its senses,--and never has it
given better evidence of its sobriety, firmness, and rectitude of
purpose than it now daily affords. Were the contest one relating to the
conduct of the war, and had the Democratic party assumed a position of
unquestionable loyalty, there would be some room for doubting who is to
be our next President. It is impossible that a contest of proportions so
vast should not have afforded ground for some complaint, on the score of
its management. To suppose that the action of Government has been on all
occasions exactly what it should have been is to suppose something so
utterly out of the nature of things that it presents itself to no mind.
Errors are unavoidable even in the ordinary affairs of common life, and
their number and their magnitude increase with the importance of the
business, and the greatness of the stage on which it is transacted. We
have never claimed perfection for the Federal Administration, though we
have ever been ready to do justice to the success which it has achieved
on many occasions and to the excellence of its intentions on all. Had
the Democrats called upon the country to displace the Administration
because it had not done all that it should have done, promising to do
more themselves against the Rebels than President Lincoln and his
associates had effected, the result of the Presidential election might
be involved in some doubt; for the people desire to see the Rebellion
brought to an end, and the Democratic party has a great name as a ruling
political organization, its history, during most of the present century,
being virtually the history of the American nation. But, with a want of
wisdom that shows how much it has lost in losing that Southern lead
which had so much to do with its success in politics, it chose to place
itself in opposition to the national sentiment, instead of adopting it,
guiding it, and profiting from its existence. The errors of the various
parties that have been opposed to it have often been matter for mirth to
the Democratic party, as well they may have been; but neither
Federalists, nor National Republicans, nor Whigs, nor Know-Nothings, nor
Republicans were ever guilty of a blunder so enormous as that which this
party itself perpetrated at Chicago, when it virtually announced its
readiness to surrender the country into the hands of the men who have so
pertinaciously sought its destruction for the last four years. So
strange has been its action, that we should be ashamed to have dreamed
that any party could be guilty of it. Yet it is a living fact that the
Democratic party, in spite of its loud claims to strict nationality of
purpose, has so conducted itself as to show that it is willing to
complete the work which the slaveholders began, and not only to submit
to the terms which the Rebels would dictate, but to tear the Union still
further to pieces, if indeed it would leave any two States in a united
condition. Thus acting, that party has defeated itself, and reduced the
action of the people to a mere, though a mighty, formality. Either this
is a plain statement of the case, or this nation is about to give a
practical answer to Bishop Butler's famous question, "What if a whole
community were to go mad?" For the ratification of the Chicago Platform
by the people would be an indorsement of violence and disorder, a direct
approval of wilful rebellion, and an announcement that every election
held in this country is to be followed by a revolutionary outbreak,
until our condition shall have become even worse than that of Mexico,
and we shall be ready to welcome the arrival, in the train of some
European army, of a cadet of some imperial or royal house, whose
"mission" it should be to restore order in the once United States, while
anarchy should be kept at a distance by a liberal exhibition of French
or German bayonets. What has happened to Mexico would assuredly happen
here, if we should allow the country to Mexicanize itself at the bidding
of Belmont and Co.
But it may be said, it is unjust to attribute to the masses of the
Democratic party intentions so bad as those of which we have spoken.
That party, in past times, has done great things for the land, has
always professed the highest patriotism, and its name and fame are most
intimately associated with some of the noblest passages in the history
of the Republic. All this is very true. We admit, what is indeed
self-evident, that the Democratic party has done great things for the
country, and that it can look back with just pride over the country's
history, until a comparatively recent period; and we do not attribute to
the masses composing it any other than the best intentions. It is not of
those masses that we have spoken. The sentiment of patriotism is ever
strong with the body of the people. The number of men who would wilfully
injure their country has never been large in any age. But it is not the
less true that parties are but too often the blind tools of leaders, of
men whose only interest in their country is to use it for their own
purposes, to make all they can out of it, and at its expense. The
Democratic party has always been a disciplined party, and nothing is
more notorious in its history than its submissiveness to its leaders.
This has been the chief cause of its almost unbroken career of success;
and it has been its pride and its boast that it has been well-trained,
obedient, and consequently successful, while all other parties have been
quarrelsome and impatient of discipline, and consequently have risen
only to endure through a few years of sickly existence, and then to pass
away. The Federalists, the National Republicans, the Antimasons, the
Whigs, and the Know-Nothings have each appeared, flourished for a short
time, and then passed to the limbo of factions lost to earth. This
discipline of the Democracy has not been without its uses, and the
country occasionally has profited from it; but now it is to be abused,
through application to the service of the Great Anarch at Richmond. The
Rebel power, which our fleets and armies are steadily reducing day by
day, is to be saved from overthrow, and its agents from the severe and
just punishment which should be visited upon them for their great and
unprovoked crime,--if they are to be saved therefrom,--through the
action of the Democratic party, as it calls itself, and which purposes
to go to the assistance of the slaveholders in war, as formerly it went
to their assistance in peace, the meekest and most faithful and most
useful of their slaves. The Democratic party, as a party, instead of
being the sword of the Republic, purposes being the shield of the
Rebellion. Such is the intention of its leaders, who control the
disciplined masses, if their words have any meaning; and, so far as they
have been able to act, their actions correspond strictly with their
words. The Chicago Convention, which consisted of the _creme de la
creme_ of the Democracy, had not a word to say against either the Rebels
or the Rebellion, while it had not words enough, or words not strong
enough, to employ in denouncing those whose sole offence consists in
their efforts to conquer the Rebels and to put down the Rebellion. With
a perversion of history that is quite without a parallel even in the
hardy falsehood of American politics, the responsibility for the war was
placed to the account of the loyal men of the country, and not to the
account of the traitors, who brought it upon the nation by a fierce
forcing-process. The speech of Mr. Horatio Seymour, who presided over
the Belmont band, is, as it were, a bill of indictment preferred against
the American Republic; for Governor Seymour, though not famous for his
courage, has boldness sufficient to do that which a far greater man said
he would not do,--he has indicted a whole people. It follows from this
condemnation of the Federal Government for making war on the Rebels, and
this failure to condemn the Rebels for making war on the Federal
Government, that the Democrats, should they succeed in electing their
candidates, would pursue a course exactly the opposite of that which
they denounce. They would withdraw the nation from the contest, and
acknowledge the independence of the Southern Confederacy; and then they
would make such a treaty with its leading and dominant interest as
should place the United States in the condition of dependency with
reference to the South. That such would be their course is not only
fairly inferrible from the views embodied in the Chicago Platform, and
from the speeches made in the Chicago Convention, but it is what Mr.
Pendleton, the Democratic candidate for the Vice-Presidency, has said it
is our duty to do so, so far as relates to acknowledging the
Confederacy. He has deliberately said, that, if we cannot "conciliate"
the Rebels, and "persuade" them to come back into the Union, we should
allow them to depart in peace. Such is the doctrine of the gentleman who
was placed on the Democratic ticket with General McClellan for the
avowed purpose of rendering that ticket palatable to the Peace men. No
man can vote for General McClellan without by the same act voting for
Mr. Pendleton; and we know that Mr. Pendleton has declared himself ready
to let the Rebels rend the Union to tatters, and that he has opposed the
prosecution of the war. General McClellan is mortal, and, if elected,
might die long before his Presidential term should be out, like General
Taylor, or immediately after it should begin, like General Harrison.
Then Mr. Pendleton would become President, like Mr. Tyler, in 1841, who
cheated the Whigs, or like Mr. Fillmore, in 1850, who cheated everybody.
Nor is it by any means certain that General McClellan would not, once
elected, consider himself the Chicago Platform, as Mr. Buchanan avowed
himself to be the Cincinnati Platform. He has written a letter, to be
sure, in which he has given it to be understood that he is in favor of
continuing the war against the Rebels until they shall be subdued; but
so did Mr. Polk, twenty yearn ago, write a letter on the Tariff of 1842
that was even more satisfactory to the Democratic Protectionists of
those days than the letter of General McClellan can be to the War
Democrats of these days. All of us recollect the famous Democratic
blazon of 1844,--"Polk, Dallas, and the Tariff of '42!" It was under
that sign that the Democrats conquered in Pennsylvania; and had they not
conquered in Pennsylvania, they themselves would have been conquered in
the nation. Mr. Polk and Mr. Dallas were the chief instruments used to
break down the Tariff of '42, in less than two years after they had been
elected to the first and second offices of the nation because they were
believed to be its most ardent friends. Mr. Polk, as President,
recommended that it should be changed, and employed all the influence of
his high station to get the Tariff Bill of 1846 through Congress; and
Mr. Dallas, who had been nominated for the Vice-Presidency with the
express purpose of "catching" the votes of Protectionists, gave his
casting vote in the Senate in favor of the new bill, which meant the
repeal of the Tariff of '42. The Democrats are playing the same game now
that they played in 1844, with this difference, that the stakes are ten
thousand times greater now than they were then, and that their manner of
play is far hardier than it was twenty years since. Then, the question,
though important, related only to a point of internal policy; now, it
relates to the national existence. Then, the Free-Traders did not
offensively proclaim their intention to cheat the Protectionists; now,
Mr. Fernando Wood and Mr. Vallandigham, and other leaders of the extreme
left of the Democratic party, with insulting candor, avow that to cheat
the country is the purpose which that party has in view. Mr.
Vallandigham, who made the Chicago Platform, explicitly declares that
that Platform and General McClellan's letter of acceptance do not agree;
at the same time Mr. Wood, who is for peace to the knife, calmly tells
us that General McClellan, as President, would do the work of the
Democracy,--and we need no Daniel to interpret Mr. Wood's words. We mean
no disrespect to General McClellan, on the contrary we treat him with
perfect respect, when we say that we do not believe he has a higher
sense of honor than Mr. Polk possessed; and as Mr. Polk became a tool in
the hands of a faction,--being a Protectionist during the contest of
'44, and an Anti-Protectionist after that contest had been decided in
his favor,--so is it intended that General McClellan shall become a tool
in the hands of another faction. Mr. Polk was employed to effect the
destruction of a "black tariff": General McClellan is employed to
destroy a nation that is supposed to be given up to "black
republicanism." We do not believe that the soldier will be found so
successful an instrument as the civilian proved to be.
An ounce of fact is supposed to be worth a ton of theory; and the facts
of the last four or five years admit of our believing the worst that can
be suspected of the purposes of the Democratic party. It is not
uncharitable to say that the leaders and managers of that party
contemplate, in the event of their triumph in November, the surrender of
the country to the slaveholding oligarchy; in the event of their defeat
by a small majority, the extension of the civil war over the North. Four
years ago we could not be made to believe that Secession was a possible
thing. We admitted that there were Secessionists at the South, but we
could not be made to believe in the possibility of Secession. Even
"South Carolina couldn't be kicked out of the Union," it was commonly
said in the North. There were but few disunionists at the South, almost
everybody said, and almost everybody believed what was said concerning
the state of Southern opinion. In a few weeks we saw, not South Carolina
kicked out of the Union, but South Carolina kicking the Union away from
her. In a few months we saw eleven States take themselves out of the
Union, form themselves into a Confederacy, and raise great armies to
fight against the Union. Yet it is certain that in the month of
November, 1860, there were not twenty thousand resolute disunionists in
all the Slaveholding States, leaving South Carolina and Mississippi
aside,--and not above fifty thousand in all the South, including
Mississippi and South Carolina. How, then, came it to pass that nearly
the whole of the population of the South became Rebels in so short a
time? Because they were under the dominion of their leading men, who
took them from the right road, and conducted them into the slough of
rebellion. Because they were encouraged so to act by the Northern
Democracy as made rebellion inevitable. The Northern Democratic press
and Northern Democratic orators held such language respecting "Southern
rights" as induced even loyal Southrons to suppose that Slavery was to
be openly recognized by the Constitution, and spread over the nation.
The President of the United States, a Northern Democrat, gravely
declared that there existed no right in the Government to coerce a
seceding State, which was all that the most determined Secessionist
could ask. Instead of doing anything to strengthen the position of the
federal Government, the President did all that he could to assist the
Secessionists, and left the country naked to their attacks; and he
parted on the best of terms with those Rebels who left his Cabinet,
where they had long been busy in organizing resistance to Federal
authority. The leaders of the Northern Democracy, far from exhibiting a
loyal spirit, urged the slaveholders to make demands which were at war
with the Constitution and the laws, and which could not have been
complied with, unless it had been meant to admit that there was no
binding force in existing institutions, the validity of which had not
once been called in question for seventy-two years. The real
Secessionists of the South, Rhett and Yancey and their followers,
availed themselves of the existing state of affairs, and precipitated
rebellion,--a step which they never would have taken, had they not been
assured that no resistance would be made to their action so long as Mr.
Buchanan should remain in the Presidency, and that he would be supported
by the leaders of the Northern Democracy, who would take their followers
with them along the road that led to the Union's dissolution. South
Carolina, rabid as she was, did not rebel until the last Democratic
President of the United States had publicly assured her that he would do
nothing to prevent her from reducing the Calhoun theory to practice; and
had she not rebelled, not another State would have left the Union. The
opportunity that she could not get under President Jackson she obtained
under President Buchanan,--and she did not hesitate to make the most of
that opportunity, all indeed that could be made of it, well knowing that
it could not be expected again to occur.
With these facts before them, the American people should be prepared for
further rebellious action on the part of that faction whose creed it is
that rebellion is right when directed against the ascendency of their
political opponents. They have done their utmost to assist the Rebels
all through the war, and the great riots in New York last year were the
legitimate consequences of their doctrine, if not of their labors. We
know that organizations hostile to the Union have been formed in the
West, and that there was to have been a rising there, had any striking
successes been achieved by the Confederate forces during the last six
months. Nothing but the vigor and the victories of Grant and Sherman and
Farragut saved the North from becoming the scene of civil war in 1864.
Nothing but the vigor and union of the people in their political
capacity can keep civil war from the North hereafter. The followers of
the Seymours and other ultra Democrats of the North are not more loyal
than were nine-tenths of the Southern people in 1860. Few of them now
think of becoming rebels, but they would as readily rebel as did the
Southern men who have filled the armies of Lee and Beauregard, and who
have poured out their blood so lavishly to destroy that nation which
owes its existence to the labors of Southern men, to the exertions of
Washington, Jefferson, Henry, and others, natives of the very States
that have done most in the cause of destruction. The sentiment of
nationality is no stronger among Northern Democrats than it was among
Southern Democrats; and as the latter were converted into traitors at
the bidding of a few leading politicians whose plans were favored by
circumstances, so would the former become traitors at the first signal
to any move that _their_ leaders should make. As to the two classes of
leaders, the Southern men are far superior in every manly quality to
those Northern men who are doing their work. It is possible that the men
of the South really did believe that their property was in danger, and
it is beyond dispute that they were alarmed about their political power;
but the men of the North who sympathize with them, and who are prepared
to aid them at the first opportunity that shall offer to strike an
effective blow, well knew that the victorious Republicans had neither
the will nor the power to injure Southern property or to weaken the
protection it enjoyed under the Constitution. Their hostility to the
Union is purely gratuitous, or springs from motives of the most sordid
character.
There is but one way to meet the danger that threatens us,--a danger
that really is greater than that with which we were threatened in 1860,
and which we have the advantage of seeing, whereas we could see nothing
in that year. We must strengthen the Government, make it literally
irresistible, by clothing it with the whole of that power which proceeds
from an emphatic and unmistakable expression of the popular will. Give
Mr. Lincoln, in the approaching election, the strength that comes from a
united people, and we shall have peace maintained throughout the North,
and peace restored to the South. Reelect him by a small majority, and
there will be civil war in the North, and a revival of warlike spirit in
the South. Elect General McClellan, and we shall have to choose between
constant warfare, as a consequence of having approved of Secession by
approving of the Chicago Platform,--which is Secession formally
democratized,--and despotism, the only thing that would save us from
anarchy. Anarchy is the one thing that men will not, because they
cannot, long endure. Order is indeed now and forever Heaven's first law,
and order society must and will have. Order is just as compatible with
constitutional government as it is with despotic government; but to have
it in connection with freedom, in other words, with the existence of a
constitutional polity, the people must do their whole duty. They must
rise above the prejudices of party and of faction, and see nothing but
their country and liberty. They must show that they are worthy of
freedom, or they cannot long have it. Now is the time to prove that the
American people know the difference between liberty and license, by
their support of the party of order and constitutional government, and
by administering a thorough rebuke to those licentious men who are
seeking to overwhelm the country and its Constitution in a common ruin.
Of President Lincoln's reelection no doubt can be entertained, whether
we judge of the issue by the condition of the country, or by the
sentiments that should animate the great majority of the people, and by
which, we are convinced, that majority is animated. The Union candidate,
no matter what his name or antecedents, should be elected by a majority
so great as to "coerce" the turbulent portion of the Democracy into
submission to the laws of the land, and into respect for the popular
will, the last thing for which Democrats have any respect. Had the Union
National Convention seen fit to place a new man in nomination, it would
have been the duty of the voters to support him with all the means
honestly at their command; but we must say that there is a peculiar
obligation upon Americans to reelect Mr. Lincoln, and to reelect him by
a vote that should surprise even the most sanguine and hopeful of his
friends. The war from which the nation, and the whole world, have been
made to suffer so much, and from the effects of which mankind will be
long in recovering, was made because of Mr. Lincoln's election to the
Presidency. The North was to be punished for having had the audacity to
elect him even when the Democracy were divided, and the success of the
Republican candidate was a thing of course. He, a mere man of the
people, should never become _President of the United States_! The most
good-natured of men, it is known that his success made him an object of
personal aversion to the Southern leaders. They did their worst to
prevent his becoming President of the Republic, and in that way they
wronged and insulted the people far more than they wronged and insulted
the man whom the people had elected to the highest post in the land; and
the people are bound, by way of vindicating their dignity and
establishing their power, to make Mr. Lincoln President of the _United_
States, to compel the acknowledgment of his legal right to be the chief
magistrate of the nation as unreservedly, from South Carolina as from
Massachusetts. His authority should be admitted as fully in Virginia as
it is in New York, in Georgia and Alabama as in Pennsylvania and Ohio.
This can follow only from his reelection; and it can follow only from
his reelection by a decisive majority. That insolent spirit which led
the South to become so easy a prey to the Secession faction, when not a
tenth part of its people were Secessionists, should be thoroughly,
emphatically rebuked, and its chief representatives severely punished,
by extorting from the rebellious section a practical admission of the
enormity of the crime of which it was guilty when it resisted the lawful
authority of a President who was chosen in strict accordance with the
requirements of the Constitution, and who entertained no more intention
of interfering with the constitutional rights of the South than he
thought of instituting a crusade for the recovery of the Holy Sepulchre.
The majesty of the law should be asserted and established, and that can
best be done by placing President Lincoln a second time at the head of
the Republic, the revolt of the slaveholders being directed against him
personally as well as against that principle of which he was the legally
elected representative. In him the spirit of order is incarnate; and his
reelection by a great popular vote would be the establishment of the
fact that under our system it is possible to maintain order, and to
humiliate and subdue the children of anarchy.
President Lincoln should be reelected, if for no other reason, that
there may go forth to the world a pointed approval of his conduct from
his constituents. As we have said, we do not claim perfection for the
policy and acts of the Administration; but we are of opinion that its
mistakes have been no greater than in most instances would have been
committed by any body of men that could have been selected from the
entire population of the country. Take the policy that has been pursued
with reference to Slavery. Many of us thought that the President issued
his Emancipation Proclamation at least a year too late; but we must now
see that the time selected for its promulgation was as skilfully chosen
as its aim was laudable. Had it come out a year earlier, in 1861, the
friends of the Rebels could have said, with much plausibility, that its
appearance had rendered a restoration of the Union impossible, and that
the slaveholders had no longer any hope of having their property-rights
respected under the Federal Constitution. But by allowing seventeen
months to elapse before issuing it, the President compelled the Rebels
to commit themselves absolutely to the cause of the Union's overthrow
without reference to any attack that had been made on Slavery in a time
of war. It has not, therefore, been in the power of their allies here to
say that the issuing of the Proclamation placed an impassable gulf
between the Union and the Confederacy; for the Confederates were as loud
in their declarations that they never would return into the Union before
the Proclamation appeared as they have been since its appearance. They
were caught completely, and deprived of the only pretence that could
have been invented for their benefit, by themselves or by their friends.
The adoption of an Emancipation policy did not cause us the loss of one
friend in the South, while it gained friends for our cause in every
country that felt an interest in our struggle. It prevented the
acknowledgment of the Southern Confederacy by France, and by other
nations, as French example would have found prompt imitation. Its
appearance was the turning event of the war, and it was most happily
timed for both foreign and domestic effect. It will be the noblest fact
in President Lincoln's history, that by the same action he announced
freedom to four millions of bondmen, and secured his country against
even the possibility of foreign mediation, foreign intervention, and
foreign war.
The political state of the country, as indicated by the result of recent
elections, is not without interest, in connection with the Presidential
contest. Since the nomination of General McClellan, elections have been
held in several States for local officers and Members of Congress, and
the results are highly favorable to the Union cause. The first election
was held in Vermont, and the Union party reelected their candidate for
Governor, and all their candidates for Members of Congress, by a
majority of more than twenty thousand. They have also a great majority
in the Legislature, the Democrats not choosing so much as one Senator,
and but few Members of the House of Representatives. The election in
Maine took place but six days after that of Vermont, and with similar
results. The Union candidate for Governor was reelected, by a majority
that is stated at sixteen thousand. Every Congressional District was
carried by the Union men. In one district a Democrat was elected in
1862, at the time when the Administration was very unpopular because of
the military failures that were so common in the summer of that dark and
eventful year. His majority was one hundred and twenty-seven. At the
late election his constituents refused to reelect him, and his place was
bestowed on a friend of the Administration, whose majority is said to be
about two thousand. The majorities of the other candidates were much
larger, in two instances exceeding four thousand each. The State
Legislature elected on the same day is of Administration politics in the
proportion of five to one. These two States may be said to represent
both of the old parties that existed in New England during the thirty
years that followed the Presidential election of 1824. Vermont was of
National-Republican or Whig politics down to 1854, and always voted
against Democratic candidates for the Presidency. Maine was almost as
strongly Democratic in her opinions and action as Vermont was
Anti-Democratic, voting but once, in 1840, against a Democratic
candidate for the Presidency, in twenty-four years. Her electoral votes
were given for General Jackson in 1832, for Mr. Van Buren in 1836, for
Mr. Polk in 1844, for General Cass in 1848, and for General Pierce in
1852. Yet she has acted politically with Vermont for more than ten
years, both States supporting Colonel Fremont in 1856, and Mr. Lincoln
in 1860,--a striking proof of the levelling effect of that pro-slavery
policy and action which have characterized the Democratic party ever
since the inauguration of President Pierce, in 1853. Had the Democratic
party not gone over to the support of the slaveholding interest, Maine
would have been a Democratic State at this day.
There were important elections held on the 11th of October in the great
and influential States of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana, and the
verdicts which should be pronounced by these States were expected with
an interest which it was impossible to increase, as it was felt that
they would go far toward deciding the event of the Presidential contest.
Vermont's action might be attributed to her determined and
long-continued opposition to the Democratic party, which no change in
others could operate to lessen; and the course of Maine could be
attributed to her "Yankee" character and position: but Pennsylvania has
generally been Democratic in her decisions, and she has nothing of the
Yankee about her, while Ohio and Indiana are thoroughly Western in all
respects. Down to a few days before the time for voting, the common
opinion was, that Pennsylvania would give a respectable majority for the
Union candidates, that Ohio would pronounce the same way by a great
majority, and that Indiana would be found with the Democrats; but early
in October doubts began to prevail with respect to the action of
Pennsylvania, though no one could say why they came to exist. What
happened showed that the change in feeling did not unfaithfully
foreshadow the change that had taken place in the second State of the
Union. Ohio's decision was not different from what had been expected,
her Union majority being not less than fifty thousand, including the
soldiers' vote. Indiana's action astonished every one. Instead of
furnishing evidence that General McClellan's nomination had been
beneficial to his party, the event in the Hoosier State led to the
opposite conclusion. The Democratic majority in that State in 1862 was
ten thousand, and that it could be overcome, or materially reduced, was
not thought possible. Yet the voting done there on the 11th of October
terminated most disastrously for the Democrats, the popular majority
against them being not less than twenty thousand, while they lost
several Members of Congress, among them Mr. Voorhees, who is to Indiana
what Mr. Vallandigham is to Ohio, only that he has a little more
prudence than the Ohioan. Indiana was the only one of the States in
which a Governor was chosen, which made the returns easy of attainment.
Governor Morton, who is reelected, "stumped" the State; and to his
exertions, no doubt, much of the Union success is due. In Pennsylvania,
at the time we write, it is not settled which party has the majority on
the home vote; but, as the soldiers vote in the proportion of about
eleven to two for the Republican candidates, the majority of the latter
will be good,--and it will be increased at the November election.
The States that voted on the 11th of October give sixty electoral votes,
or two more than half the number necessary for a choice of President.
They are all certain to be given for Mr. Lincoln, as also are the votes
of the six New England States, and those of New York, Illinois,
Michigan, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Iowa, Kansas, West Virginia, and
California, making 189 in all, the States mentioned being entitled to
the following votes:--Massachusetts 12, Maine 7, New Hampshire 5,
Vermont 5, Rhode Island 4, Connecticut 6, New York 33, Pennsylvania 26,
Ohio 21, Indiana 13, Illinois 16, Michigan 8, Minnesota 4, Wisconsin 8,
Iowa 8, Kansas 3, West Virginia 5, and California 5. And so ABRAHAM
LINCOLN and ANDREW JOHNSON will be President and Vice-President of the
United States for the four years that shall begin on the 4th of March,
1865.