LAST STRUGGLE AND DEFEAT OF THE LOST CAUSE.
Grant’s and Lee’s forces occupied intrenchments more than 30 miles in
length reaching from Richmond around to the left of Petersburg. The
effective soldiers of Grant’s army were about 125,000, including the Army
of the James, while Lee’s forces numbered about one-half, but they were
veterans, every man of them, for on the southern side there was no
expiration of service.
The confederacy was in sore straights. The strenuous campaign of 1864 had
put every man into Lee’s army that it was possible to get without robbing
the cradle and the grave. The losses the confederates suffered that year
could not be made good while the North sent Grant a fresh man to take the
place of every one put out of action.
Sherman had marched his army through Georgia, devastating the country,
thence up the Atlantic coast, and was, in March, 1864, in North Carolina,
only about 150 miles south of Petersburg. Gen. Thomas had cleaned out
Hood’s army, and fighting Phil Sheridan had laid waste to the Shenandoah
valley and driven the rebels from out its borders. And then the policy
adopted by the north of the non-interchange of prisoners--a policy which,
though effective against the enemy caused thousands of brave men to die
slowly by starvation in the prisons of the South--kept out of the
Confederate ranks men enough to make two armies like Lee’s. The Union
forces were well fed and warmly clothed during the winter of ’64-5, while
the men in the southern ranks were in rags and on scant rations. There was
no hope for the South unless Lee could extricate his army from the
intrenchments at Richmond and Petersburg and join his forces with Gen.
Johnston’s army and transfer operations farther south.
Gen. Grant learned of Lee’s intentions and forced the fighting before his
plans could be put into execution.
The movement commenced March 29. “Phil” Sheridan and his force of cavalry
was sent around Lee’s right with the 5th and 2d corps following.
The 6th and 9th corps of the Army of the Potomac, with some troops from
Butler’s army, were to hold the lines at Petersburg.
The writer’s regiment was then, as in the previous year’s campaign, with
Grant, attached to Hancock’s 2d corps, but that superb commander was no
longer its leader, having been called to Washington to organize a veteran
corps and Gen. Andrew A. Humphreys, who had long been chief of staff of
the Army of the Potomac, had taken his place. He was an able commander but
could never inspire his troops with the enthusiasm of Hancock, yet it is
understood he was rated by military critics as the most skillful officer
of the civil war.
The weather had been good for several days, but the day the troops began
to move a rain set in and it just poured, and as the country was flat and
swampy, with the soil a mixture of clay and sand, the roads soon became
nearly knee deep with a stiff batter, making it extremely difficult for
the men to march, and in places the roads had to be corduroyed to make it
possible for the artillery to proceed. The boys good-naturedly made the
best of it, and if a staff officer rode by would inquire if the pontoons
and gunboats were coming.
NOTES FROM AN OLD DIARY.
On March 29 our regiment struck tents at camp near Patrick’s Station and
marched three or four miles, forming a junction with Sheridan’s cavalry,
halted near Hatcher’s Run and threw up breastworks; left them late in the
day and marched through a dense woods; halted on the other side and threw
up more works; advanced at daybreak the morning of the 30th; heard
musketry firing about 9; halted and built breastworks again.
About 1 p. m. the enemy opened on us with artillery, throwing both solid
shot and shell; several wounded.
Was routed out before 5 the next morning and made a forced march to reach
the 5th corps; halted at dusk and threw up intrenchments. It was truly
marvelous to see how quickly troops would throw up formidable earthworks
with nothing to work with except bayonets, tin cups and plates and an
occasional frying pan, and men did it willingly, too, for although they
were so tired they could hardly march farther they knew there was no
safety for an army unless they were behind intrenchments.
Heavy firing that night on both flanks; next morning had a lively skirmish
about 4; several wounded.
April 2, continued the advance; crossed the South Side railroad; heavy
skirmishing on the advance lines; built intrenchments near the railroad.
Although there was constant skirmishing by the troops on the flanks, there
was no serious conflict until the 31st, when Sheridan encountered Fitzhugh
Lee’s cavalry and “Fighting Phil” is reported to have said he had “one of
the liveliest times of his life.”
The same day the confederates delivered one of their furious sallies
against Gen. Warren’s 5th corps out on the White Oak road, hurling back in
disorder the divisions of Gens. Ayers and Crawford, but Griffin’s division
stood firm and Gen. Miles’ division of the 2d corps, with which our
regiment was serving, went to their support and delivered a counter charge
on the right flank, causing the enemy to retire to his intrenchments,
which were so strong and stubbornly defended that repeated attempts to
dislodge them failed.
In the meantime Lee sent Gen. Pickett, who so gallantly led the charge at
Gettysburg, along the White Oak road to Five Forks, where he routed a
division of infantry and some of Sheridan’s cavalry.
FIVE FORKS.
The next day, April 1, the 5th corps and Sheridan’s cavalry moved on the
enemy at Five Forks. Gen. Sheridan was everywhere on his powerful, coal
black charger. It is said he even swore a little as he told the brigade
commanders that “This battle has got to be fought on the double quick.”
When the battle line was forming he is said to have ridden among the men
and encouraged them with such remarks as, “We’ve got the twist on ’em,
boys; there won’t be a grease spot left when we get through.”
At a critical moment when some of the troops wavered because of the
hail-storm of bullets, Sheridan grasped his battle flag from the man who
carried it and rode forward, urging his men to close up and stand firm.
Such conduct inspired the soldiers to a renewed effort, and they charged
the enemy and won a splendid victory.
Gen. Grant celebrated Sheridan’s victory by opening fire on the city of
Petersburg with over 100 cannon, and the troops who held the lines in
front of the city assaulted the works and pressed back the Confederates,
whose only hope was to get safely away from the city and join Lee’s army
in its race for life. This was accomplished during the night of the 2d,
and the departure of the Confederate troops was effected so quietly that
the Union pickets knew not that the enemy were moving till daylight
revealed the fact that they had folded their tents and slid away in the
night and were miles distant when the Union forces proudly entered the
city that had been the bone of contention between the two great armies
from June, 1864, to April, 1865.
It was well understood that Lee’s objective point was Lynchburg or
Danville, and it was only by ceaselessly marching and hammering away at
their weakening lines that Lee’s plans to unite his forces with Gen.
Johnston’s were foiled. Phil Sheridan, aided by Gens. Custer, Crook and
Merritt, was just the right man for the job, and his unceasing ardor and
energy kept things humming and was what contributed largely to the success
of the campaign. The only blot on his escutcheon was his ungenerous
treatment of Gen. Warren, after Five Forks, which caused Warren’s removal
from his command, and the life of one of the bravest and most accomplished
officers of the Army of the Potomac was embittered and he died a few
years after the war of a broken heart.
His old comrades, although admiring Sheridan’s splendid qualities, could
never quite forgive his treatment of so gallant an officer and gentleman.
The pursuit of Lee was resumed on the 3d. Gen. Sheridan with his cavalry
and the 5th corps moved westerly, keeping near the Appomattox river, where
they could keep in touch with Lee’s army. Gen. Meade with the 2d and 6th
corps followed Sheridan with the same object in view. Gen. Ord, with the
24th corps, Gen. Birney’s colored troops and the 9th corps were to move
parallel with the South Side railroad.
No fighting of importance occurred for two or three days after Five Forks,
but we did some right smart marching.
The evening of April 5, we were preparing to go into camp for the night
when the sound of artillery put us in motion again, and we raced it until
midnight. The morning of the 6th, Gen. Meade concluded that Lee’s troops
had been slipping around to his left during the night; so he sent the 6th
corps out on the Painesville road and we of the 2d by the Deatonville
pike.
Couriers had brought word that the enemy was moving in two columns, one
under the command of Gen. James Longstreet, and the other under Gen. John
B. Gordon.
Recently, when the death of the two above-named generals occurred so
closely together, it seemed almost a suggestion of fatality that these two
great leaders who fought all through the war and were Lee’s two arms in
the last desperate effort for the “Lost Cause” should have outlived all of
the other great generals of the confederacy and then crossed over the
river shoulder to shoulder, as it were, to rejoin Lee, Jackson and other
beloved comrades.
THE SAILOR’S CREEK FIGHT.
After going four or five miles, the morning of the 6th, we came out on a
ridge, in a clearing, and in the distance could be seen a long column of
rebs, moving in almost an opposite direction.
Our division had the right of line, so we could see them very clearly. The
boys began to throw their caps in the air and let off a few yells, when
word was passed along the line to keep quiet and we obliqued to one side
and got out of sight behind the crest of the ridge.
Gen. Miles ordered up some batteries, and they taking position in our
front, unlimbered and opened fire on the “Johnnies,” who were crossing a
large open field, and there was a column of about a mile long to be seen.
My blood runs quicker as the memory of that day comes back to me with its
thrilling incidents.
I see the artillery galloping into position and I recall the excitement
when the first shots were fired and we watched the shells as they dropped
among the confederates.
The artillerymen got the range the first time, and there was some right
smart “gittin’ away” to the woods, which were in every direction, and the
way those greybacks broke for a shelter was a caution, and our men
couldn’t help but give them a cheer.
It was understood that Lee had issued orders to all of the division and
corps commanders to do as little fighting as possible. The program seemed
to be to get away, but when they were cornered they fought with the
desperation of men who are being hunted down.
A RUNNING FIGHT.
Our troops got orders to “go for ’em,” and it was a running fight until
night, the race extending over fifteen miles of country.
They were anxious to save some wagon trains that had supplies for Lee’s
army. All day they fought on the defensive, holding the Union forces off
long enough for the trains to get out of the way, and then they would
limber up their artillery and go flying to the rear and take up a new
position a mile or two away, the infantry holding us off until the
batteries were in position, when the troops would take shelter under their
guns. When we pressed them too close the artillerymen would give our men
grape and cannister, and then yield to the infantry.
Our artillery failed to do much execution that day because the Johnnies
would not stand and take it.
The country was swampy and occasionally a wagon would get stuck in the mud
and they would have to abandon it.
At one time, when our division was close upon the enemy, we descended a
hill that led to a little stream, and on the other side was an elevation
where the Rebs had gotten a battery into position.
Our regiment was in the first line of battle, and when the battery
commenced firing we had got so far down the hill that the artillerymen
could not depress their guns enough to reach us; but the reserve line that
was on higher ground suffered severely.
The creek where we struck it was fringed with a vine that formed a perfect
network. The vines were tough and would not break, and there was no way to
crawl under or go over; so the men cut through with jack knives.
It happened that the rest of the brigade did not encounter the obstruction
and were ready to advance when our regiment was tangled up in the vines.
Being in the center the delay was noticed. Finally a staff officer, one of
those slick fellows with red sash, riding gauntlets and plenty of gold
braid, rode down on the opposite bank and called out, “What in h--ll is
the matter with the 2d New York, and where is the commanding officer?”
Col. Hulser (he was then a major) looked up from under an old slouch hat,
the rest of his uniform being no better than the privates, and paid his
respects to that dude of an officer in language that was highly tinctured
with brimstone. The regiment formed in line on the south bank exposed to a
fierce artillery fire, and the boys noticed that the dandy officer from
the general’s staff ducked his head low on his horse’s neck quite
frequently, while the old major, who was always ill at ease on dress
parades and reviews, sat his horse, amid the screeching shells like a
bronze figure.
When Hulser had gotten his regiment lined up to suit him he said to the
officer, “In ten minutes the 2d New York will capture that rebel battery
unless they limber up and get out of our way.” Drawing his sword he gave
the command, “Forward, guide center, double-quick,” and away went the men
with a rush, for everyone probably felt that they would like to show the
officious staff officer that they were no cowards. But when the Johnnies
saw that glistening line of bayonets moving down on them they pulled up
and ran away.
The enemy had another battery in position about a half a mile away, and
they did some rapid firing for the “Lost Cause;” but some of our troops
got after them on the flank and they pulled up and ran again. A comrade
has told me that he saw a man killed by a shell that day and the shell
did not touch him. It passed close to his head and the concussion killed
him instantly.
The troops in our front were Gen. Gordon’s and about 4 o’clock they made a
determined stand, as our troops were pressing them so closely they were in
danger of losing their train of supplies.
Our regiment was in some second growth pine woods and the rebels behind a
rail fence on the other edge of the woods, and through the trees the
moving wagons could be seen.
The order came to “charge,” and Gen. Miles’ old first division went for
the enemy with a rush and some cavalry on the flank went after that train.
The fighting was general and things became badly mixed up. The teamsters
lashed their horses and tried to get away, but many cut the traces and
abandoned their loads.
The Confederates tried to hold the opposite side of the train and used the
wagons as a shelter, and the combatants banged at each other through the
wagons.
PAT CAPTURES A GUN.
A comrade of my regiment who was in the immediate ranks that day, says:
“Where we struck the train a rebel brass cannon was stuck in the mud. Two
rebs were on one side of it tugging away at a wheel trying to turn it on
our lines. Two of our regiment grabbed the other wheel and tried to turn
it the other way, but it was so firmly imbedded in the mud that neither
side could budge it. The blue and the gray glared at each other and
finally Pat Devereaux of the 2d heavy, spoke out, “Say Johnnie, lave your
hands off that gun, I tell ye!” and the reb retorted as follows: ‘Go soak
your head, Pat. I wouldn’t dirty my hands with you, I’ll get my nigger to
attend to your case.’ Just then Pat grabbed the rammer to the gun and went
for the Johnnie in true Irish style, saying as he brought the rammer down
upon his enemy: ‘I can whip the bist man in your measly gang. You’re
nothing but a dirty lazy lot of slave drivers. Out of this, I say!’ and
the Johnnie went, leaving Pat the victor. And that is how Private
Devereaux of the 2d helped take one of the four cannon captured by the 2d
corps that day.”
In these days if such an act of heroism were performed, it would be
heralded all over the continent, but such occurrences were too common in
those exciting times, besides each regimental commander did not have two
or three war correspondents at his elbows for the purpose of writing up
his achievements.
The operations of our corps that day are summarized by Gen. Humphreys as
follows: Captures of the corps, 13 battleflags, 4 cannon, 1,700 prisoners.
Killed and wounded of the 1st and 2d divisions (the 3d division not
reported), 311.
Gen. Mott was among the wounded. The enemy’s killed and wounded largely
exceeded our own and the loss of the wagon train must have caused much
suffering among the Confederates.
In addition to the battleflags, cannon and prisoners, our brigade captured
over 200 supply wagons.
DIXIE TO THE LAST.
Among the prisoners captured that day was a rebel brass band, and they
were allowed to retain their instruments. As the column of confederates
were marched along the roadside, which was lined on either side by the
Union forces, they were headed by the band, playing their national air of
Dixie.
The scene was an impressive one. They were prisoners of war, bleeding from
wounds, faint and famished, ragged and nearly barefoot and their last hope
gone, but as the familiar strains of the music floated back over the line
their faces brightened, their steps quickened and they marched as they had
marched many a time behind their beloved leader, Gen. Lee.
Our men had too much respect for these brave men to jeer at them. The
brave invariably respect the brave, and as the soldiers of the “Lost
Cause” passed the veterans of the second corps all were silent and
respectful, except for an occasional burst of applause which manifested
itself by the clapping of hands.
It was very evident to the most pessimistic that the confederacy was on
its last legs and that night when our boys were carrying rails to build
breastworks, Billy Cook, the first sergeant of our company, who had gone
all through the war without a scratch, made the remark that the “jig was
about up with the Johnnies,” and the next day Bill fell pierced by a rebel
bullet in the last fighting of the war.
HEAPS OF PLUNDER.
That night the boys had a great time going through the captured wagons.
There was a “heap” of plunder in them. A paymaster’s trunk with upwards of
$400,000 Confederate money was found and it was divided up among the men.
One man secured Gen. Mahone’s grip with his commission as major general
and other papers and dressed himself up in the coat, sash, etc., that had
been worn by the distinguished Confederate. One of our boys secured a
five-gallon jug of rebel commissary, and he and a comrade stuck a musket
barrel through the handle and slinging it over their shoulders marched
around among the exhausted soldiers and told them to “fall in for
rations.” If anybody ever needed a little whiskey it was that very time
and it was amusing to see them take their turns at the jug. No one was
allowed to take any away, and in order to draw a ration the jug must be
pushed up from the bottom and the nozzle tipped downward while a “swig”
was taken.
The men reveled in broiled ham, beef, bacon, onions, pickles, toasted
hardtack, and other luxuries that were found in the wagons.
LITTLE GRAY.
There was pity mingled with our rejoicing that night for in many of the
captured wagons were wounded Confederates. Poor fellows! Many of them lay
with wounds several days old, the bandages dried up and dirty, some too
weak to raise their heads, hungry and thirsty and needing so much
nourishment and attention that we could not give them. It is at such a
time that one is brought face to face with war without any of its gold
plating.
My sympathies were stirred as they had never been before as a little boy,
scarcely 16 years old, was lifted out of a wagon. A handsome boy,
notwithstanding his face was bronzed and dirty, and his cheeks sunken. He
had beautiful dark, expressive eyes and looked up so appealingly into our
faces as my comrade and I bent over him and asked what we could do for
him. He, too, was a drummer boy and had been wounded two or three days
before. We got our surgeon and had his wound dressed and gave him
stimulants and a little food, but he was very weak, “all marched out,” he
said, and was afraid that he would not see his old Carolina home again.
We bathed his face and hands with cool water and his lips quivered and
tears coursed down his cheeks as he faintly whispered of his widowed
mother.
We, too, were “marched out” and had to lie down and have rest but before
leaving “Little Gray,” as we called him, two boys knelt by his side and
repeated the Lord’s prayer that had been learned at a mother’s knees. In
the morning the little confederate from the Palmetto state was dead, and
we buried him on the field with his comrades.
’Twas war--real genuine war.
THE LAST BATTLE.
It is understood that Lee’s chief officers held a meeting the night of the
6th and counseled him to surrender, but he had not abandoned all hope and
the next morning the rebel army began again the desperate race for life.
They crossed the Appomattox river at High Bridge and set fire to the same
to prevent pursuit. But the 2d corps were so close after them that our men
reached one end of the bridge as the rebels were leaving the other.
Gen. Mahone’s troops contested the passage for a time, but Gen. Miles
ordered a battery into position and after a vigorous shelling the rebels
let go of their end and our troops crossed over and pushed on after the
enemy.
Lee’s army was now on what may be termed a neck of land formed by the
James and Appomattox rivers.
The Army of the James had come up and were pressing them on one side, the
Army of the Potomac on the other, while Sheridan and his cavalry had gone
around south to try and close the outlet.
As soon as our corps got across the river the pursuit of Lee continued out
along the old Appomattox stage road.
About one o’clock in the afternoon, the First and Third Division came up
with the enemy near the Appomattox stage road, where they had gone into
position to oppose our advance. Poague’s Battery opened upon us, and made
things lively for just as we passed an open field the shells began to fly
through the woods in our front, and as we approached the edge of the woods
the skirmishers opened upon the head of the old First Brigade.
Just at this moment orders came directing us into line on the left of the
road, and before we had completed the movement a battery galloped into
position in the rear of the Second New York, and Bang--bang--bang--whiz--
hum--buzz--boom--boom--boom--crack--whir--crash, whang--while the old
Second responded with a cheer and its facetious cry “lay down!”
The 61st New York and 26th Michigan were immediately deployed as
skirmishers and advanced into the woods driving the Johnnies before them
over a little ridge of ground. Our line of battle, the 2d New York in the
center, the 5th New Hampshire and 81st Pennsylvania on our left and the
183d and 140th Pennsylvania on our right advanced close up to the ridge
while the skirmishers were pushed well up against the enemy to develop the
position.
It was soon learned that all that was left of Lee’s army was in our front
well intrenched and provided with plenty of artillery.
Gen. Meade had sent word for the 6th and 24th corps who were near
Farmville, to cross the river and attack Lee from that side with a view of
crushing his army. Lee had, however, destroyed the bridges, the Appomattox
was too deep to ford, the pontoon trains had not got up, consequently the
two corps mentioned were unable to render the Second any assistance, else
it is more than likely that Appomattox would not have become famous in
history.
While waiting for assistance the Second corps did considerable
maneuvering. About 5 o’clock firing was heard in the direction of
Farmville which Gen. Humphreys assumed was the 6th corps. He immediately
contracted his left line and pushed out on the right intending to flank
the enemy if possible.
The execution of the movement left our division face to face with Gen.
Mahone’s and Gen. Anderson’s troops who were formed in close column
supported by Poague’s ten gun battery, who were in a position that enabled
them to give us (as the boys used to express it), h--ll with grape and
cannister trimmings thrown in.
Our regiment came to a halt in a dense growth of small pines and waited
for orders. Some of the officers went out in the edge of the woods to look
around and as they came back Capt. Mike Foy danced a little jig as he
said: “Boys there’s another wagon train for us over behind the rebel
lines.” Poor, brave Foy, who had fought his way up from the ranks, little
realized that he and scores of others would go down in less than fifteen
minutes.
Our brigade had the right of line and were the first to advance across an
open rolling field in full view of the enemy. The troops came to a halt in
a little ravine and the bugles sounded “Fix bayonets!” Then an advance was
made and when about 50 rods from the enemy the bugles sang out
“Forward--double quick, charge!”
The cheers of our men were answered by the rebel yell, the real old
genuine “Ki, yi, yi, yi!” that all veterans remember so well. Then a
tongue of flame leaped from all along their intrenchments, and all other
sounds were drowned with the roar of cannon, the crash of musketry and the
whizzing and screeching of grape and cannister.
Some of the troops reached the enemy’s works in the face of tremendous
odds and fought to the death. But they were unsupported by other troops
as well as artillery, consequently they had to retreat. The 5th New
Hampshire had all of their color guards killed after reaching the rebel
intrenchments and lost their colors, but they were recovered by the 81st
Pennsylvania.
History makes but little mention of the battle of Farmville, as events of
greater importance followed so closely, but the participants know that
troops never fought more valiantly than did Lee’s soldiers in their last
effort when they repulsed the assault of the veterans of the 2d corps.