CHAPTER IV.

WHITE ELEPHANTS AND WHITE MONKIES.--TASTE OF THE

SIAMESE.--BRAHMANS AND HINDUISM IN SIAM.--LIBRARY OF THE

TEMPLE.--ENORMOUS GUNS.--TRADE OF SIAM A ROYAL MONOPOLY.--CHINESE

EMIGRANTS.--SUGAR.--SIAMESE POLICY RESPECTING TRADE.--POLICY

OF THE ULTRA GANGETIC NATIONS.--AN EMBASSY ARRIVES FROM COCHIN

CHINA.--PROCESSION OF ROYAL BARGES OF SIAM TO RECEIVE IT.--SIAMESE

MUSIC.--REFLECTIONS ON THE RESULT OF THE MISSION.

The Moormen, and the two men who had conducted us to the audience-hall,

now conducted us through the different courts of the palace. We

were still followed by a dirty, mean-looking rabble, whose impudent

behaviour was from time to time checked by the two police men, our

guides. The streets were remarkably dirty, so that for the greater part

of the way we had to walk up to the ancle in mud and water. However,

no offer was made to procure us our shoes until we had gone through

the whole ceremony of seeing the strange sights of this palace, a

tedious and not very gratifying ceremony, which occupied us nearly two

hours. The sun had, after the shower, shone out with intense power; the

stones over which we passed had in consequence been rendered very hot,

and the alternate passing from these stones into the wet and puddles

rendered the promenade not altogether agreeable to persons unaccustomed

to walk bare-footed.

We were first conducted to the stables of the white elephants, which,

being held in great veneration by the Siamese, are kept within the

inner enclosure of the palace, and have habitations allotted to them

quite close to those of the King himself.

Of white elephants there are at the present time no fewer than five in

the possession of the King, whence we may infer that this variety is

far less rare than we are accustomed to believe, at least, that is so

in the further peninsula of India. It has, however, seldom happened

that so many have been collected at one period, and the present is

regarded as auspicious in consequence of an event so unexpected, and so

much desired. A white elephant is still reckoned as beyond all value,

every effort is made to take them when they are by chance discovered,

and the subjects of the King can perform no more gratifying service

than that of securing them. They, and indeed all elephants, are the

property of the King only.

The appellation white, as applied to the elephants, must be received

with some degree of limitation; the animal is in fact an occasional

variety, of less frequent occurrence indeed, but in every respect

analogous to what occurs in other orders of animals, and, amongst the

rest, in the human species. They are, correctly speaking, Albinos, and

are possessed of all the peculiarities of that abnormal production; but

of these _white_ elephants, it was remarkable that the organ of sight

was to all appearance natural and sound, in no way intolerant of light,

readily accommodating itself to the different degrees of light and

shade, and capable of being steadily directed to objects at the will

of the animal; in short, similar in all respects to that of the common

elephant, with the exception of the iris, which was of a pure white

colour. In this respect, they resembled all the quadrupedal albinos

that I had hitherto seen, as those among horses, cows, rabbits. This

circumstance I should scarce have thought worth the noticing, were it

not that I shall have occasion to mention in the sequel an instance

of an animal of the albino kind, possessed of the peculiar eye of the

human albino. In one or two of the elephants, the colour was strictly

white, and in all of them the iris was of that colour, as well as the

margins of the eye-lids; in the rest, the colour had a cast of pink in

it. The hairs upon the body were for the most part yellowish, but much

more scanty, finer, and shorter than in other elephants; the strong

hairs of the tail were darker, but still of a yellowish colour. In

none did the colour and texture of the skin appear entirely healthy.

In some, the cuticular texture of the legs was interspersed with

glandular knobs, which gave a deformed appearance to these members.

In others the skin of the body was uncommonly dry, while the natural

wrinkles were unusually large, secreted an acrid-like fluid, and seemed

ready to burst out into disease. These beasts were all of small size,

but in excellent condition, and one of them was even handsome. They

were treated with the greatest attention, each having several keepers

attached to him. Fresh-cut grass was placed in abundance by their side;

they stood on a small boarded platform, kept clean; a white cloth was

spread before them, and while we were present they were fed with sliced

sugar-cane, and bunches of plantains.

In the same place we observed rather a fine-looking elephant, but a

small one, which appeared to me to be a greater object of curiosity

than any of the others. This animal was covered all over with black

spots, about the size of a pea, upon a white base. It is not unusual

to observe a partial degree of this spotted appearance in the elephant

of Bengal, as on the forehead and trunk of the animal, but in this

instance the skin was entirely covered with them.

The greatest regard is entertained in Siam for the White Elephant.

He who discovers one is regarded as the most fortunate of mortals.

The event is of that importance, that it may be said to constitute an

era in the annals of the nation. The fortunate discoverer is rewarded

with a crown of silver, and with a grant of land equal in extent to

the space of country at which the elephants’ cry may be heard. He and

his family, to the third generation, are exempted from all sorts of

servitude, and their land from taxation.

The next and only other animals that we saw here, are certainly of very

rare occurrence, and objects of great curiosity. These were two White

Monkies, perfect albinos in every respect. They are about the size of

a small dog, furnished with a tail about as long as the body. They are

thickly covered with fur, which is as white as snow, or that of the

whitest rabbit. The lips, eye-lids, and feet are distinguished by the

inanimate whiteness of the skin noticed in the human albino, while the

general appearance of the iris, the eye, and even the countenance, the

intolerance of light, the unsettled air they assumed, and the grimace

they affected, afforded so many points of resemblance between them and

that unhappy variety of our species, as rendered the sight disgusting

and humiliating. One who had seen a perfect albino of the human

species, would find it impossible to separate the impression of his

appearance from that of the animals now before us. These had but little

of the vivacity or mischievous disposition for which this tribe is so

remarkable. All their movements, all their attitudes, had for their

apparent object the lessening the effect of light and glare, towards

which they always turned their backs. Their eye-brows seemed pursed up

and contracted, the pupils were of a light rose-colour, the irides of a

very pale cast of blue. One was very old, and had but few teeth in his

head. His lips were beside remarkably thick, and apparently diseased.

The other was much younger.

It did not appear that they were held in any degree of veneration by

the Siamese; we learned that they were placed here from superstitious

motives, with the object, as they said, of preventing evil spirits from

killing the white elephants.

We next proceeded to visit a temple situated at a short distance beyond

the hall of audience. The court is spacious and neat, containing,

besides the temple, a handsome small building, in which their sacred

books are deposited. At each of the principal gates are placed

gigantic earthen images, of grotesque form, with clubs in their hands,

and at each angle of the temple brass figures of a fanciful animal,

somewhat resembling a lion. Besides, there were other figures made

of clay, paltry in appearance and absurd in design. The temple is

of a pyramidal form, highly wrought with minute figures, somewhat

in the Chinese style. The character of the ornaments, like that of

the paintings on the stern of a Chinese junk, is operose, unmeaning,

and grotesque; yet the general effect was in the present instance

not unpleasing to the spectator, who regarding it at some distance,

overlooked the minuteness alluded to. I remarked that the Siamese

have adopted the pyramid, generally a quadrangular one, instead of

the dome, the only form in which the Bauddhists of Ceylon build the

sepulchral edifice called Dagoba, the architectural characteristic of

their religion. The cause of this difference, in a matter so closely

interwoven with their religion, is probably to be looked for in the

different genius of the nations, to which cause also we must attribute

the difference observable in their respective images of Buddha

himself, for to the individuals of neither people are we to look for

the original exemplar of that form. The Siamese, like other tribes

of the Moghul race, seem to have formed to themselves a standard of

beauty, differing both from that of Europeans and of Indians. Hence the

sharp, the harsh, the fanciful, the improbable, are more considered

by them than the soft, the majestic, and the just in architecture.

The different forms given to the Dagoba, and to their temples and

palaces, would illustrate this remark. A similar taste is displayed

in the decorations of their private houses, in which you look in vain

for truth or nature in the representation of animal beings. A wild

unchastened fancy prevails among them; hence the origin of monsters and

of the grotesque figures which cover the walls of the houses of their

chiefs. Yet, though monstrous, unnatural, and unmeaning, they are not

altogether destitute of a certain degree of spirit and of boldness

in the execution. What degree and kind of genius they may possess in

music and in the arts remains to be seen. In the actual state of our

knowledge, I cannot but consider the Siamese as prodigiously inferior

to the rude inhabitants of the interior of Ceylon, with whom, as

professing the same religion, they will admit of a comparison. In the

elegant and imposing structure of the Dagoba, in the numerous figures

of Buddha, whether made of earth, stone, ivory, brass, wood, silver,

or gold, the latter are manifestly superior artists and architects.

The Siamese would appear to excel in the number of their images, the

Kandians in their quality. The Siamese temple, rich in the frippery and

tinsel of a Chinaman’s toy-shop, with its three hundred images, reminds

you more of children’s playthings than of the place of devotion; while

the Kandian, by the skilful distribution of light and shade, and proper

position of one, or, at most, of a few well-executed images, produces

an effect at once solemn, majestic, and impressive.

But if this obliquity of genius, if I may so call it, be so remarkable

in the matters already alluded to, it is still more so in all that is

calculated to give an insight into the constitution of their mind.

The people are governed by opinion, absurd and unjust, not by reason,

by sense, nor by kindness. The most degrading and brutal tyranny is

mistaken for well-meaning patriarchal kindness; and the oppression of

the multitude, and the grinding of the many, is regarded as the will of

the Deity. No man either wishes for, or aspires to, freedom of thought

or of action; and tyranny has cast its roots so deep, that change would

seem hopeless.

But to return to the temple. I have observed that it was of a pyramidal

form, the point terminating in a slender spire, about 200 feet high.

Within, the building constituted a single lofty chamber, about 50 feet

long, and nearly as much in breadth, paved with stones. In the centre

were placed, on irregular stages, a countless number of small figures

of Buddha, intermixed with bits of looking-glass, scraps of gilded

paper, and Chinese paintings. Surmounting the rest was a figure of

Buddha, about a foot and a half high, in a sitting posture, made, as

our guides would have us to believe, of emerald. The stone was either

the Chinese figure-stone, or Heliotrope, but it was placed at too great

a distance for us to be able to say exactly which. There was here

nothing in the shape of an altar, nor any convenience save the floor on

which to place fruit and flowers, the usual offerings made to Buddha.

A number of vagrant, idle people, had followed us. They entered the

temple, and behaved with a degree of noisy indecorum, which could not

fail to surprise us.

Surrounding the temple, and forming its enclosure, there is a paved

passage, covered in above, and supported by pillars. The walls of

this passage are covered with rude paintings of allegorical subjects,

chiefly taken from the story of the Ramayana, a celebrated epic poem

of the Hindus. It would appear, indeed, that many of the absurdities

of the Hindu religion are intermingled with that of Buddha. There are

in Bankok a few Brahmans, who are entertained by the king, and have

built a small temple. The Siamese cultivate a lock of hair on the

forehead, which lock they preserve from birth to the age of twelve,

fourteen, or sixteen, untouched. At the expiration of this period, they

institute a great feast; presents are made by all the relations and

friends of the family, and the occasion is rendered one of great joy.

The Brahman then, sprinkling a little water on the head, and repeating

certain prayers, cuts the lock. When the children of the king undergo

this ceremony, an artificial hill is constructed, on which the Brahman

performs the ceremony.

Close to the temple stands the pyramidal building, in which the sacred

books are kept. You ascend to it by a flight of steps, covered with

plates of tin, as is also the floor of the room. The books cannot be

very numerous. They are contained in a pyramidal upright cupboard,

richly ornamented with small pieces of mother-of-pearl.

Returning by the road we had entered, we repassed the inner and second

gates of the palace, when we found ourselves in the enclosure where we

had halted for some time before entering the audience-hall. The only

objects worthy of remark in this place were several ridiculously and

uselessly large brass guns. They must, from their size, be equally

unserviceable and unmanageable. They seemed, however, to pride

themselves not a little in possessing guns of such a calibre. They

appeared to have been uncommonly well cast.

Having now been shewn all that was thought worthy of notice, we were

reconducted to the room in which we had first halted. It was again

soon filled with the rabble. A plentiful dessert of sweet-meats was

introduced, and the Moorman was particularly desirous that we should

partake of it. But it was impossible to overlook the mean condition

of those left to entertain us, the disreputable appearance of the

building, or the jeering and disrespectful conduct of the herd of

spectators that crowded round us. It seemed as if the court had said,

_See them feed_.

As we were leaving the palace, several of the chiefs were returning

home at the same time, and afforded us an opportunity of observing that

they used vehicles more respectable and more comfortable than those

they had assigned for the use of the Agent to the Governor General. We

now procured our slung hammocks, and were carried back to our boats.

About one, P. M., we reached the ship.

A large quantity of sweet-meats, those which had been placed before us

on our visit to the palace, was sent home after us; and, in the course

of the afternoon, the chief, Suri-wong, paid the Agent to the Governor

General a visit, and said that he had been desired to entertain us with

a dinner. A profusion of roasted pork, goats’ flesh, ducks, fowls, &c.,

was then brought by his servants and laid on the table, together with a

couple of decanters of a wine nearly as strong and fiery as brandy. He

remained a spectator of the entertainment, but would not eat or drink

with us. He conversed with more ease with us than he had hitherto done.

He said we had been highly honoured, and seemed to be quite pleased

with the transactions of the day. He asked many questions, and wished

to be thought easy and free, but his manner was coarse and impolite to

a degree quite unusual in an Asiatic. * * * * *

On reviewing the transactions of this day, and connecting them with the

general conduct of the officers of the Siamese government towards the

mission, from the period of our arrival in the country, it will appear

that we had but little reason to be elated with success, or proud of

our reception at court.

In their visits, the most petty officers arrogated a superiority which

certainly did not belong to their inferior station, for some of them

turned out to be low retainers of the chiefs, to whom they performed

the offices of menials, and crouched on the ground before them, as we

afterwards found on visiting those chiefs. The demand that the guns

should be landed before we proceeded up the river, though a punctilio

they readily conceded, but little stress having to all appearance been

laid upon it from the commencement, shewed that nothing was beneath

their notice, and we may infer from their sending a single narrow boat,

capable of holding at most but three persons, on a short journey, for

the accommodation of the Agent to the Governor General, that they

wished to hold the mission very cheap.

After we had arrived nearly opposite to the palace, no notice whatever

was taken of the ship, any more than if she had not been there, and

the first communication had for its object to obtain possession of the

presents sent by the Governor General. It was impossible to attribute

to ignorance their affected indifference, and studied inattention to

whatever related to the accommodation, the wants, or the comforts of

the gentlemen of the mission. Hospitality is a virtue not altogether

unknown to any nation or people; with politeness, it is much the

same. Their leading features are acknowledged by all people. Nations

differ only in the mode of their expression. On these points there

seems no reason to believe that the Siamese are much behind their

neighbours. To individuals they had often behaved with attention and

kindness, and particularly so to the captains of ships and European

traders. The inference therefore is, that, in the present instance,

they listened to political motives only, and though the matter was of

that trifling importance as scarce to deserve mention, yet, taken in

conjunction with their conduct in other matters, it throws some light

upon the view in which they held the present mission. Every person

of rank carefully abstained from coming near us, Kochai Sahac, being

the channel of reference to the chief Suri-Wong Montree, who is not

among the persons of the highest rank, but only acting[6]Barkalan,

the chief, whose office this is, being either too old, or otherwise

incapable of attending to his duties. Our introduction to the king,

and the particular place assigned to the mission, at the audience, and

other circumstances before alluded to, require no comment. The court

in granting a public audience had displayed its power, and perhaps

its riches, motives of themselves sufficient to induce a government

supported chiefly by appearances, to grant such audience. It is known

that the king receives envoys from other potentates in a very different

manner, with ceremony, with pomp, wearing his crown at the audience. It

was evident therefore that they affected to treat the mission from the

Governor General of Bengal as of inferior consequence, and that they

meant to consider it in the light of a deputation from the governor

of a province, such deputations being common amongst the neighbouring

powers. This matter was placed beyond a doubt some days afterwards, the

moorman Kochai stating that the mission had been received by the king

as a deputation from a provincial government.

Seeing that no notice whatever was taken, nor even mention made, of the

letter from the Governor General at our public presentation, we could

no longer entertain doubts as to the idea which they wished to impress

upon the public mind respecting the importance of the government of

Bengal. We, however, had abundant reason to believe that well-informed

persons about the government were not ignorant of the vast power, the

extensive dominion, the unparalleled equity of that government.

The presents from the Governor General were laid out before us in the

hall, and a crier read in a loud voice a list of them, a circumstance

also open to suspicion, particularly as the interpreters to the mission

were not permitted to be present, or even to pass the inner gate of the

palace. Under such circumstances it appeared that they might represent

our word _presents_ in whatever light was most flattering to their

pride, their vanity, or their crooked policy.

With respect to the actual objects of the mission, the proposals were

so moderate, so obviously of mutual advantage, that, from all we could

yet learn, the government would be as anxious to confer them as ours to

receive them.

The encouragement given to the Chinese traders and labourers, and the

limited adventures of the king and some of the principal men about

him, had given them a foretaste of the advantages of commerce, which

they were now very anxious to improve. They were becoming sensible

of the errors created by their cupidity, in imposing innumerable and

vexatious duties. Blind to their real interests, as well as ignorant

of the practice of commerce, the king and his ministers still continue

to be the sole merchants, retaining in their own hands the monopoly

of all articles of consequence, and holding it contraband for any

others to intermeddle. They have yet to learn that it is possible

to fill the treasury with less risk, less trouble, and more credit,

from the industry and fair profits of their subjects; and hence King

Chau-chee-veet, “the Lord of Life,” continues to be the first trader in

his kingdom.

It is to the Chinese nation that they are indebted for whatever

knowledge they possess of the advantages of commercial intercourse. In

defiance of the laws of the celestial empire, there would appear to be

scarcely any limit to the extent of emigration from that great empire.

Her subjects are the best and most industrious part of the population

of the surrounding nations, over whom their industry, their superior

intelligence, and knowledge of the arts, have given them a great and

decided superiority. Siam, a country sunk under the most debasing

tyranny, destitute alike of arts and commerce, offered a fair field for

the developement of their superiority. Fear had long opposed obstacles

to the increase of the Chinese, till at length the government either

from conscious incapacity of restraining them longer, or from motives

of a different nature, has at length given them the most unbounded

encouragement, and granted them privileges which render their condition

infinitely preferable to that of the natives of the country. On the

other hand the benefits which the Chinese emigrants have conferred

upon this rude nation, are of obvious and striking utility, and of no

ordinary importance. They have sown the seeds of commercial enterprise.

They have created commerce where none previously existed, and with

their hands they have, as it were, called into existence some of the

more valuable objects of commerce. Scarce twenty years have elapsed

since the first sugar canes were planted in this kingdom. The annual

produce in sugar, at the present time, is stated to amount to 30,000

peculs, of 133-1/2 lbs. each, or 1788 tons. This constitutes, in

fact, the most valuable commercial article of the realm. The culture

is managed solely by the Chinese, and it is the opinion of the chief

Suri-Wong, that it may be carried to an almost unlimited extent.

Such being the nature of the advantages derived from the unremitting

industry of the Chinese, it is not to be wondered at, if that people

should enjoy privileges denied to European and other nations. Chinese

traders are accordingly subjected to less vexatious proceedings in

their commercial transactions, and are even allowed to purchase the

principal commodities at a lower rate of duty than other nations, the

difference in the article of sugar amounting to fifty per cent. less

than the general rate.

Not satisfied, however, with the trade carried on by the Chinese junks,

the king has shewn a strong desire to increase its extent, although

the means which he has adopted are not well calculated to effect

that object. His proper subjects are altogether ignorant of maritime

science, and seem to possess but few of the qualities necessary to

ensure success in such employments; he is therefore under the necessity

of employing foreigners, as native Christians, Arabs, and other

Mahommedans, to navigate his vessels. He, nevertheless, sends annually

to various ports in China from ten to twelve junks, of moderate size,

laden with sugar, pepper, sapan, and iron wood.

It is, however, with the commercial nations of Europe that he is most

desirous to establish the relations of trade. The great size of their

vessels, their valuable and select cargoes, and more particularly

their ready command of capital, and integrity of conduct, place them

at once beyond competition and rivalship. A conscious sense of his own

weakness, however, operates strongly as a check upon his intercourse

with Europeans. To these fears a debasing cupidity is superadded, and

the result is exhibited in a code of irksome and illiberal regulations,

calculated at once to disgust and to disappoint the liberal-minded

trader. In the actual condition of the existing government, there is

but little room to hope for amelioration of policy, or improvement

of circumstances. Still less, I conceive, are we to expect that they

will lay aside their old prejudices, and adopt in their stead those

regulations which, amongst Europeans, are the foundation of what is

called free trade. They may, indeed, be induced to lower the duties on

certain articles, but it is to be feared that neither the king nor his

ministers will abandon their favourite system of monopoly.

That the Siamese government is not disposed, at the present time,

to adopt the European notions of free trade, we have a proof in its

conduct with regard to the trading brig, Phœnix, belonging to Mr.

Storm. Trusting probably to the favourable disposition produced by

the mission, this vessel was freighted with articles from Calcutta,

which were conceived to be adapted to the Siamese market. She had no

sooner arrived at the mouth of the river, than it was communicated by

the Siamese government to the Agent to the Governor General that this

vessel should afford an instance of the disposition of the government,

and that she should enjoy all the privileges and advantages which the

royal Majesty of Siam meant to confer upon British merchants. The

ordinary policy was immediately resorted to. The king and his ministers

insist on the privilege of purchasing before any permission can be

granted to trade. They send to demand musters of the articles imported,

and affix their own price for such as they wish to purchase. Three

weeks have thus passed before any final answer is returned, or the

musters sent back, during the whole of which time no boat, no trader,

no individual of any description, is permitted to visit the ship, or to

hold intercourse with the owners on board. It may be readily conceived

that no subject will dare to offer a higher price than that which has

been tendered by the king and his ministers. The waste of time must

of itself be no little inconvenience to the merchant. It would seem as

if it were the object of the Siamese government to disgust the trader,

in this manner, by unnecessary delay, hoping thereby to reduce him

to the necessity of selling his goods on their own, or, at least, on

more moderate terms. In the meanwhile the most evasive answers are

returned to every proposition. The slightest and most indifferent

matters are rendered a source of annoyance, nor is any proposition or

representation on the part of the trader met openly and candidly, but

shuffled off in a mean and paltry manner.

From the conduct of the government towards this ship, it soon became

apparent how little they were disposed to grant to British merchants.

The Agent to the Governor General had been assured that the duties

should be lowered two per cent. below the present rate. It was now

unequivocally stated that no such reduction should take place until the

English sent five ships annually: it was afterwards stated that this

reduction would be enforced after the period of two years or so.

The most urgent and frequently repeated solicitations could not induce

them to give any answer on the subject of trade for the course of an

entire month, nor could the musters which they had demanded from Mr.

Storm be got back again. It afterwards appeared that one object of this

delay was to give time to the junks to arrive from Singapore with their

cargoes, by which means during this delay the prices of articles were

reduced twenty per cent.

While the ship lay here, it was vain to expect to be able to dispose

of any thing until the government had returned an answer. At length

a communication was made to the effect that the government would

purchase, but on terms to which Mr. Storm could not accede. The latter

now expected that he should be able to dispose of his goods to the

inhabitants of the place, but none of them ever came near him, nor

could they dare to offer a higher price than that tendered by the

Pra-Klang.

It will no doubt appear strange that a people, so anxious for the

commerce of European nations, as to hold out privileges in proportion

to the extent of that trade, should notwithstanding raise so many

obstacles against the obvious tendency of their apparent measures.

Various and very opposite feelings would appear to have given birth

to this manifest inconsistency of conduct--of which national pride,

and undisguised cupidity, vindicate a large share. There can be

little doubt but that much of the annoyance given to the European

trader is viewed by them as a matter of exultation--and it must be

confessed that the eagerness with which the former have sought for

their commerce, leading them to submit to insult and degradation, has

cherished this sentiment on the part both of the government and of

the people. It is the nature of the Ultra-Gangetic nations to rise in

their demands in proportion as they can enforce, or in any way procure

submission to their will. They are universally more influenced by

firmness, boldness, and decision, than by the most sound and conclusive

arguments, the most mild, inoffensive, and conciliating conduct.

They are either insensible to, or regardless of, the latter sort of

argument. He that would have them listen to arguments of reason and

common sense, must be backed by the hand of power, and hold the rod

in reserve. From such people nothing but insult is to be expected by

submission; and as these nations have an unquestionable and natural

right to dictate the terms on which they will hold intercourse with

Europeans, it becomes a question of some interest, how far the conduct

usually pursued by the latter has had a good or bad effect in promoting

the interests of their respective countries.

Unfortunately for the credit of the commercial nations of Europe,

their subjects have conducted themselves in this trade with views

solely of personal interest, totally disregarding the honour and

character of the nation to which they have belonged. In order to gain

paltry advantages, they often submitted to accumulated injuries,

and to the most degrading insults. It has thence happened that the

character of Europeans, even at the present time, stands but very low

with the nations occupying the Eastern ports of Asia. The Chinese,

the most intelligent of these nations, affect to consider the British

as a nation of ingenious tradesmen, little better, in fact, than

watch-makers, who owe their prosperity to their intercourse with their

country. The Siamese, conscious of the power of our Indian government,

affect a less haughty tone, yet fancy themselves infinitely superior to

us, inasmuch as we are so eager to purchase their commerce. In common

with most nations, they entertain a high opinion of the bravery of

their countrymen,--of the strength of their armies, and of the superior

wealth of their country.

The petty disputes in which they are often engaged with the captains

of ships and other traders, who subject themselves to systematic

annoyance, have tended to confirm them in this good opinion. They

are either too ignorant, or too infatuated, to perceive, that the

latter, being in a great measure placed at their mercy, unsupported

by the authority of their own government, and destitute of every

means of redress, afford them a conquest as easy as it is inglorious

and dishonest. Every petty and unworthy advantage thus gained, is

magnified into a triumph, not merely over the individual, but over the

government of which he is the subject; for as they are ignorant of the

manners and customs and superior civilization of other nations, so they

cannot conceive that such great ships, and such valuable commodities,

can belong to any one but the king, or to some one of his principal

officers.

Another circumstance which has contributed to render the present

government more haughty and assuming in its transactions with

strangers, is the tranquillity which for a considerable number of years

has prevailed in this country; tranquillity for which they are more

indebted to the ignorance of their neighbours, than to the wisdom of

their own measures. They have not yet measured their strength with a

power more civilized than themselves.

It may be doubted also whether, notwithstanding their apparent wish

to increase commerce, the innumerable obstacles which Europeans in

particular have to contend with be not intentional, as tending to

increase the safety of their kingdom by discouraging the access of

strangers. The conduct of the government would seem to justify such an

opinion, though from motives of policy, it may be deemed prudent to

cloak such sentiments under feigned representations.

That a great, generous, and warlike nation, such as Great Britain,

should incur the possibility of having her national honour

slighted, if not tarnished, by any nation under the sun, far less

by a semi-barbarous people, experience has rendered less a matter

of surprise than of regret. It cannot be altogether a matter of

indifference what opinion shall be entertained of her by so large a

portion of the human race, as that occupying the countries between the

Ganges and the Yellow Sea. Neither is national honour a mere sound or

but an empty name--for in this sound rests the strength of kingdoms,

the safety of nations. It is this that fans the flame in the patriot’s

breast--it is this that nerves the soldier’s arm--it is this motive

which more than any other converts the man into the hero.

Britain may well command the esteem, if not the homage, of such

nations. An open, manly, and disinterested conduct, on the part of

her subjects, is alone sufficient to establish such an opinion; but

while the success of commercial enterprise is alone regarded, national

honour will be left to shift for itself. The immense value of the

commerce with China, doubtless, is an object of the most powerful

temptation--but with respect to Siam, no such motives exist. Her

commerce, supposing it altogether unshackled, and left to full and

free operation, is after all but very trifling. It seems doubtful

whether it be equal to employ annually four or five ships of moderate

size; and the most valuable commodities of the country are bulky, such

as sugar. The consumption of British manufactures by the natives is

trifling in the extreme. Britain has more to give than to receive from

such a nation.

But it more immediately concerns the honour and safety of our

Indian government to maintain a dignified and imposing attitude in

its intercourse with these nations. The existing government having

established an everlasting fame, upon the firmest basis, has also

raised its honour and its faith to an enviable height. They will

doubtless continue to watch over it with the most jealous care.

That the crazy, disjointed, and puny government of Siam should affect

to treat the government of Bengal as inferior, and that it should

impudently dare to consider an authorized envoy from that state, as a

messenger from a provincial government, may well excite our surprise

and indignation.

_May 6th._--About this period intelligence was brought to court that

an ambassador from Cochin China had arrived at the mouth of the

river. After crossing the peninsula of Cambodia, he took shipping at

the port of Saigon, and, attended by a numerous train of followers,

arrived at Paknam in a small fleet of praws. Notice of his arrival

was immediately conveyed to Court. The Chief of Paknam was ordered to

entertain the ambassador during his stay at that place, and in the mean

time the requisite measures were taken for the purpose of conveying

him to the capital in a manner suitable to his rank. The festivities

of Paknam, though not of the most costly nature, were probably the

best the country could afford. They lasted for several days, and

consisted chiefly of scenic representations, musical entertainments,

and gymnastic exercises.

An event of this nature was calculated to excite attention and awaken

curiosity; it was altogether unexpected by us. We were naturally

desirous to compare our own situation with that of the Cochin-Chinese,

endeavouring thence to form a judgment of the real sentiments of the

Siamese respecting the English mission.

What the real object of this embassy may have been, we had no correct

means of ascertaining, but the avowed and ostensible one was said to

have originated in a feeling of gratitude on the part of the reigning

king of Cochin China, for the asylum and protection that had been

granted to his predecessor by the King of Siam, in the midst of

his misfortunes, when his country was usurped by his own rebellious

subjects, and he himself an exile and a suppliant in the land of

strangers. He had now sent his ambassador to assure the King of Siam

of his good and peaceable intentions, and of his desire to confirm

the bonds of amity with a nation which had behaved with so much

disinterestedness towards his family, during the anarchy of the civil

war which had driven them from the throne.

An embassy which the same king had some time ago sent to the Barman

Court had excited distrust and jealousy in the Siamese, who regard the

Barmans as their natural and most implacable enemies. Watchful at all

times of the conduct of the Cochin-Chinese, and uncertain how the new

king of that country might be affected towards them, this unexpected

embassy to the Court of Amarapura awakened their fears. An embassy was

immediately sent to Cochin-China, for the avowed purpose of discovering

the motives of the embassy to Ava, as well as to sound the inclination

of the new king towards the Siamese. The present embassy, therefore,

might be considered as complimentary to the Siamese, while the

distinction with which it was received evidently shewed that they were

flattered by it. It would perhaps be deemed more curious than useful

or flattering, to contrast the reception which this ambassador, a

simple messenger from a comparatively small state, received, with that

which had so lately been bestowed upon the mission from the Governor

General of British India. It is sufficient to observe, that even the

Prince Chroma Chit, one of the principal members of the Government, was

known to express his regret publicly that the Cochin-Chinese ambassador

should have arrived at such a time, as the English gentlemen could not

fail to make unfavourable comparisons.

About a week after the arrival of the ambassador at Paknam, it would

appear that all the necessary preparations for conveying him to the

capital had been made ready. A numerous set of boats was appointed for

his service. In these he embarked with his train of followers, and

proceeding by easy stages up the river, treated with entertainments and

every mark of distinction and civility by the way, he arrived at Bankok.

The weather was mild and agreeable, particularly calculated to display

a procession of this nature to every advantage. The scene, too, was

interesting beyond expectation; it was both beautiful and picturesque.

The rapidity with which the boats and barges moved, the order and

regularity with which innumerable rowers raised and depressed their

paddles, guided by the shrill notes of a song that might well be

deemed barbarous, together with the singular and barbaric forms, the

brilliant colours, the gilded canopies of the boats, the strange and

gaudy attire of the men, the loud and reiterated acclamations of

innumerable spectators,--gave to the transient scene an effect not

easily described.

It was now, for the first time, that we had an opportunity of seeing

those singular and highly ornamented royal barges which had attracted

the attention of M. Chaumont and suite, ambassador to Siam from the

Court of Louis XIV. The description given of them by Loubere, in his

_Histoire de Siam_, will, with very little alteration, apply to those

now in use. They are in general from sixty to eighty feet, or more, in

length, about four in breadth, and raised about two feet in the middle

from the water, the bow and stern rising boldly to a considerable

height. They are highly-ornamented with curious and not inelegant

devices, all of which are neatly carved on the wood and gilt. The form

is that of some monstrous or imaginary animal. In the centre there is

erected a canopy, generally well gilt, and hung with silken curtains,

or cloth interwoven with gold tissue. The space under the canopy is

calculated to contain but one or two persons, the rest of the boat

being entirely occupied by the rowers, often to the number of forty or

fifty.

The procession moved in the following order:

Four long boats in front, with numerous rowers, dressed in red jackets,

and wearing tall conical caps of the same colour. These boats were

covered with a light awning of mats.

Six richly-ornamented boats, with gilded canopies, in the form of a

dome, and richly carved. In these were the assistants and suite of the

ambassador. Each boat carried two small brass swivels in front; the men

were dressed as in the former. About forty rowers were in each boat.

A very handsome, richly-ornamented barge, with a gilt canopy of a

conical shape, and rich curtains; in which was the ambassador, bearing

the letter from the King of Cochin China.

Four or six boats similar to those in front.

In the course of a few days after his arrival at Bankok, he was

admitted to an audience of the king, without going through those forms

which had been pointed out as necessary to be observed by the Agent to

the Governor General. The Cochin-Chinese ambassador neither visited the

Prince Chroma-Chit, nor his deputy the Pra-Klang, Suri-Wong, before he

had obtained an audience of the king.

His first, and public interview with the king is said to have been

friendly and somewhat familiar. No business is ever transacted on

such occasions. The king, seated under a rich canopy, received the

ambassador in the hall of audience, according to his more usual custom.

The ambassador was carried to the palace by his own followers in a

palanquin, preceded by a number of armed men. He got out of his vehicle

at the inner gate, and walking up to the hall of audience, without

laying aside his shoes, took his seat in the place allotted to him,

taking his own interpreter along with him.

Although no business was transacted, the interview lasted for a

considerable time. The hall, as on the occasion of our introduction at

court, was crowded with persons of various rank.

On the _20th_, the ambassador paid his first visit to the Pra-klang,

on which occasion we had an opportunity of seeing him and his suite,

our chambers being so situated as to afford a view of all that passed

during the interview. The Siamese choose the early part of the night

to pay their visits. The Pra-klang, on this occasion, had lighted

his rooms in the handsomest style, and had disposed of his gayest

furniture with all the taste he was master of. A new carpet and cushion

were produced for his own use, while the old one was abandoned to

his visitor, who was also to occupy the place the chief was wont to

recline on during visits, the latter retiring to a more distant part of

the room.

All the servants and retainers of the chief were summoned to attend

on this important occasion, and now lay prostrate on the floor, like

so many inanimate images, at one end of the room, in a double row. A

number of lights were placed outside, and persons bearing torches were

posted from the bank of the river to the house.

It was evident that the Pra-klang was anxious to make as great display

as possible before the stranger, and though the taste exhibited

throughout, and more particularly in the too profuse decorations of

the room, were widely different from what we are accustomed to admire,

yet it must be admitted that the effect produced was altogether

surprising, and far beyond what we could have anticipated from a

people unquestionably very rude in many of the arts of civilized life.

It deserves to be mentioned, however, that the glass manufacturer of

Europe had contributed not a little towards this display.

The ambassador seemed little inclined to abate one jot of his dignity

on this occasion. After keeping the anxious chief and his bustling

attendants in suspense for several hours, he at length appeared with

twenty or thirty attendants, and some persons bearing presents in boxes.

The ambassador was rather an elderly man, below the middle stature, of

a thin, lanky, and spare habit, with sharp eyes and sunk cheeks. He was

remarkably fair for an Asiatic. He wore on his head a piece of black

crape, loosely rolled into the form of a turban. He had on a loose

gown, with wide sleeves, of the same material and colour as his turban,

and both he and his suite were habited in black. Several chobs were

carried before him, and three black umbrellas were held over him. A few

menials were dressed in jackets of coarse red cloth and conical caps,

surmounted by a plume of red hair.

The address of the ambassador was both dignified and easy. He stood on

the threshold for an instant, surveying the room, regardless of the

chief, and advanced to the carpet in the centre of the place. He here

made a slight salutation by raising his right hand towards his face.

His interpreter and a few others seated themselves by him. Sweetmeats

were now introduced, and after the lapse of an hour or so, they parted.

On the _17th May_, the noisy ceremony called Khon-chook terminated, on

which occasion the English and Portuguese in the place, consisting of

Mr. Crawfurd and suite, Mr. de Sylveira, the Portuguese consul, and

his secretary Mr. Baptiste, Captain M’Donnell of the John Adam and

two of his mates, Captain Smith and Mr. Storm of the brig Phœnix, and

two Portuguese from Macao, were invited by the Pra-klang to a dinner

prepared in the European fashion.

I have before remarked that it is an invariable and very ancient custom

amongst the Siamese to preserve a lock of hair on the forehead of their

children, which is guarded intact until a certain period of their age,

when it is cut with great ceremony. The ceremony is called Khon-chook,

and takes place at the 11th, 13th, or 15th year of age, according to

the inclination of the parents. It is a time of great festivity and

shew. The relations and friends of the family make presents according

to the extent of their ability; the priests are frequently assembled

to say prayers; are fed and presented with new robes of yellow cloth,

that being the only colour they are permitted to wear. Different bands

of national music are assembled, and the festivities are kept up with

unceasing attention for the space of five days. On this occasion,

the eldest, and favourite son of the Pra-klang, a puny, sickly, but

intelligent boy, had attained the proper age for the performance of

this ceremony. The rank and situation of the father was such as to

command a very bountiful supply of presents. Of these we may instance

that of the Prince Chroma-chit, who is said to have given four catties

of silver, equal to 240 ticals, and that of the Agent to the Governor

General, who gave five. The tical is somewhat less than a third more

in value than a rupee.

This ceremony would appear to be more agreeable to the tenets and

practice of the Hindu than of the Bauddhic religion. The priests of the

latter took no farther interest in it than to repeat certain prayers

at particular periods, whilst the tonsure is, in fact, performed by

a Brahman, with great ceremony, and an affectation of mystery, after

he had repeated a set of unintelligible prayers. A few Brahmans are

maintained in the country for the due performance of this particular

ceremony. The Siamese entertain considerable respect for the professors

of the Hindu faith. It is not to be expected however that Brahmans so

situated, exiled from the soil which originated and cherished their

faith, would long preserve its tenets in purity. The prayers of the

priests of Buddha were repeated by several persons at once, in a sort

of recitative style, and, as usual, in the Pali or sacred text, a

language altogether unintelligible to the vulgar, and but imperfectly

understood even by the greater number of priests. The multitude listen

to these prayers with the most perfect indifference. They neither

observe decorum nor respect on such occasions, each seeming by his

conduct to imply that this was a business which touched him little,

either as regards this world or the next. Even in the temple, their

respect for the sanctity of the place, which the presence of their

idols might be supposed to command, is but little observable. Both

priests and laymen are often seen squatted on the pavement playing at

chess, and other games of chance, before the shrines of the gods.

Several of the best bands of music were assembled on this occasion,

and relieved each other in succession. One of these consisted of

female performers only; the others of male performers, whose music was

occasionally interspersed with the plaintive notes of a female voice.

The difference of the several bands consisted chiefly in the greater or

less power, or body of the music, if I may so express it; the softest

and most pleasing being that of the female band.

The Siamese are naturally very fond of music, and even persons of

rank think it no disparagement to acquire a proficiency in the art.

This music is for the most part extremely lively, and more pleasing

to the ear of an European, than the want of proficiency in the more

useful arts of civilized life would lead him to expect of such a

nation. Whence this proficiency has arisen may be somewhat difficult to

explain, more especially as the character of their music partakes but

little of that eccentricity of genius and apparent heaviness of mind

and imagination, for which they are, in other respects, so remarkable.

We have no means of ascertaining what is of domestic origin, or how

much they may be indebted to foreign intercourse for the improvement

of their music. On inquiry we were told that the principal instruments

were of Barman, Pegu, or Chinese origin, and that much of the music had

been borrowed from the two first mentioned nations, particularly from

Pegu.

It is somewhat singular that these nations again consider the Siamese

as superior in musical skill, and attribute to the latter the invention

of the principal instruments, as may be seen in Colonel Symes’s account

of those countries.

It might be supposed that the Siamese had borrowed their music from

the same source that they have their religion, the softness, the

playful sweetness and simplicity of the former seeming to harmonize in

some degree with the humane tenets, the strict morality and apparent

innocence of the latter. The prominent and leading character, however,

of the music, appears to be common to the Malays, and other inhabitants

of the Indian islands, as well as to the whole of the Indo Chinese

nations.

My friend Captain Dangerfield, himself an adept in musical science,

remarks, that the music of the Siamese differs from that of all

barbarous tribes, in being played upon a different key--on that, if I

understand him right, which characterizes the pathetic music of certain

European nations. There is certainly no harsh or disagreeable sound,

no sudden or unexpected transition, no grating sharpness in their

music. Its principal character is that of being soft, lively, sweet,

and cheerful, to a degree, which seemed to us quite surprising. They

have arrived beyond the point of being pleased with mere sound--the

musician aimed at far higher views, that of interesting the feelings,

awakening thought, or exciting the passions. Accordingly they have

their different kinds of music, to which they have recourse according

as they wish to produce one or other of these effects.

Their pieces of music are very numerous. A performer of some notoriety,

who exhibited before us, stated that he knew one hundred and fifty

tunes. This man brought with him two instruments, the one a wind,

the other a stringed instrument. The former, called klani, resembled

a flageolet, as well in form as in the tones, which however, were

fuller, softer, and louder, than those of that instrument. His manner

of blowing on it resembled that of a person using the blow-pipe. He was

thus enabled to keep up an uninterrupted series of notes.

The other, a more curious, as well as more agreeable instrument, is

called tuk-kay, from its fancied resemblance to a lizard, though in

point of form, to me it appears to approach nearer to that of a Chinese

junk. It is about three feet long, has a hollow body, and three large

sounding holes on the back, which is of a rounded form. It is composed

of pieces of hard wood, inlaid with mother-of-pearl. Three strings, one

of brass wire, the others of silk, supported on small bits of wood,

extend from one end of the instrument to the other, and are tuned by

means of long pegs. The performer pressing his left hand on the cords,

strikes them at proper distances, with the fore-finger of the right.

There is another instrument, called khong-nong[7], the music of which

is also very pleasant. It consists of a series of small cymbals of

different sizes, suspended horizontally in a bamboo frame, forming a

large segment of a circle. It is sometimes so large, that the performer

may sit within the circle of the instrument, his back being then turned

to the vacant space.

The tones of this instrument are very pleasing. It is usually

accompanied by the instrument called ran-nan; this is formed of flat

bars of wood, about a foot in length, and an inch in breadth, placed

by the side of each other, and disposed so as to form an arch, the

convexity of which is downwards. Both this and the last-mentioned

instrument are struck with a light piece of wood, or a small mallet.

The task were more tedious than useful or entertaining to enumerate all

the musical instruments used by the Siamese. They have herein displayed

much ingenuity, and no inconsiderable proficiency, combining various

instruments so as to produce a very pleasing effect. In conclusion, we

may observe, that there is a very remarkable difference between the

character of their vocal and instrumental music, the former being as

plaintive and melancholy, as the latter is lively and playful.

_20th May, 1822._--Though but little of an agreeable or satisfactory

nature has occurred respecting the commercial or political objects of

the mission since our arrival, it seems proper that we should here

take a brief and cursory view of these transactions. As the subject

was unavoidably rendered one of public notoriety, and often became

matter of conversation between Captain Dangerfield and the Agent to

the Governor General, occasionally even at the table of the latter, it

became no very difficult matter to gain some insight into the affair; I

mean that persons who, like myself, were unconnected with political and

commercial matters, could thus become in some degree acquainted with

what was going forward: the more so, as the Portuguese of the place,

and the captains and officers of the two English ships in the river

were favourably situated for acquiring the fullest information on the

subject. From these sources my information has been principally drawn.

FOOTNOTES:

[6] According to Loubere, Pra-Klang is the same title as Barkalan.

[7] See RAFFLES’ _Java_, Vol. 1. 470.

The Mission to Siam, and Hué, the Capital of Cochin China, in the Years 1821-2 · 第 4 / 10 章