THE LOVE-LETTERS OF A ROMANTIC[1]
Taking up the study of Charlotte's letters written to M. Heger after her
return to Haworth, and reading them in the light of what we know of the
circumstances and emotions that have formed the feelings, and decided
the tone and attitude of the writer, what do we find to be the sentiment
they reveal to us?
Is it the 'enthusiasm for a great man,' and the desire (for the sake of
vanity, or of amusement) to keep up a correspondence with him?
Or is it the intellectual need of this teacher's instructions and
advice, as a means of mental improvement?
Or is it the want of a companion to exchange ideas with, who is a
brighter and more cultivated being than the Nusseys, Taylors, Woolers,
and the others?
Or is it the pleasure of having a man friend, in the case of a woman who
is neither pretty, nor young, nor silly, enough to indulge in an
ordinary flirtation?
Or is it none amongst these several forms of desire, or want, that seeks
its own good?
Is it love?--a love so exalted, so passionate, so personal, so distinct
from any other instinct or interest, physical, social or intellectual,
that this sentiment stands out, in the order of human feelings, as
honourable not only to the heart that feels it, but to human nature: so
that brought into touch with it, one's own heart is uplifted above the
common world, and gladdened '_by the sense_,' as Byron said,[2] '_of the
existence of Love in its most extended and sublime capacity and of our
own participation of its good and of its glory._[3]
My contention is that it _is_ this romantic Love that reveals itself in
Charlotte's letters to M. Heger. And for this reason, I agree with Mr.
Clement Shorter that they put her upon a higher pedestal than ever. For
to have a heart capable of this great and glorious, albeit often
tragical, romantic Love, that 'seeketh not its own,' and compared with
which all other sorts of love, that _do_ seek their own, are as sounding
brass and a tinkling cymbal is, _independently of deeds or works_,
greatly to serve mankind. For it is to stand as a witness, amongst the
meannesses of mortal and worldly things, to the existence of Something
personal and immortal in the soul and heart of man, helping him '_to
gild his dross thereby_.'[4] Something sovereign, that, quite
independently of forms of belief, or fashions of opinion, '_rules by
every school, till love and longing die_.' Something indestructible,
confined to no epoch, ancient, mediæval or modern, but, '_that was, or
yet the lights were set, a whisper in the void; that will be sung in
planets young when this is clean destroyed_.' In other words, I esteem
human nature honoured in Charlotte Brontë, and Charlotte Brontë honoured
in these Letters, _because they are love-letters of a rare and wonderful
sort amongst the most beautiful, although they are the most sad ever
written_. If they were _not_ love-letters, but expressed the enthusiasm
of a woman wanting comradeship with a great man, I should esteem them
discreditable to any hero-worshipper. Because one should not pester
one's hero with letters, nor conceive the conceit of comradeship with an
object of worship. And it is not true that Charlotte's letters to
Thackeray, George Henry Lewes and other men of letters after she became
famous, had the same character as these love-letters written to M.
Heger before her name was known; because in her letters to different
celebrated writers, Charlotte talked about books or the criticism of
books. But to M. Heger she throws open the secret chamber of her heart:
she pours out its treasures of passionate feelings (as pure as they were
passionate) at the feet of the man she loves; all she asks for from him
in return is not to reprove her, nor refuse the offering; not to
withdraw himself from her life altogether. To let her hear from him
sometimes: not to leave her utterly alone, in the darkness, without any
knowledge of what good or evil may befall one so dear to her.
Unfortunately we do not possess the first Letters of this
correspondence. The four Letters given by Dr. Paul Heger to the British
Museum all belong to a period when the Professor, who had answered (one
does not know precisely in what way) Charlotte's first epistles, had
left off replying to her; and the consistent motive of these four
appeals is for some tidings of him, some proof that the 'estrangement
from her Master,' to which she says she will never 'voluntarily'
consent, has not, in spite of her own unaltered devotion, irrevocably
taken place.
'Tell me about anything you like, my Master,' she writes, 'only tell me
something! No doubt, to write to a former under-mistress (no, I will not
remember my employment as under-mistress, I refuse to recall it), but to
write to an old pupil, cannot be, for you, an interesting occupation. I
realise this; but for _me_, it is life. Your last letter served to keep
me alive, to nourish me during six months. Now I must have another one;
and you will give me one. Not because you bear me friendship (you cannot
bear me much!), but because you have a compassionate soul, and because
you would not condemn any one to slow suffering, simply to spare
yourself a few moments of fatigue! To forbid me to write to you, to
refuse to reply to me, would be to tear from me the only joy that I have
in the world; to deprive me of my last privilege, a privilege which I
will never _voluntarily_ renounce. Believe me, my Master! by writing to
me, you do a good action--so long as I can believe you are not angry
with me, so long as the hope is left me of news of you, I can be
tranquil, and not too sad. But when a gloomy and prolonged silence warns
me of the estrangement from me of my Master, when from day to day I
expect a letter, and when, day after day, comes disappointment, to
plunge me in overwhelming grief; and when the sweet and dear consolation
of seeing your handwriting, of reading your counsels, fades from me like
a vain vision,--then fever attacks me, appetite and sleep fail: I feel
that life wastes away.'[5]
This passage is quoted from the Letter dated by Charlotte 18_th
November_, without any indication of the year. Mr. Spielmann (who is
responsible for the order given the Letters in the _Times_) esteems this
one to be the last of the series; that is to say, to have been written
ten months after the Letter dated by Charlotte 8 January, supposed by
him to belong to the year 1845. With Dr. Paul Heger, I believe, on the
contrary, that the Letter of the 18th November is the first of the
series: and that it belongs to the year 1844; that is to say, was
written ten months after Charlotte's return to England. This opinion
seems to me established by the contents of the Letter, and by the
account it gives of the conditions of affairs at Haworth, which were
those that we find (if we consult Mrs. Gaskell's _Life of Charlotte
Brontë_) did prevail in November 1844, but not in November 1845, and
still less in November 1846.
My father (she writes) is in good health, but his eyesight
is all but gone; he can no longer either read or write: and
yet the doctors advise waiting some months longer before
attempting any operation. This winter will be for him one
long night. He rarely complains: and I admire his patience.
If Providence has the same calamity in reserve for me, may
it grant me the same patience to endure it. It seems to me,
Monsieur, that what is most bitter in severe physical
afflictions, is that they compel us to share our sufferings
with those who surround us. One can hide the maladies of the
soul; but those that attack the body and enfeeble our
faculties cannot be hidden. My father now allows me to read
to and to write for him. He shows much more confidence in me
than he has ever done before; and this is a great
consolation to me.
Charlotte's account in this Letter of her father's patient resignation
and increased confidence in her under the trial, to a man of his
independent and somewhat domineering temper, of compulsory reliance on
the assistance of a daughter from whom he had exacted complete
submission heretofore and from her childhood upwards, is confirmed in
Mrs. Gaskell's biography by the testimony of other letters belonging to
the first year of her return from Belgium. But by November 1845 Mr.
Brontë's philosophy, before his own unmerited misfortune, had been
troubled and transformed into acute misery and anxious forebodings by
the downfall, both moral and physical, of his favourite amongst his
children, Bramwell, the unhappy son--the only one--in this family of
gifted daughters, whose perversion seems also to have had something of
the irresponsibility of genius about it. Writing on the 4th November
1845 to Ellen Nussey,[6] Charlotte says:--
I hoped to be able to ask you to come to Haworth. It almost
seemed as if Bramwell had a chance of getting employment;
and I waited to know the results of his efforts, in order to
say 'Dear Ellen, come and see us.' But the place is given to
another person. Bramwell still remains at home, and whilst
_he_ is here, _you_ shall not come.'
Here is Mrs. Gaskell's account of Mr. Brontë's experiences in this
period, that are not to be reconciled with the account given of his good
health and philosophical patience and resignation to dependence upon
Charlotte given by her a year earlier:
For the last three years of his life, Bramwell took opium
habitually, by way of stunning conscience: he drank,
moreover, whenever he could get the opportunity.... He slept
in his father's room; and he would sometimes declare that
either he or his father would be dead before the morning!
The trembling sisters, sick with fright, would implore their
father not to expose himself to this danger. But Mr. Brontë
was no timid man; and perhaps he felt that he could possibly
influence his son to some self-restraint more by showing
trust in him than by showing fear. The sisters often
listened for the report of a pistol in the dead of night,
till watchful eye and hearkening ear grew heavy and dull
with the perpetual strain upon their nerves. In the
mornings, young Brontë would saunter out saying, with a
drunkard's incontinence of speech, 'The poor old man and I
have had a terrible night of it; he does his best, the poor
old man, but it's all over with me.'
One may safely affirm that if Charlotte had been writing in November
1845 it would not have been only his patience under the trial of loss of
sight that she would have found to admire in her father. In November
1846 Mr. Brontë had successfully undergone the operation for cataract
that saved him from blindness: and Charlotte herself, ten months after
the overwhelming evidence of her 'master's estrangement,' given in his
silence after her Letter of the 8th January, had saved her own soul
from the malady she had endured without sharing her sufferings with any
one; and was already writing _Jane Eyre_ ... so that the conclusion is
surely forced upon us that the Letter of the 18th November belongs to
the year 1844, and written ten months after her return to Haworth, 2nd
January 1844, and represents the first, and not the last of these four
Letters.
[Illustration: REDUCED FROM A DRAWING BY CHARLOTTE BRONTË OF ASHBURNHAM
CHURCH SENT TO M. HEGER. The drawing showing the date 1846 was given to
the author by Mlle. Louise Heger]
It is important to establish this, because one has to read these Letters
in their right order before one can understand the story they disclose
of the long training in deferred hope, in expectation, crowned with
disappointment, in vain pursuit of shadows that eluded her grasp, and of
illusions that reveal themselves as forms of self-deceit only in the
very hour when they have conquered belief; in other words, of the long
training in personal suffering it took to create and fashion the genius
of a writer whose magical gift was to be the power of transforming words
into feelings.
Carrying through the examination of these documents by the rule that
recognises the Letter of the 18th November as written ten months after
Charlotte's return to England, we discover in the opening sentence the
fact that the last letter Charlotte had received from her Professor must
have been in May of this same year; that is to say, four months after
the sentimental leave-taking with her Professor, which sent Charlotte
home to England with illusions about the extent to which her own
passionate grief at their separation was shared by M. Heger. By November
these illusions have been dispelled; Charlotte understands perfectly now
(although this does not make her any more just to Madame Heger) that the
'grief' of her 'Master,' that she had said she would 'never forget,
never mind how long she might live,' was a very short-lived affair on
his side; merely the transient regret of a teacher who will miss a
favourite pupil from his class.
'_Que ne puis-je avoir pour vous juste autant d'amitié que vous avez
pour moi_,' she writes to him, '_ni plus, ni moins? Je serais alors si
tranquille, si libre: je pourrais garder le silence pendant six mois
sans effort_.'
There is a note of bitterness in this. In what precedes it there is no
bitterness, but we have one of the passages in these wonderful letters
that seem to me to place them above all the other love-letters preserved
in the world, as immortal records of the Romantic Love that honours
human nature in the hearts that cherish it.
'The six months of silence are over: we are now at the 18th of
November,' she writes:--
I may, then, write to you, without breaking my promise. The
summer and winter have seemed very long to me: in truth, it
has cost me painful efforts to endure up to now the
privation I have imposed upon myself. You, for your part,
cannot understand this! But, Monsieur, try to imagine, for
one moment, that one of your children is a hundred and sixty
leagues away from you; and that you are condemned to remain
for six months, without writing to him; without receiving
any news from him; without hearing anything about him;
without knowing how he is;--well, then you may be able to
understand, perhaps, how hard is such an obligation imposed
upon me.
In connection with the opening phrase, we must recognise in it the
confirmation of an assertion made in my article in the _Woman at Home_
published twenty years before these Letters were published, but which
had for its authority the information given me by Dr. Paul Heger upon
the occasion of a conversation, when he very kindly talked over with me
the questions connected with events in his parents' life that, inasmuch
as they happened before his birth, he knew as family traditions
chiefly--but still as traditions derived from the only authentic sources
of information that exist: Dr. Paul Heger's theory was that until
Charlotte had left Bruxelles and commenced to write to his father
letters in a tone of exaltation that announced an exaggerated
attachment, Monsieur Heger himself had never suspected the existence of
any such sentiment; and that he, and Madame Heger (?)--were disposed to
regard it as an attack of morbid regret for the more animated life she
had led in Bruxelles, and the dulness of her home surroundings. And
that, acting upon this supposition, they had thought it advisable (and
this in Charlotte's own interests chiefly) to let her know that they
were both of them distressed and displeased by the tone of her letters;
and that if she wished to keep up the correspondence, she must become
more reasonable and temperate in her way of expressing herself; and
that, as the exchange of letters between busy people became onerous,
there must be only two letters every year at intervals of six months. We
find Charlotte acknowledging this condition, as one that she had
accepted, but that she complained of as a great 'privation': and she
then goes on to explain (as only one taught by romantic, that is to say
by unselfish, and unsensual, love, that 'does not seek its own,' could
explain it) in what this 'privation' consists.
Did any woman, neglected by the man she loves, ever discover a device,
at once so passionate, and so poetically pure as Charlotte's, who makes
the man who does not love her, but whom she knows is an adoring father,
try to realise what she feels, so far away from him, and left without
tidings _by asking him to picture what he would feel if separated by a
hundred and sixty leagues from his little child, he were left without
news of him?_
But now if we consult honestly our own impressions, does this letter
reveal that '_it is no cause of grief to Charlotte that M. Heger is
married_'? Is it true that _there 'is nothing in it that any
enthusiastic woman might not write to a married man with a family who
had been her teacher_'?
What the letter does reveal (thus it seems to me at least) is one
supreme thing before all others: that the writer of it is past saving,
by this time, from the destiny she prophesied for herself ten months ago
in Bruxelles. '_My heart will break_,' Charlotte said then: when fate
(in the garb of Madame Heger) thrust herself between her and her beloved
Professor.
And now, touching and eloquent as it all is, what escape is there from
the conclusion that the writer of this letter _must_ break her heart?
What else can happen? Let us recognise her plight. Here one has an
entirely honourable, passionately tender, tenderly passionate, very
serious woman, her mind dominated (as she says herself) by one
tyrannical fixed idea; let us rather say by one tragical passion; and
who sees her own life, and her claims upon the man she loves through the
medium of this tragical passion: _and who gives her life an impossible
purpose; and who makes impossible claims_. They are very small claims,
she pleads. And so they are, very small in comparison with what she
gives, her whole life's devotion poured out at the feet of her 'Master,'
from whom she only asks in return that he will not forbid her worship;
that, now and again, he will give her the joy of seeing his handwriting,
and of knowing that he is well. But small as these claims are, they are
unreasonable:--'_to the last degree "inconvenient" and impossible_,' as
Madame would have said,--in the particular case of this 'Master'; a
married man and an attached husband with five children, the Director of
a Pensionnat de Jeunes Filles who has need to be especially circumspect;
and who cannot discreetly, nor even honourably, allow a former
under-mistress to address him passionate, romantic love-letters, even
every six months. Nor can this loyal husband and self-respecting
Catholic and Professor undertake to appear to sanction this
indiscretion, by keeping her informed of his health and welfare at
regular intervals. So that, building her heart's desires upon false
hopes, that, from day to day, wear themselves out in disappointment, and
looking for consolation to things necessarily withdrawn; and that she
pursues in vain like 'fading visions,'--how is our poor Charlotte to
find any escape from the heart-break that is the natural term of the
path along which this Love, that has become her destiny, leads her? No
way of escape is there for Charlotte: not in heaven above, nor on the
earth beneath, nor in the waters under the earth. For no miracle can
give her love a happy ending; say that even a thunderbolt fell from
heaven to remove Madame Heger,--it would be extremely unjust--but admit
that a murderous miracle be granted--even so, it would not alter the
fact that M. Heger is not in love with Charlotte. And no earthly scheme
either can bridge the separation--wider than the 160 leagues between
Yorkshire and Brussels--that now severs Charlotte, breaking her heart in
Yorkshire, from her Master in literature, carrying on, as stormily and
triumphantly as when she assisted at them, his lessons in the
class-rooms in the Rue d'Isabelle: those memory-haunted class-rooms she
will never see again; because although we find her in these Letters
speaking of projects of earning money that she may return to Bruxelles,
if only to see her professor once again, one knows that there would be
Madame to count with; and even Monsieur Heger's obstinate neglect to
reply to these appealing Letters does not indicate any answering wish on
his side to see his former pupil again. Nor yet does there exist in the
waters under the earth any pool of magical power of healing sufficient
to soothe these bitter regrets and reproaches; nor any well deep enough
to drown rebellious desires and memories: for Charlotte has too splendid
a soul to think of suicide; or to quench anguish by drugs. So that one
knows that Charlotte's fate is sealed: and that we must follow her
through these last steps to the end, with pity and admiration and love
for her--but still not with injustice to others. Because no one outside
of herself, not Madame Heger, nor Monsieur Heger, is responsible for
what has happened, and what is going to happen; but only the Love that
has Charlotte's soul in thrall, the Love that 'seeketh not its
own,'--romantic, or if it be preferred, Platonic Love; who as the wise
woman, Diotima, told Socrates, is 'not a god, but an immortal spirit,
who spans the gulf between heaven and earth, carrying to the gods the
prayers of men, and to the earth the commands of the gods.' Love, who is
'the child of plenty and of poverty, often, like his mother, without
house or home to cover him' (and who consequently is not highly esteemed
by respectable householders). Love, the 'instinct of immortality in a
mortal creature,' leading him amongst mortal conditions to where
Charlotte is being led to,--the grave of hope,--_but not leaving hope
there entombed, but raising it, not clogged with the pollution of
mortality._
All this, that the wise Diotima related, is a true parable of Charlotte
Brontë. And the proof that Diotima was a good psychologist, and had
based her opinions upon the study of facts, is found in the assertion
that Love, although an immortal spirit, is _not a god_. Because a god
sees clearly, and does not make mistakes: whereas Love, as every one
knows, is often blind, and never very clear-sighted; and _is_ liable to
make mistakes, and to be unjust even: and to attribute his own errors to
other people. Thus Charlotte, under the dominion of Love, was unjust,
and made mistakes: she attributed to Madame Heger disappointments and
misadventures and pangs, that were not of Madame Heger's preparation at
all, but were simply the imprudences of this 'Child of plenty and
poverty,' who inherits from both parents and is so often extravagant and
houseless, and consequently in bad odour with householders and the
worshippers of 'convenience,' because 'he has no home to cover him.'
Charlotte should not have attributed, for instance, malevolence or
jealousy or the cruel pleasure of tantalising and torturing her in
Bruxelles to Madame Heger, simply because, as the Directress of a
Pensionnat de Jeunes Filles and wife of M. Heger, she did not want to
take in Romantic Love as a boarder; nor to permit this 'Child of plenty
and poverty' to disorganise the well-balanced domestic and conjugal
relationships between herself and M. Heger. In all this Madame Heger was
not persecuting Charlotte, but protecting her own rights. And if we
examine the circumstances even in the narrative of the scene in the
class-room between the Directress and her English teacher, and the scene
of the farewell interview between the Professor and his pupil, where the
Directress of the Pensionnat is put out of the room because she objects
to this sentimental leave-taking, we shall find that recognising the
true relationships between these three people, if Madame Heger behaved
exactly as Madame Beck is said to have done, then there is not any fault
whatever to be found with Madame Heger. Nay, one does not see how she
could have been more considerate. Another false impression of
Charlotte's--that Madame Heger intercepted her letters, and that M.
Heger did not answer because he did not receive them--has no evidence to
support it. Nor is this all; there is undeniable proof that the letter
we have just considered (_which M. Heger did not answer_) _was_
received by him: and that he was not very much affected by the
passionate homage of his worshipper. 'On the edge of this letter he has
made some commonplace notes in pencil;--one of them is the name and
address of a shoemaker,' Mr. Spielmann tells us.
There is a natural feeling of indignation against this masculine
insensibility to a woman's tragical passion, even though one recognises
that honour stood in the way of any responsive sentiment. But one must
not forget M. Heger's special vocation and his daily occupations and
preoccupations. Here you have a Professor of literature in a Pensionnat
de Jeunes Filles who spends, week by week, several days in correcting
and improving 'compositions' and exercises in 'style' of numberless
schoolgirls, full of the eloquent sentimentality that belongs to young
writers between the ages of fourteen and sixteen. Monsieur Heger had
been Charlotte's master in literature, remember: and there is another
fact to be realised also, one that upon the authority of my own
knowledge of him, in the character of my own Professor, I am allowed to
testify to: _he was before all things a born teacher, and one who saw
the world as his class-room, and his fellow-creatures in the light of
pupils_. Applying this knowledge of him to the criticism of what we know
about his relations with Charlotte Brontë, we arrive at entirely
different opinions to those formed by people who either see M. Heger
through the medium of Charlotte's passion for him and as she painted him
in _Villette_; or outside of any personal knowledge of him at all, as he
appears to them judged in the light of the impression that he played
with Charlotte's feelings: first of all encouraging by sentimental
flattery her affection for him, and then, when he found that she had
become inconveniently fond of him, behaving with cruel indifference.
None of these decisions is based on a correct knowledge of M. Heger, nor
of his true behaviour and character. The true M. Heger was not the Paul
Emanuel who was _the lover of Lucy Snowe_, because he is very truthfully
and admirably painted in the domineering but interesting,
terror-striking but captivating, masterful and masterly Professor of
literature, so full of talent, and fiery captivating ardour for
beautiful thoughts nobly expressed. The real Professor was _not_
tender-hearted; nor very tender in manner; nor even very pleasant and
considerate; nor even kind, outside of his professorial character: and
he had no sympathy whatever to spare for people who were not his pupils.
And his sympathy for his pupils, _as his pupils_, led him to work upon
their sympathies, as a way of inducing a frame of mind in them and an
emotional state of feeling, rendering them susceptible to literary
impressions, and putting them in key with himself, in this very fine
enthusiasm of his, not only for enjoying literature himself, but for
throwing open to others, and to young votaries especially, the worship
of beautiful literature--as the record of the best that has been thought
and said in the world.
But the very exclusive literary temperament of M. Heger left him rather
cold-blooded than particularly warm-hearted, where his pupils' feelings
interfered with their good style in writing; or good accent when
speaking; or with their sense of the first importance of a warm
appreciation of the beauties of literature. If one reversed directly the
description of Charlotte Brontë herself, as a writer whose _words became
feelings_, one might justly say of M. Heger that for him, feelings were
chiefly good with reference to their effects upon words, and the
creation of beautiful language--so that Charlotte's love-letters to him
would be no more than the '_Devoirs de Style_' of a former pupil sent
him for criticism. The shoemaker's address may have been jotted down by
accident, when he was running his eye down the page? If the further
notes signified by Mr. Spielmann on this page, where poor Charlotte's
heart's Secret lay exposed and quivering, had been '_Bon--mais un peu
trop d'exaltation--la Ponctuation n'est pas soignée_,' no one who knew
M. Heger would blame him for _voluntary_ unkindness. But upon this
matter no more must be said at present: we have to return to Charlotte,
and her Letters.
The second in the order in which I am studying them (that seems to me
unmistakably indicated by the context) would have been written--if we
take the year 1845 as the date--eight, instead of six, months after the
one, dated November, that refers to a preceding letter in the May of the
same year--when Charlotte would have accepted the obligation laid upon
her not to write again for six months. This Letter, dated 24th July,
indicates by the opening sentence, not that she is writing outside of
the appointed time, but _outside of her turn_: that is to say, it shows
that M. Heger had not answered her November Letter; that she had waited
for his reply, but could not wait longer, and so wrote a second letter,
before M. Heger's reply to the first. The custom shows us that poor
Charlotte is uneasily conscious that her former one in November may have
given offence. She apologises for it, as we shall see; and works hard to
write with cheerfulness in a more temperate tone:--
Ah, Monsieur! I know I once wrote you a letter that was not
a reasonable one, because my heart was choked with grief;
but I will not do it again! I will try not to be selfish;
although I cannot but feel your letters the greatest
happiness I know. I will wait patiently to receive one,
until it pleases you, and it is convenient to write one. At
the same time, I may write you a little letter from time to
time; you authorised me to do that.
The effort she is putting upon herself in this Letter is evident. She
has become reasonable; she does not reproach him for not writing, but
only asks him to remember how much she desires it. She tells him of her
plans, as she was recommended to do, instead of dwelling on her
feelings. She humours and flatters his vanity and taste by her
acknowledgment of all she owes him; and of her unfailing gratitude and
wish to dedicate a book to him--she even sends a message to Madame!--
_Please present to Madame the assurance of my esteem_. I
fear that Maria, Louise and Claire will have forgotten me.
Prospère and Victorine never knew me, but I remember all
five of them, and especially Louise. There was so much
character, so much naïveté expressed in her little face.
Farewell, Monsieur--Your grateful pupil,
C. Brontë.
_July_ 24.--I have not begged you to write to me soon,
because I am afraid of troubling you, but you are too kind
to forget how much I desire it. Yes! I do desire it so much.
But that is enough. After all, do as you like, Monsieur, for
if I received a letter from you and I thought you wrote it
out of pity, it would hurt me very much.... Oh I shall
certainly see you some day. It must come to pass. Because as
soon as I earn any money, I shall go to Bruxelles--and I
shall see you again, if only for a moment.
It is all of no avail! No answer does M. Heger vouchsafe. October comes
round, and she writes again. This time she imagines that she has found a
means of making her Letter reach its destination. In other words, she is
convinced, or tries to be convinced, that it is all Madame Heger's fault
again; she it is who will not allow her husband to receive Charlotte's
Letters.
_October_ 24.--Monsieur--I am quite joyous to-day. A thing
that has not often happened during the last two years.[7]
The reason is that a gentleman amongst my friends is
passing through Bruxelles, and he has offered to take charge
of a letter for you, and to give this same letter into your
hands; or else his sister will do this, so that I shall be
quite certain that you receive it.
Now comes the final blow to this faithful worshipper. Up to this hour,
she has hoped and waited, waited and hoped. But all this time there has
been the suspicion of Madame Heger--that has kept alive in her the
belief in M. Heger's friendship, who (perhaps?) writes, although his
letters never arrive: who (perhaps?) never receives her letters,
although whenever she dares, and even in defiance of the terms laid down
for her, she writes him letters where the vibration of her passionate
attachment is felt. Now, however, he _has_ received her letter placed in
his own hand. Had he written she would now have held in her turn the
talisman of the beloved handwriting her eyes were weary with waiting to
see again. But he remained obdurate and silent.
Mr. Taylor has returned (she writes): I asked him if he had
no letter for me. 'No: nothing.' Be patient, I told myself:
soon his sister will return. Miss Taylor came back: 'I have
nothing for you from Monsieur Heger,' she said; 'neither
letter, nor any message.'
Understanding only too well what this meant, I told myself
just what I should have told any one else in the same
circumstances: Resign yourself to what you cannot alter, and
before all things do not grieve for a misfortune that you
have not deserved. I would not allow myself to weep nor
complain. But when one refuses to oneself the right to tears
and lamentations in certain cases, one is a tyrant; and
natural faculties revolt; so that one buys outward calm at
the price of an inner conflict that cannot be subdued.
Neither by day, nor by night can I find rest nor peace: even
if I sleep, I have tormenting dreams, where I see you,
always severe, gloomy, angry with me. Forgive me, Monsieur,
if I am driven to take the course of writing to you once
more. How can I endure my life, if I am forbidden to make
any effort to alleviate my sufferings?
She continues in this piteous strain. She pleads with him not to reprove
her again as she has been reproved before, for exaggeration, morbidness,
sentimentality. She tells him all this may be true--she is not going to
defend herself--but the case is as she states it. She _cannot_ resign
herself to the loss of her master's friendship without one last effort
to preserve it.
I submit to all the reproaches you may make against me; if
my master withdraws his friendship from me entirely, I shall
remain without hope; if he keeps a little for me (never mind
though it be _very_ little) I shall have some motive for
living, for working.
Monsieur (she continues), the poor do not need much to keep
them alive; they ask only for the crumbs that fall from the
rich man's table, but if these crumbs are refused them,
_then_ they die of hunger! For me too, I make no claim
either to great affection from those I love; I should hardly
know how to understand an exclusive and perfect friendship,
I have so little experience of it! But once upon a time, at
Bruxelles, when I was your pupil, you _did_ show me a little
interest: and just this small amount of interest you gave me
then, I hold to and I care for and prize, as I hold to and
care for life itself....
... I will not re-read this letter, I must send it as it is
written. And yet I know, by some secret instinct, that
certain absolutely reasonable and cool-headed people reading
it through will say:--'She appears to have gone mad.' By
way of revenge on such judges, all I would wish them is that
they too might endure, _for one day only_, the sufferings I
have borne for eight months--then, one would see, if they
too did not 'appear to have gone mad.'
One endures in silence whilst one has his strength to do it.
But when this strength fails one, one speaks without
weighing one's words. I wish Monsieur all happiness and
prosperity.
Haworth, Bradford, Yorkshire, 8_th January_.
The Letter obtained no answer. And thus the end was reached. We now know
where in Charlotte Brontë's life lay her experiences that formed her
genius and made her the great Romantic--whose quality was that she saw
all events and personages through the medium of one passion--the passion
of a predestined tragical and unrequited love.
END OF PART I.
[1] I have to thank Mr. Clement Shorter, who has purchased the copyright
of Charlotte Brontë's manuscripts, for his generous permission to quote
from these letters freely for the purposes of my criticism.--(F.M.)
[2] _Childe Harold_, note 9 to canto iii.
[3] The author of _Childe Harold_ adds on this note as a comment upon
what he has said of 'Love' as the inspiration of the greatest of all
Romantics, J.-J. Rousseau:--
'His love was passion's essence--as a tree
On fire by lightning; with ethereal flame
Kindled he was, and blasted; for to be
Thus, and enamour'd, were in him the same.
But his was not the love of living dame,
Nor of the dead who rise upon our dreams,
But of Ideal beauty, which became
In him existence and o'erflowing teems
Along his burning page, distemper'd tho' it seems.
This breathed itself to life in Julie, this
Invested her with all that's wild and sweet;
This hallow'd too the memorable kiss
Which every morn his fever'd lip would greet,
From hers, who but with friendship his would meet:
But to that gentle touch, thro' brain and breast
Flash'd the thrill'd spirit's love-devouring heat;
In that absorbing sigh perchance more blest
Than vulgar minds may be with all they seek possest.'
[4] Rudyard Kipling.
[5] See Letter, 18 Nov. I am giving my own translation from the French
of Charlotte's Letters in these extracts, not certainly on account of
any dissatisfaction with Mr. Spielmann's English versions of them, but
in order to avoid the risk of any infringement of Mr. Spielmann's
copyright in his Introduction.
[6] Mrs. Gaskell's _Life, p._ 290.
[7] Charlotte had been a year and ten months in England in October 1845.
This phrase, however, proves that the Letter belongs to this year and
not to 1844, and consequently that the Letter that follows it, January
8, is 1846.
PART II
SOME REMINISCENCES OF THE
REAL MONSIEUR AND MADAME HEGER
THIS SECOND PART IS
DEDICATED TO
MY BROTHER
THE LATE ABBÉ AUSTIN RICHARDSON
WHO DIED SUDDENLY, 20TH AUG. 1913
Dearest, before you went away
And left me here behind you,
How often would you talk to me,
And I, too, would remind you
Of stories in this book retold,
That for us two could ne'er grow old;
Of scenes that we could live through yet,
Just you and I,--and not forget:
And now I feel, since you are gone,
I wrote this book for you alone.
PART II
CHAPTER I
THE HISTORICAL DIFFICULTY: TO DISENTANGLE
FACT FROM FICTION
The purpose of the First Part of this study was to show that with the
knowledge of the Secret of Charlotte Brontë, brought to us by Dr. Paul
Heger's generous gift of these pathetic and beautiful Love-letters, the
'Problem of Charlotte Brontë,' as so many very clever but inattentive
psychological critics have stated it, has lost all claim to serious
attention.
The basis of the 'Problem' was the alleged 'dissonance' between
Charlotte's personality and her genius--between her dreary, desolate,
dull, well-tamed existence, uncoloured, untroubled by romance (as Mrs.
Gaskell painted it), and the passionate atmosphere of her novels, where
all events and personages are seen through the medium of one
sentiment--tragical romantic love.
We now know that the dissonance did not exist; that from her
twenty-sixth year downwards, Charlotte's life was, not only coloured,
but governed by a tragical romantic love: that, in its first stage,
threw her into a hopeless conflict against the force of things and broke
her heart: but that, because the battle was fought in the force, and in
the cause, of noble emotions, saved her soul alive; and called her
genius forth to life: so that it rose as an immortal spirit from the
grave of personal hopes.
Understanding this, we know that there is no 'Problem' of Charlotte
Brontë: but that her personality and her genius and her life and her
books were all those of a Romantic. But although there is no
psychological Problem, a difficulty that concerns the historical
criticism of Charlotte's life and her books does remain. And this
difficulty has to be faced and conquered, not by speculations nor
arguments, but by methods of enquiry.
When we study Charlotte Brontë's masterpiece _Villette_ in comparison
with what we now know about the romance in her own life, we recognise
two facts: the first is that, _in this work especially_, she has painted
with such power the emotions she has undergone that her words become
feelings that lift and ennoble the reader's sensibility: and thus serve
him--in the way that it belongs to Romantics to serve mankind.
But the second fact we discover is that,--again, _in this book
particularly_,--historical personages and real events are used as the
materials for an imaginary story, in a way that has produced critical
confusion: and what is graver still--has caused false and injurious
opinions to be formed about historical people. And the difficulty we
have to face is, not what amount of blame belongs to Charlotte for
misrepresenting historical facts, nor even need we ask ourselves what
reason she had for thus misrepresenting them. Because the reason becomes
plain when we take the trouble to realise that the motive the writer of
this work of genius had in view was one that concerned her own personal
liberation from haunting memories, rather than any motive concerning
the impressions she might produce.
There can be no doubt that Charlotte's motive in _Villette_, judged as a
method of personal salvation, was not only a permissible, but a noble
one. It is the one that Pater attributed to Michael Angelo: '_the effort
of a strong nature to attune itself to tranquillise vehement emotions by
withdrawing them into the region of ideal sentiments':--'an effort to
throw off the clutch of cruel and humiliating facts by translating them
into the imaginative realm, where the artist, the author, the dreamer
even, has things as he wills, because the hold of outward things_' (such
a stern and merciless one in the case of Charlotte Brontë!) '_is thrown
off at pleasure_.'
But, judged as a literary and historical method, was Charlotte Brontë's
manner of treating the real Director and Directress of the Pensionnat in
the Rue d'Isabelle a justifiable or fair one? Can she be held without
fault in this; that in Paul Emanuel and in Madame Beck she painted
Monsieur and Madame Heger in a way that rendered them visible to every
one who knew them; and then placed them in fictitious circumstances
that altered the character of their actions and feelings, in such a way
as to misrepresent their true behaviour? It seems to me that we must
admit that the authoress of the _Professor_ and of _Villette_ adopted an
unjust literary and historical method in so far as these real people are
concerned: and that in the case of Madame Heger especially, passion and
prejudice betrayed her: and rendered her guilty of a fault that must be
recognised as a very grave one. But when this fault has been recognised
and admitted, it seems to me a conscientious critic's duty does not
compel him to scold this woman of genius for having the passions of her
kind. A great Romantic is not an angel: and in this case the main facts
about Charlotte are not her shortcomings as a celestial being, but her
transcendent merits as an interpreter of the human heart. For my own
part, I confess that after reading Charlotte's Love-letters, I am in no
mood to look for faults in her, nor even to lend much attention to some
faults that, without looking for them, one is bound to recognise. For
what a thankless and unseemly, as well as what an unprofitable, sort of
criticism is that represented in ancient days by the youngest amongst
Job's Friends, who had such a delightfully expressive name, Elihu, the
son of Barachel the Buzite, of the kindred of Ram! Elihu's criticism of
Job (the man of genius, plunged into dire misfortune, not by any fault
or folly of his own, but by the will of the Higher Powers, who desired
to prove his virtue and to call forth his genius), is exactly the same
method of criticising men and women of genius in the same case as Job,
practised by Elihu's intellectual descendents, Buzites of the kindred of
Ram, in all countries and in every age, down to England in the twentieth
century. The fundamental doctrine of this critical method was, and is,
that '_great men are not always wise_,' and that it is the vocation of
smaller men to teach them wisdom, without 'respecting their persons or
giving them flattering titles' (truly, as a matter of fact, by calling
them names--knaves, hypocrites, sentimental cads, blackguards, etc.). In
other words, the rule with these Buzites is that the main purpose of
criticising great people is _to find fault with them_; to surprise them
in their 'unwise' moments, to concentrate attention upon the faults they
may, or may not, have committed in these moments; and to build upon
these occasional real, or imaginary, faults, psychological and
pathological theories about the madness, wickedness, or folly of people
capable of them. And to conclude that there is 'very much to reprobate
and a great deal to laugh at' in these men and women of genius--and that
the fact that they had genius, and that as witnesses to the 'instinct of
immortality in mortal creatures' they have served and honoured mankind,
and also have bequeathed to us treasures of ideal beauty, is a mere
accident, and may be left unnoticed.
But let not _my_ portion ever be with these fault-finders, who '_darken
counsel by words without knowledge_,' as the original Elihu was told,
'out of the Whirlwind,' by the Supreme Critic; 'in whose stead' the son
of Barachel had arrogated to himself the right to scold and scoff at
Job; and to tell him that his misfortunes were all the result of his
bad character and of his uncontrolled emotions. I refuse, then, to
recognise as a question of vital importance Charlotte's forgetfulness of
historical exactitude in _Villette_; and I do not myself understand how
any one (except a Buzite) who has read these Letters given to us by Dr.
Paul Heger, and especially the last one, that received no answer, can
help feeling that the suffering the writer of the Letters must have
undergone, in the unbroken silent solitude that followed her unanswered
appeal, must have made the hold upon her memory of 'outward things' so
hard to bear, that to break that hold, to live in the realm of
imagination free from it, _having things as she would_, justified almost
any method of self-liberation.
Still the fact of the critical confusion of the personages in the novel
with the historical Director and Directress of the Pensionnat in the Rue
d'Isabelle does create difficulties in the way of forming right
opinions. And to remove them, we have to follow the plan already
recommended,--to make sure of our facts, before calling in the aid of
psychological arguments. And in this case, to see the position clearly,
we must disentangle from the imaginary story in _Villette_ the real
personages and events woven into the fabric of a parable where, as I
have said, they appear amongst fictitious circumstances and produce
consequently false impressions. In other words, we have to recover a
clear knowledge of the true Monsieur Heger before we can determine where
'Paul Emanuel' resembles, and where he differs from, the Professor,
_whom Charlotte loved: but who never showed any particle of love for
Charlotte, such as Paul Emanuel bestowed on Lucy Snowe_. And then we
have to re-establish in her true place, as Monsieur Heger's wife and the
mother of his five children, the true Directress of the Pensionnat in
the Rue d'Isabelle--who must be contrasted, rather than compared, with
the crafty, jealous and pitiless Madame Beck of the novel, selfishly and
cruelly interfering with the true course of an entirely legitimate and
romantic attachment between her English teacher and her cousin, the
Professor of literature. And the relative positions of these two
Directresses clearly seen, we have to ask ourselves, Whether the real
Madame Heger is proved to have had the base and detestable character of
the hateful Madame Beck? and whether she really _was_, in any voluntary
or even involuntary, way, the direct cause of poor Charlotte's anguish,
suspense and final heart-break? And whether, given the positions and the
different views of life and sense of duty of the different people whose
destinies become entangled in this tragical romance, we can find fault
with any person concerned in these events,--unless, indeed, we follow
Greek methods, and drag in the Eumenides? Or, else, suppose it a
parallel case with Job's: and decide that it was the will of the Higher
Powers to prove Charlotte's virtue and to call forth her genius? But in
so far as mere mortals are concerned, we have to see whether anything
else could have happened, and whether poor Charlotte was not bound to
break her heart?
So that the purpose of the Second Part of this study of the 'Secret of
Charlotte Brontë' really lies outside of the 'Secret' itself, and
becomes an effort to know 'as in themselves they really were,' and
independently of their relationships with Charlotte, the Professor whom
she loved (probably much more than he deserved), and the Directress of
the Pensionnat in the Rue d'Isabelle--whom she certainly hated, without
any reasonable cause for this hatred, although this hatred had a natural
cause--that if only we will use psychology for the purpose of
penetrating facts, and not for playing with such fictions as that _it
was 'no serious grief to Charlotte that Monsieur Heger was married'_ we
may easily discover. After all, one must not ask for entire
'reasonableness' from Romantics, who see personages and events through
the medium of one great Passion. And one must not demand from them
absolute impartiality, when judging the impediment that divides them
from the object of this passion.
We are not judges then in this case, but enquirers into the facts of the
personality and true characters of the Director and Directress of the
Bruxelles school and of their environment, as the influences that so
largely created the Romantic atmosphere where Charlotte's genius lived
and moved and had its being. And, by the special circumstances of my own
life, I am able to assist in a way that is not (so I am tempted to
believe) possible to any other living critic. The difficulty that stands
in the way of most modern investigators is that long ago the historical
people with their environment 'have become ghostly.' Long ago, for most
readers of _Villette_, the once famous Pensionnat de Jeunes Filles in
the Rue d'Isabelle, with its memory-haunted class-rooms, with its
high-walled garden in the heart of a city whose voices reached one, as
from a world far away, and 'down whose peaceful alleys it was pleasant
to stray and hear the bells of St Jean Baptiste peal out with their
sweet, soft, exalted sound,' have vanished out of life. _Yes--but out of
my life they have not vanished!_ For me--the historical Monsieur and
Madame Heger exist quite independently of all associations with the
imaginary personages Paul Emanuel and Madame Beck. For me--the old
school, the class-rooms, the walled garden, with its ancient pear-trees
that still 'faithfully renewed their perfumed snow in spring and
honey-sweet pendants in autumn,' remain--as they were planted vivid
images and visions in my memory half a century ago, when, as a
schoolgirl, I knew nothing about Charlotte Brontë nor _Villette_: but
when I sat, twenty years after Charlotte, in the class-rooms where she
had waited for M. Heger, on the eve of her departure from Bruxelles,
myself an attentive pupil of her Professor, and a witness, half
terrified, and half exasperated, of his varying moods. And when, too, I
saw, rather than heard, Madame Heger, moving noiselessly, where M.
Heger's movements were always attended with shock and excitement; only
to me, Madame Heger appeared always a friendly rather than an adverse
presence--an abiding influence of serenity that reassured one, after
sudden recurrent gusts of nerve-disturbing storms.
And I would point out that the value of my testimony about the personal
impressions I derived, quite independently of any knowledge of Charlotte
Brontë's residence in what was for me _my_ school, and of her
enthusiasm for _my_ Professor, or her dislike of _my_ schoolmistress, is
enhanced both by the resemblances and by the differences of our several
points of view. Thus--like Charlotte--I was an English pupil and a
Protestant in this Belgian and Catholic school. Like her--my vocation
was to be that of a woman of letters. And although, when she was brought
under M. Heger's influence, she was a woman of genius, already well
acquainted with good literature, and not without experience as a writer,
whereas I was only an unformed girl, with very little reading and no
culture: and merely by force of an inborn desire to follow a certain
purpose in life that filled me with happiness, even in anticipation,
justified in supposing that I had a literary vocation at all, and
although no doubt I have not turned my advantages to account as
Charlotte did, yet I myself owe to M. Heger, not only admirable rules
for criticism and practice, that have always claimed and still claim my
absolute belief, but also I owe to him, as she did, a full enjoyment of
beautiful thoughts, beautifully expressed, and of treasures of the mind
and of the imagination, that, lying outside of the recognised paths of
English study, I might never have found, nor even have recognised as
treasures, had I not been cured of insularity of taste by M. Heger.
So that upon this point I am able to say of M. Heger what Charlotte
said: he was the only master in literature I ever had; and up to the
present hour I esteem him, in this domain of literary composition, the
only master whose rules I trust.
But if my judgment of M. Heger, as a Professor, coincides with
Charlotte's, my judgment of him, outside of this capacity, does not show
him to me at all as the model of the man from whom she painted Paul
Emanuel. In other words, I never found nor saw in the real Monsieur
Heger the lovableness under the outward harshness,--the depths of
tenderness under the very apparent severity and irritability,--the
concealed consideration for the feelings of others, under the outer
indifference to the feelings of any one who ruffled his temper; nor yet
did I ever discover meekness and modesty in him, under the dogmatic and
imperious manner that swept aside all opposition. In fact, I never found
out that M. Heger wore a mask. But, irritable, imperious, harsh, not
_unkind_, but certainly the reverse of tender, and without any
consideration for any one's feelings, or any respect for any one's
opinions, thus, _just as he seemed to be, so in reality, in my opinion,
M. Heger actually was_. And what one must remember is that Charlotte's
point of view, from which she formed the opinion that M. Heger _was_
tender-hearted, and modest and meek, was the point of view of a woman in
love; and this standpoint is not one that ensures impartiality.
My own point of view, between 1859 and 1861, was that of an English
schoolgirl, under sixteen, of a Belgian schoolmaster, over fifty, who in
his capacity of a literary Professor, was almost a deity to her; but
who, outside of this capacity, was not a lovable, but a formidable man:
a 'Terror,' in the sense children and nursery-maids give the term; that
is to say, some one who is sure to appear upon the scene when one is
least prepared to face him, and who is constantly finding fault with
one. Now a 'Terror,' in this popular sense of the term, although he is
not a lovable, is not necessarily a hateful personage. There may belong
to him an interest of excitement, and even a secret admiration for his
cleverness in fulfilling his role of taking one unawares and finding
something in one to quarrel about. And most certainly this interest of
excitement, and even of a sense of amusement, entered into my sentiment
for M. Heger, whom I recognised as a double-being, an admirable literary
Professor, but an alarming and irritating personality. But although I
never hated him, I yet had some special grievances against this
'Terror,' not only because he had a trick of surprising me in weak
moments, and of finding out my worst sides, but also because he was
really, in my own particular case, unjust; and full of prejudice and
impatience against my nationality, and personal idiosyncrasies that were
not faults; and that I couldn't help. Thus he stirred up in me
rebellious protests, that could not be uttered; because how was an
English schoolgirl of fifteen to protest against the injustice of a
Belgian 'Master,' in his own country, and his own school: who was a man
past fifty, too; and what was more, in his capacity of literary
Professor, if not quite a deity, at least, in my own opinion, the keeper
of the keys of palaces where dwelt the Immortals?
And that my opinion of M. Heger's personality, as that of a 'Terror' (in
the childish and popular sense) did really show me the man apart from
the Professor very much as he really was, is confirmed by the first
impression he made upon Charlotte herself before the glamour of romantic
love had interfered with her critical perspicacity. Here is the original
description of M. Heger, in the early days of her residence in
Bruxelles:
'There is one individual of whom I have not yet spoken,' she wrote to
Ellen Nussey, 'M. Heger, the husband of Madame. He is Professor of
rhetoric: a man of power as to mind, but very choleric and irritable in
temperament, a little black being, with a face that varies in
expression. Sometimes he borrows the lineaments of a tom-cat: sometimes
those of a delirious hyena: occasionally, but very seldom, he discards
these perilous attractions and assumes an air not above one hundred
degrees removed from mild and gentleman-like. He is very angry with me
just now, because I have written a translation which he stigmatises as
_peu correct_. He did not tell me so, but wrote the word on the margin
of my book and asked me, in very stern _phrase_, how it happened that my
compositions were always better than my translations, adding that the
thing seemed to him inexplicable. The fact is that three weeks ago in a
high-flown humour he forbade me to use either dictionary or grammar when
translating the most difficult English composition into French. This
makes the task rather arduous, and compels me every now and then to
introduce an English word, which nearly plucks the eyes out of his head
when he sees it. Emily and he don't draw well together at all.'
I am quoting this view of M. Heger's personality, taken by Charlotte
Brontë before she became a partial witness, because, by and by, when I
am giving my own reminiscences, it will be found that in 1842 M. Heger
was very much the same Professor whom I knew in 1861.
And Madame Heger? Here too my impressions are obtained from a point of
view unquestionably more impartial than Charlotte Brontë's. And it will
be found that, when the alteration of clear power of vision that
personal prejudices make has been realised, my opposite judgment of the
Directress of the Pensionnat to the judgment of the authoress of
_Villette_, is not the result of any difference in the _facts_ of Madame
Heger's characteristics and behaviour, but in the difference between the
standpoints from which we severally judge them.
Charlotte's standpoint was the one of the devotee, of the great spirit
who is neither a god nor a mortal, but the 'Child of plenty and poverty,
who is often houseless and homeless'--and who cannot well see 'as in
herself she really is,' the Mistress of the house; who prudently, _not
necessarily with cruelty_, closes the doors of her home against
intruders--that standpoint also is not one conducive to impartial
judgments.
My own point of view was that of a girl on the threshold of womanhood,
who saw in Madame Heger an embodiment of two qualities especially, that,
perhaps because I did not possess them and could never possess them
(passionate as I was by nature and with strong personal likings and
dislikings), inspired me with a sentiment of reverence and wonder, as
for a remote perfection, that, though unattainable, it did one good to
know existed somewhere; just as it does one good, with feet planted on
the earth, to see the stars. The qualities I saw in Madame Heger were
serene sweetness, a kindness without preferences, covering her little
world of pupils and teachers with a watchful care. _Tranquillité,
Douceur, Bonté:_ the French words express better than English ones the
commingled qualities I felt existed in Madame Heger as she moved
noiselessly (as Charlotte Brontë has described), whilst the more
brilliant and gifted Professor's movements were always stormy.
When relating these reminiscences of Monsieur and Madame Heger and of
the old school and garden, as I myself treasure them, and quite
independently of their associations with Charlotte Brontë, I shall not
be losing sight of the purpose that justifies this record (as an
endeavour to disentangle fact from fiction) if, in so far as the facts
that concern my own experiences are concerned, I ask now to be allowed
to relate them in a different tone--that is to say, not any longer in
the tone of a literary critic, nor as one supporting any thesis or
argument, but simply as a story-teller 'who has been young and now is
old.' And who, before the darkening day has turned to night, calls to
remembrance scenes and personages long since vanished out of the world,
but still alive for me, bathed in the light that shines upon the
undimmed visions of my youth--although to almost every one else now
alive these scenes have become 'as it were a tale that is told.'
CHAPTER II
MY FIRST INTRODUCTION TO CHARLOTTE
BRONTË'S PROFESSOR[1]
'Madame,--quelquefois, donner, c'est semer'--_Speech
made to my Mother by M. Heger_.
In 1859 this memorable thing happened:--I was introduced by my mother to
M. Heger as his future pupil. I was fourteen years of age: but I
remember everything in connection with this event as though it had
happened yesterday. We were staying at Ostend, where my mother had taken
my brother and myself for a long summer holiday, because she believed we
had been previously overworked at our former schools, from which she had
removed us. She was convinced that we both of us stood in need of
sea-air, exercise and healthy recreation, before we could take up our
studies again, after the strain we had undergone. Upon this point my
brother and I were entirely of one mind with our mother.
But after a holiday of three months, we had also begun to feel, with
her, that this state of things could not go on for ever, and that--as
she expressed it--'something had to be done with us.' What was done with
us was the result of circumstances that I cannot but regard as
fortunate, in my own case at any rate. They brought into my life, at a
very impressionable age, influences and memories that have always been,
and that are still, after more than half a century, extraordinarily
serviceable and sweet to me.
The first of these fortunate circumstances was the renewal (due to an
accidental meeting at Ostend) of my mother's friendship with a relative
whom she had lost sight of for a great many years; who had married a
Dutch lady and settled in Holland. The eldest daughter of these
re-discovered cousins was an exceptionally charming girl of nineteen;
and upon enquiry my mother found out that she had been educated at a
school in Brussels, _situated in the Rue d'Isabelle, and kept by a
certain Madame Heger_. How it came to pass that, only four years after
the publication of _Villette_, and two years after Mrs. Gaskell's _Life
of Charlotte Brontë_, it did not occur to my mother to identify this
particular Brussels school with the one where the Director was the fiery
and perilously attractive 'Professor Paul Emanuel' and where the
Directress was painted as the crafty and treacherous 'Madame Beck,' I
really cannot say; but, so it was. There can be no doubt that it was
solely because the account rendered by her delightful young kinswoman of
the school where she had spent three years was thoroughly satisfactory
to my mother, and because the unaffected and accomplished girl herself
was an excellent proof of the happy results of the education she had
received, that my mother made up her mind that the best thing that could
be 'done with me,' was to send me to Madame Heger's school. She had
entered into correspondence with this lady, and the plan had developed
into a further arrangement, that my brother was to be placed with a
French tutor recommended by Madame Heger, and who was the Professor of
History at her establishment. All these conditions were very nearly
settled, when M. Heger came to visit my mother at Ostend; to talk
matters over and to make final arrangements.
Of course from the point of view of my own humble interest I recognised
that the visit of this Brussels Professor was an event of great
importance. I was fully conscious of this, because my cousin had told me
a great deal about M. Heger, explaining that _he_ was the ruling spirit
in the Pensionnat; that he was rather a terrible personage; and that _if
he took a dislike to one,--well, he could be very disagreeable_. I had
received so much advice upon this particular subject from my cousin that
I had talked the matter over very seriously with my brother afterwards,
and asked him what he thought I ought to do in order to avoid the
misfortune of offending M. Heger. My brother's advice was
sound:--'Don't let the man see you are afraid of him,' he said, 'and
then, whatever you do, don't show off.'
Keeping these counsels in mind, after M. Heger's arrival, I sat upon the
extreme edge of the rickety sofa that filled the darkest corner in the
little salle-à-manger of our Ostend apartments over the Patissier's shop
in the Rue de la Chapelle--I remember the very name of the Patissier; it
was Dubois--watching and listening eagerly to the conversation of the
Professor with my mother, who, strange to say, did not seem to be in the
least afraid of him; nor to recognise that he was in any way different
to ordinary mortals! And I must say, looking back to that September
afternoon to-day, and realising our attitude of mind, my mother's and
mine, towards this interesting personage to us, but interesting solely
in his character of _my_ future teacher, there does seem to me something
amazing--so amazing as to be almost amusing--in our total
unconsciousness of his already well-established real, or rather ideal
claims as a personage immortalised in English literature, by an
illustrious writer who, four years before my birth, had been his pupil;
and whose romantic love for him, whilst it had broken her heart, had
served as the inspiration of her genius; so that her literary
masterpiece was precisely a book where the very school I was going to
inhabit was painted, with extraordinary veracity, in so far as outward
and local points of resemblance were concerned.
As for my own ignorance of all these circumstances there is nothing
strange in that. Fifty-four years ago a schoolgirl of my age was not
very likely to have read _Villette_. But what one may pause to inquire
is whether if by any accident the book _had_ come into my hands, and
thus revealed to me my true position, should I have gone down on
my bended knees to my mother, or to express the case more exactly,
should I have flung my arms round her dear neck, and prayed, '_Don't
send me to this school; I am afraid of Professor Paul Emanuel; I
loathe Madame Beck; I shall never make friends with these horrid
Lesbassecouriennes?_' Well, really, I don't think I should have done
anything of the sort! At fourteen one adores an adventure. It seems to
me probable that the excitement of going to the same school, and
learning my lessons in the same class-rooms, and treading the paths of
the same garden, and being instructed by the same teachers as a writer
of genius, who had left these scenes haunted by romance, would have made
me hold under all apprehensions of the Lesbassecouriennes as
school-fellows, of the perfidious Directress with her stealthy methods
of espionage, of the explosive, nerve-wrecking Professor, always
breaking in upon one like a clap of thunder. Yes; but though held under,
the apprehension would have troubled my inner soul a good deal all the
same; and this would have been a pity. Because, in so far as the real
Directress and real Belgian schoolgirls whom I was going to know in the
Rue d'Isabelle went, these apprehensions would have been superfluous and
misleading.
But now if there were no danger of my finding in the real Pensionnat any
spiritual counterparts of either the fictitious Madame Beck, or of the
perverted Lesbassecouriennes pupils, was it equally certain that, if I
had read _Villette_, I should not have recognised and been justified in
recognising in Monsieur Heger the original model and living image of
that immortal figure in English fiction, '_the magnificent-minded,
grand-hearted, dear, faulty little man_'--Professor Paul Emanuel?
We shall perhaps be able to decide this question better at the end of
these reminiscences than here. But what must be realised is, that the
very fact that lends some general interest to my mother's first
impressions and my own about M. Heger is chiefly this: that it expresses
observations made from a purely personal standpoint; out of sight of any
literary views about 'Paul Emanuel,' or historical judgments upon his
relations with Charlotte Brontë. The perfectly simple purpose we had in
view was to see clearly what sort of a Professor M. Heger was going to
prove, and whether I was going to do well as his pupil, and get on
satisfactorily, amongst these foreign surroundings.
My mother formed a most favourable opinion of our visitor, and decided
that I was fortunate in obtaining such a Professor. What had especially
impressed her was a sentence delivered by M. Heger, with a masterly
little gesture, that, as she herself said, entirely won her over to his
opinions upon a question where elaborate arguments might have left her
unconvinced. And I may observe here, that this belonged to M. Heger's
methods, not so much of arguing, as of dispensing with arguments. His
mind was made up upon most subjects, and as he had got into the habit of
regarding the world as his class-room, and his fellow-creatures as
pupils, he did not argue; he told people what they ought to think about
things. And in order to make this method of settling questions not only
convincing, but stimulating, to his most intelligent pupils, he held in
reserve a store of these really luminous phrases, that he would use as
little Lanterns, flashing them, now in this direction, now in that, but
always with a special and appropriate direction given to the
illuminative phrase, so that it lit up the point of view upon which he
desired to fix attention. The particular sentence that conquered my
mother's admiration and acquiescence in M. Heger's point of view was the
one I have made the heading of this chapter. Here was how he contrived
to introduce it. After discussing the plan of _my_ studies, and the
arrangements for my being taken to the English church by my brother
every Sunday, and allowed to take walks with him upon half-holidays (to
all of which of course I listened with passionate attention), they
passed on to discuss the terms asked by the tutor whom the Hegers had
recommended. My mother had been told by her Dutch cousin that they were
exorbitant terms; and, as a matter of fact, I believe they were exactly
twice the amount charged by the Hegers themselves: '_I am not a rich
woman_,' my mother had said, apologetically, '_and I have put aside a
fixed sum for my children's education; I doubt if I can give this_.' ...
Then did the Professor see, and seize, his opportunity: '_Madame,'_ he
said, with a gesture, '_quelquefois, donner, c'est semer_.' My mother,
dazzled with this prophetic utterance, remained speechless and
vanquished. In the evening of the same day I heard her quote to the
Dutch cousin, who did not approve of her consent to these charges,
'_what that clever man, Professor Heger) said so well_,' as though it
had been unanswerable. In the course of the next two years I often heard
the same luminous phrase used, with equal appropriateness, to light up
other propositions. (I have heard M. Heger use it in a sense where it
became a different formula for expressing a fundamental doctrine of
Rousseau, thus, '_Instruire, ce n'est pas donner, c'est semer_,' but I
never heard the words without going back to the first impression, and to
the vision it called up. I would see again the little _salle-à-manger_
in the Rue de la Chapelle at Ostend, I would watch the masterly gesture
of the Professor's hand when he delivered his triumphant sentence, that
is not an argument, but is worth more; I would see the look of
admiration and sudden conviction come into my dear mother's face; I
would feel myself sitting upon the little rickety sofa in the dark
corner, _and I would shudder with the foreknowledge of what was coming_,
for, woebetide me that I should have to tell it, this first interview
_did not leave with me the same impression of confidence in M. Heger as
my future teacher and guardian that it did with my mother;_ it left with
me, on the contrary, the miserable conviction that the very worst thing
that could have happened had happened; that M. Heger had taken a
vehement dislike to me, and consequently that all hope of happiness for
me in the Pensionnat in the Rue d'Isabelle was over and done with.
And the worst of it was, that it was all my own fault; or rather, to be
just, it was my misfortune.
For I had had a really very bad time of it, sitting on that rickety
little sofa. My mother, who had only too flattering an opinion of me in
every way, had meant to say the kindest things about me to M. Heger, and
I knew this perfectly. But unfortunately, although she spoke French with
the greatest fluency and self-confidence (because as she was a very
charming woman, and as Frenchmen are always polite in their criticism of
the French of charming English women, she had been very often
complimented upon her command of the language),--unfortunately, I say,
her French was really English, literally translated; and every one who
has experience of what false meanings can be conveyed by this sort of
French will realise what I had suffered, because, though I only spoke
French badly at this time, I understood the language better than my
mother. And this is how I had heard myself described to my future
Professor. My mother had _wished_ to say that I was more fond of study
and of reading than was good for the health of a girl of my age; but
what she _actually_ said was that I was fond of reading things that were
not healthy or suitable (_convenable_) for a young girl. Again, she had
_meant_ to say that as I had worked too hard, she had let me run wild a
little; and that consequently I might find it difficult to get into
working habits again; but that as I had a capital head of my own, and
plenty of courage, I should, no doubt, soon get into good ways again.
But instead of all these flattering things (that might have been rather
irritating too, only a Professor of experience knows how to forgive a
parent's partiality), I had heard this fond mother of mine say that her
daughter had recently contracted the habits of a little savage; and that
it would require courageous discipline, as she was very headstrong, to
bring her into the right way again. It will be understood that to sit
and listen to all this about oneself was anguish. But, carefully
watching M. Heger's face, I had a notion that he had found out there was
some mistake. Still I was depressed and bewildered; and in dread of what
I was going to say, when the time came, as I knew it must, when he would
say something to me, and I should have a chance of answering for myself.
And the misfortune was, that _when_ the critical moment came, I wasn't
expecting it; because, here, at least, what the author of _Villette_
says of Professor Paul Emanuel was true of M. Heger--everything he did
was sudden; and he always contrived to take one by surprise.
It was immediately after he had won his triumph over my mother, and in
the moment when I myself was under the spell of admiration for his
talent, that he turned upon me, in a sort of flash, smiling down upon me
(very red and startled to find him so near), and nodding his head with
an irritating look of amusement as his penetrating eyes searched my
doleful face. '_Aa-ah_,' he said, in a half-playful, but as it sounded
to me, more mocking, than kindly tone, '_Aa-ah_' (another nod of the
head), 'so this is the little Savage I have to discipline and vanquish,
is it? And she is headstrong (_têtue_). Tell me, Mees, am I to be too
indulgent? or too severe? (_Dois-je être trop indulgent? ou trop
sévère?_') Now, if only I had made the natural reply, the one obviously
expected from me--the one any girl in my position would have made, and
which I myself should have made if I hadn't been addressed as 'a little
savage,' and if I hadn't been smarting under the sense that he must have
the worst possible opinion of me, and that I ought to vindicate my
honour in some way,--if only, in short, I had remembered my brother's
wholesome advice, '_Don't show off_,' that is to say, if only I had
said, amiably and nicely, with a timid little smile, '_Trop indulgent,
s'il vous plait, Monsieur_,' THEN all would have been well with me; M.
Heger would have continued to smile; we should have exchanged amiable
glances and parted the best of friends.... But of what use are these
speculations? What I _did_ reply to his question of whether he was to be
too indulgent or too severe was--'_Ni l'un ni l'autre, Monsieur; soyez
juste, celà suffit_' ... and I listened to the broadness of my own
British accent, whilst I said it, in despairing wonder! M. Heger's
smiles vanished; there came what I took to be a 'look of undying hatred'
into his face--it was not perhaps so bad as all that, but ... well, I
certainly hadn't conquered his favour. He said something disagreeable
about Les Anglaises being over wise, too philosophical for him, which my
mother thought was a compliment to my cleverness. But I knew what I had
done, and that it could never be undone, henceforth ...
Well, but the case really was not quite so desperate perhaps?
[1] This chapter is reproduced from the _Cornhill_ by the kind
permission of Messrs. Smith, Elder and Co.
CHAPTER III
MONSIEUR AND MADAME HEGER AS I SAW
THEM; AND BELGIAN SCHOOLGIRLS AS I
KNEW THEM
Let me give here my mother's, and my own, account of the impressions
made upon us by M. Heger's personal appearance at this time.
'He is very like one of those selected Roman Catholic Priests,' my
mother told her Dutch relatives, 'who go into society and look after the
eldest sons of Catholic noblemen. He has too good a nose for a Belgian
and, I should say, he has Italian blood in him.'
My own report, to my brother, who made anxious inquiries of me, was less
flattering perhaps, but it was not intended to be disrespectful. I
always see M. Heger as I saw him then: as too interesting to be
alarming; but too alarming to be lovable.
'He is rather like Punch,' I said, 'but better looking of course; and
not so good-tempered.'
Let me justify these two descriptions by showing that both of them were
based upon an accurate observation of the man himself.
M. Heger, as I remember him, was no longer what Charlotte called him,
angrily, in her letter to Ellen Nussey, a _little Black Being_, and,
affectionately, under the disguise of Paul Emanuel, '_a spare, alert
man, showing the velvet blackness of a close-shorn head, and the sallow
ivory of his brow beneath_.' M. Heger in 1859 was still alert, but he
was not spare, he was inclining towards stoutness. His hair was not
velvet black, but grizzled, and he was bald on the crown of his head, in
a way that might have been mistaken for a tonsure; and this no doubt
added to the resemblance my mother saw in him to a Priest. He did not
look in the least old, however. His brow, not sallow but bronzed, was
unwrinkled; his eyes were still clear and penetrating (Charlotte said
they were violet blue; and certainly she ought to have known. Still, _do
violet eyes penetrate one's soul like points of steel?_) The Roman
nose, that my mother thought too good a nose to be Belgian, and that
reminded me of Punch (but a good-looking Punch) was a commanding
feature. And the curved chin (also suggesting a good-looking Punch, to a
young and irreverent observer), although it indicated humour, meant
sarcasm, rather than a sense of fun. But Monsieur Heger had one really
beautiful feature, that I remember often watching with extreme pleasure
when he recited fine poetry or read noble prose:--his mouth, when
uttering words that moved him, had a delightful smile, not in the least
tender towards ordinary mortals, but almost tender in its homage to the
excellence of writers of genius.