SPEECH IN THE SENATE, ON THE JOINT RESOLUTION PROVIDING FOR
REPRESENTATION THERE, JANUARY 31, 1862.
January 31st, the Senate proceeded to consider the joint
resolution reported by Mr. Sumner from the Committee on Foreign
Relations, providing for representation at the Exhibition of
the Industry of all Nations at London in the year 1862.
Mr. Hale, of New Hampshire, said that he was “entirely opposed
to this whole thing.” Mr. Sumner then spoke as follows.
MR. PRESIDENT,--The Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. HALE] objects to
the joint resolution, but he assigns no reason. When I make a personal
appeal to him, he declines to answer. Of course, that is according to
his right. He may be silent, though we are always too happy when he
speaks. It becomes my duty, therefore, to explain the resolution, which
I shall do in few words.
At the extra session of Congress in July last, a joint resolution was
adopted in the following words:--
“That the President be, and he hereby is, authorized to take
such measures as shall to him seem best to facilitate a proper
representation of the industrial interests of the United States
at the Exhibition of the Industry of all Nations to be holden
at London in the year 1862, and the sum of two thousand dollars
is hereby appropriated for the incidental expenses thereof.”
The resolution passed Congress, and was approved by the President on
the 27th of July. Under it a Commission was organized by the President,
with the Secretary of State as Chairman. Associated with him were
eminent gentlemen from different walks of life, from different parts of
the country----
MR. GRIMES. What parts?
MR. SUMNER. All parts,--the West, the North, and the East.
MR. GRIMES. Who from the West?
MR. SUMNER. You will find the names on the printed list. At a meeting
in Washington, a sub-committee was organized for the direction of
business. Through this sub-committee a correspondence has been
conducted with persons all over the country interested in the
Exhibition, and industrial products have been gathered at New York, to
be forwarded to London; but their proceedings are stopped for want of
means, and the actual question is simply this: Will the Senate allow
the business already commenced under their auspices to fail, or will
they make the needful appropriation to carry it forward?
There is at least one precedent. Ten years ago witnessed an industrial
exhibition in London, which attracted the attention of the civilized
world. There was no provision in advance by the Government of the
United States for any representation there; but patriotic citizens came
forward at the last moment, volunteered money and representation, and
through their activity we became honorably known there,--so, indeed, I
think I may say, as to gain renown for our industrial products. I would
not exaggerate; but nobody can forget the triumph of the American
reaper or the American mower. I believe I state what cannot be denied,
when I say, that, through the representation of American industry at
that exhibition, we gained not only fame abroad, but new fields of
activity for our industry, and new markets for our homely, but most
useful products.
Now there is to be another exhibition, and the question is, whether
our country shall be represented. An appropriation is needed for this
purpose. The Committee, after most careful deliberation, not acting, I
assure you, hastily, came to the conclusion that our country should be
represented there, and they recommended the appropriation of the modest
sum of $35,000. Persons interested in the subject desired a larger
appropriation. The Committee concluded in favor of $35,000, as the
utmost they would ask from Congress at the present time. Accordingly
they have made that recommendation, believing it for the general
welfare.
I do not know the objection of my friend from New Hampshire. Perhaps he
is against any representation. If so, I can understand that he should
oppose the appropriation. But is his objection founded on grounds of
economy peculiar to the present moment, or is it because he is against
such appearance at any time? If founded on grounds of economy peculiar
to the present moment, I must say I cannot enter into his idea. Nobody
more completely than myself can appreciate the importance of bending
every corporal and intellectual agent to the work of putting down
the Rebellion; but I am unwilling that meanwhile all the glorious
and beneficent arts of peace should slumber. Nor would I, even while
pushing this war to victory, cease to watch with guardian care the
industrial interests of my country. Those interests, I am sure, will
be advanced, if we allow them to be represented at this great centre
of industry; and so will all the national resources increase and
multiply. And this is not simply because the exhibition is in London,
or because it may open a market in London, but because through London
we approach all the great markets of the world; and while making our
products known in the great metropolis, we make them known wherever
civilization extends. The exhibition will be an immense fair, to which
exhibitors can have access only through their respective governments. I
am unwilling to deprive American citizens of this opportunity.
I assume, therefore, that my friend cannot be against contributing to
this exhibition simply on grounds peculiar to this moment. It must be
on some other broader, more general ground. I must say that I cannot
enter into that idea, either. If it was good for us to be represented
ten years ago,--and I believe all, after the exhibition, were satisfied
that it was good for us,--I believe it better now. Surely, all this my
friend has at heart. I hope he will not forget that the interests of
farmers, the interests of inventors, the interests of mechanics, the
interests of all who toil and of all who produce,--in one word, the
great diversified interests of the people, cannot fail to be promoted
by this opportunity. And here is reason enough for the small outlay.