He was seldom very happy in his domestic relations; for, excepting at

those seasons when the exigencies of his calling required his constant

attention, he spent but little of his time at his own fireside. He

absented himself _until_ his home became strange and uncomfortable to

him: and he then did the same, _because_ it had become so. Every man who

may try the experiment will discover that these circumstances mutually

aggravate each other--are, interchangeably, cause and effect. His

children were, however, always numerous, scarcely ever falling below

half-a-dozen, and not unfrequently doubling that allowance. They

generally appeared upon the stage in rapid succession--one had scarcely

time to get out of the way, before another was pushing him from his

place. The peevishness thus begotten in the mother--by the constant

habit of nursing cross cherubs--though it diminished the amount of

family peace, contributed, in another way, to the general welfare: it

induced the father to look abroad for enjoyment, and thus gave the

country the benefit of his wisdom as a political counsellor. Public

spirit, and the consciousness of ability, have "brought out" many

politicians: but uncomfortable homes have produced many more.

He was an oracle on the subject of hunting, and an unerring judge of

whiskey--to both which means of enjoyment he was strongly attached. He

was careful, however, neither to hunt nor drink in solitude, for even

his amusements were subservient to his political interests. To hunt

alone was a waste of time, while drinking alone was a loss of

good-fellowship, upon which much of his influence was founded. He was

particularly attached to parties of half-a-dozen, or more; for in such

companions, his talents were always conspicuous. Around a burgou[83]

pot, or along the trenches of an impromptu barbecue, he shone in

meridian splendor; and the approving smack of his lips, over a bottle of

"backwoods' nectar," was the seal of the judgment which gave character

to the liquor.

"Militia musters" were days in his calendar, "marked with a

white-stone;" for it was upon these occasions that he appeared in his

utmost magnificence. His grade was never lower than that of colonel, and

it not unfrequently extended to, or even beyond, the rank of

brigadier-general. It was worth "a sabbath-day's journey" on foot, to

witness one of these parades; for I believe that all the annals of the

burlesque do not furnish a more amusing caricature of the "pomp and

circumstance" of war. Compared to one of those militia regiments,

Falstaff's famous corps, whose appearance was so unmilitary as to

prevent even that liberal-minded gentleman from marching through

Coventry in their company, was a model of elegance and discipline.

Sedeno's cavalry in the South American wars, though their uniform

consisted only of "leggings," a pair of spurs, and a Spanish blanket,

had more the aspect of a regular _corps d'armee_ than these! A mob of

rustics was never armed with a more extensive variety of weapons; and no

night's "haul" of a recruiting sergeant's net, ever made a more

disorderly appearance, when mustered in the morning for inspection.

The "citizen-soldier" knew no more about "dressing the line," than about

dressing himself, and the front of his company presented as many

inequalities as a "worm-fence." Tall men and short men--beaver hats and

raccoon-skin caps--rusty firelocks and long corn-stalks--stiff brogans

and naked feet--composed the grand display. There were as many officers

as men, and each was continually commanding and instructing his

neighbor, but never thinking of himself. At the command "Right dress!"

(when the officer _par excellence_ knew enough to deliver it) some

looked right, others left--some thrust their heads out before--some

leaned back to get a glimpse behind--and the whole line waved like a

streamer in the wind. "Silence in line!" produced a greater clamor than

ever, for each repeated the command to every other, sending the order

along the ranks like a rolling fire, and not unfrequently enforcing it

with the push of a corn-stalk, or a vigorous elbow-hint. When a movement

was directed, the order reached the men successively, by the same

process of repetition--so that while some files were walking slowly, and

looking back to beckon on their lagging fellow-soldiers, others were

forced to a quick run to regain their places, and the scramble often

continued many minutes after the word "halt!" The longer the parade

lasted, the worse was the drill; and after a tedious day's "muster,"

each man knew less, if possible, of military tactics, than he did in the

morning.

But the most ludicrous part of the display, was the earnest solemnity

with which the politician-colonel endeavored "to lick the mass into

shape." If you had judged only by the expression of his face, you would

have supposed that an invading army was already within our borders, and

that this democratic army was the only hope of patriotism to repel the

foreign foe. And, indeed, it might not be too much to say, that some

such idea actually occupied his mind: for he was so fond of "supposing

cases," that bare possibilities sometimes grew in his mind to actual

realities; and it was a part of his creed, as well as his policy to

preach, that "a nation's best defence" is to be found in "the

undisciplined valor of its citizens." His military maxims were not based

upon the history of such countries as Poland and Spain--and Hungary had

not then added her example to the list. He never understood the relation

between discipline and efficiency; and the doctrine of the "largest

liberty" was so popular, that, on his theory, it must be universally

right. Tempered thus, and modified by some of the tendencies of the

demagogue, his love of military parade amounted to a propensity, a trait

which he shared with most of the people among whom he lived.

The inference from this characteristic, that he possessed what

phrenologists used to call "combativeness," is not unavoidable, though

such was the fact. He was, indeed, quite pugnacious, ready, at all

times, to fight for himself or for his friends, and never with any very

special or discriminating reference to the cause of quarrel. He was,

however, seldom at feud with any one whose enmity could materially

injure him: extensive connections he always conciliated, and every

popular man was his friend. Nor was he compelled, in order to compass

these ends, to descend to any very low arts; for "the people," were not

so fastidious in those days, as they seem since to have become; and a

straightforward sincerity was then the first element of popularity. The

politician was not forced to affect an exemplary "walk and

conversation;" nor was an open declaration of principle or opinion

dangerous to his success.

This liberality in public sentiment had its evils: since, for example,

the politician was not generally the less esteemed for being rather a

hard _swearer_. In the majority of the class, indeed, this amounted only

to an energetic or emphatic mode of expression; and such the people did

not less respect, than if, in the same person, they had had reason to

believe the opposite tone hypocritical. The western people--to their

honor be it written!--were, and are, mortal enemies to everything like

_cant_: though they might regret, that one's morals were no _better_

than they appeared, they were still more grieved, if they found

evidence, that they were _worse_ than they claimed to be.

But, though the politician was really very open and candid in all the

affairs of life, in his own estimation he was a very dexterous and

dangerous intriguer: he often deceived himself into the belief, that the

success, which was in fact the result of his manly candor, was

attributable only to his cunning management. He was always forming, and

attempting to execute, schemes for circumventing his political

opponents; but, if he bore down all opposition, it was _in spite of_ his

chicanery, and not by its assistance. Left-handed courses are never

advantageous "in the long run;" and, perhaps, it would be well if this

lesson were better understood by politicians, even in our own

enlightened day.

For the arts of rhetoric he had small respect; in his opinion, the man

who was capable of making a long, florid speech, was fit for little

else. His own oratorical efforts were usually brief, pithy, and to the

point. For example, here follows a specimen, which the writer heard

delivered in Illinois, by a candidate for the legislature:--

"Fellow-citizens: I am no speech-maker, but what I say, _I'll do_. I've

lived among you twenty years, and if I've shown myself a clever fellow,

you know it, _without_ a speech: if I'm not a clever fellow, you know

that, too, and wouldn't forget it _with_ a speech. I'm a candidate for

the legislature: if you think I'm 'the clear grit,' _vote_ for me: if

you think Major R---- of a better 'stripe' than I am, vote for _him_.

The fact is, that either of us will make a devilish good

representative!"

For the satisfaction of the reader, we should record that the orator was

triumphantly elected, and, though "no speech-maker," was an excellent

member for several years.

The saddest, yet cheerfullest--the quaintest, yet most unaffected of

moralists, has written "A Complaint upon the Decay of Beggars," which

will not cease to be read, so long as pure English and pure feeling are

understood and appreciated. They were a part of the recollections of his

childhood--images painted upon his heart, impressions made in his soft

and pitying nature; and the "besom of societarian reformation,"

legislating busybodies, and tinkers of the general welfare, were

sweeping them away, with all their humanizing influences, their deep

lessons of dire adversity and gentle charity.

There are some memories of the childhood of western men--unlike, and yet

similar in their generous persuasions on all pure young hearts--upon

whose "Decay" might, also, be written a "Complaint," which should come

as truly, and yet as sadly, from the heart of him, who remembers his

boyhood, as did that from the heart of Elia. Gatherings of the militia,

burgou-hunts, barbecues, and anniversaries--phases of a primitive, yet

true and hearty time!--are fast giving way, before the march of a

barbarous "progress" (erroneously christened) "of intelligence." The

hard spirit of money-getting, the harder spirit of education-getting,

and the hardest of _all_ spirits, that of pharisaical morality, have

divorced our youth, _a vinculo_, from every species of amusement; and

life has come to be a probationary struggle, too fierce to allow a

moment's relaxation. The bodies of children are drugged and worried into

health, their intellects are stuffed and forced into premature

development, or early decay--but their _hearts_ are utterly forgotten!

Enjoyment is a forbidden thing, and only the miserable cant of

"intellectual pleasure" is allowed. _Ideas_--of philosophy, religious

observance, and mathematics--are supplied _ad nauseam_; but the

encouragement of a generous _impulse_, or a magnanimous _feeling_, is

too frivolous a thing to have a place in our vile system. Children are

"brought up," and "brought out," as if they were composed exclusively of

intellect and body: And, since the manifestations of any other element

are pronounced pernicious--even if the existence of the element itself

be recognised--the means of fostering it, innocent amusements, which

make the sunshine brighter, the spirits more cheerful, and the heart

purer and lighter, are sternly prohibited. Alas! for the generation

which shall grow up, and be "educated" (God save the mark!) as if it had

no heart! And wo to the blasphemy which dares to offer, as service to

Heaven, an arrogant contempt of Heaven's gifts, and claims a reward,

like the self-tormentors of the middle ages, for its vain

mortifications.

But, in the time of the politician, of whom we write, these things were

far different. We have already seen him at a "militia muster," and fain

would we pause here, to display him at a barbecue. What memories,

sweet, though sad, we might evoke of "the glorious fourth" in the olden

time! How savory are even the dim recollections of the dripping viands,

which hung, and fried, and crisped, and crackled, over the great fires,

in the long deep trenches! Our nostrils grow young again with the

thought--and the flavor of the feast floats on the breezes of memory,

even "across the waste of years" which lie between! And the cool,

luxuriant foliage of the grove, the verdant thickets, and among them

pleasant vistas, little patches of green sward, covered with gay and

laughing parties--even the rosy-cheeked girls, in their rustling gingham

dresses, cast now and then a longing glance, toward the yet forbidden

tables! how fresh and clear these images return upon the fancy!

And then the waving banners, roaring cannon, and the slow procession,

moving all too solemnly for our impatient wishes! And finally, the

dropping of the ropes, the simultaneous rush upon the open feast, and

the rapid, perhaps ravenous consumption of the smoking viands, the jest,

the laugh, all pleasant merriment, the exhilaration of the crowd, the

music, and the occasion! What glories we heard from the orator, of

victories achieved by our fathers! How we longed--O! brief, but

glorious dream! to be one day spoken of like Washington! How wildly our

hearts leaped in our boyish bosoms, as we listened to the accents of the

solemn pledge and "declaration"--"our lives, our fortunes, and our

sacred honor!" The whole year went lighter for that one day, and at each

return, we went home happier, and better!

How measureless we thought the politician's greatness then! This was his

proper element--here he was at home; and, as he ordered and directed

everything about him, flourishing his marshal's baton, clearing the way

for the march of the procession--settling the "order of exercises," and

reading the programme, in a stentorian voice--there was, probably in his

own estimation, and certainly in ours, no more important or honored

individual in all that multitude!

In such scenes as these, he was, indeed, without a rival; but there were

others, also, in which he was quite as useful, if not so conspicuous. On

election days, for instance, when a free people assembled to exercise

their "inestimable privilege," to choose their own rulers--he was as

busy as a witch in a tempest. His talents shone forth with especial and

peculiar lustre--for, with him, this was "the day for which all other

days were made." He marshalled his retainers, and led them to "the

polls"--not as an inexperienced tactician would have done, with much

waste of time, in seeking every private voter, but after the manner of

feudal times--by calling upon his immediate dependants, captains over

tens and twenties, through whom he managed the more numerous masses.

These were the "file-leaders," the "fugle-men," and "heads of messes;"

and it was by a judicious management of these, that he was able to

acquire and retain an extensive influence.

The first article of his electioneering creed was, that every voter was

controlled by somebody; and that the only way to sway the privates was,

to govern the officers: and, whether true or not, it must be admitted

that his theory worked well in practice. He affected to entertain a high

respect for those whom he described as "the boys from the heads of the

hollows"--men who were never seen beyond the precincts of their own

little "clearings," except upon the Fourth of July and election day,

from one end of the year to the other. With these he drank bad whiskey,

made stale jokes, and affected a flattering condescension. With others,

more important or less easily imposed upon, he "whittled" sociably in

the fence-corners, talked solemnly in conspicuous places, and always

looked confidential and mysterious.

But, however earnestly engaged, he never forgot the warfare in which he

was chief combatant. Like a general upon a field of battle, with his

staff about him, he had sundry of his friends always near, to undertake

any commission, or convey any order, which he desired to have executed;

and not a voter could come upon the ground, whom there was the remotest

chance to influence, that his vigilance did not at once discover and

seize upon, through some one of these lieutenants. He resorted to every

conceivable art, to induce the freemen to vote _properly_; and, when he

could not succeed in this, his next study was to prevent their voting

_at all_. The consequence usually was, that he secured his own election,

or that of his chosen candidate; for, in him, vigilance and shrewdness

were happily combined.

But, perhaps fortunately for the country, his ambition was generally

limited to such small offices, as he was quite capable of filling. The

highest point at which he aimed, was a seat in the state legislature;

and on reaching that goal, he signalized his term, chiefly, if at all,

in advocating laws about division fences, and trespassers upon

timber--measures which he deemed desirable for his own immediate

constituency, with very little care for the question of their general

utility. Indeed, he never went to the capital, without having his

pockets full of "private bills," for the gratification of his personal

friends, or near neighbors; and if, after a reasonable term of service,

he had succeeded in getting all these passed into laws, he came home,

contented to "subside," and live the remainder of his days, upon the

recollection of his legislative honors.

In the course of time, like all other earthly things, his class began to

decay. The tide of immigration, or the increasing intelligence of the

people, raised up men of larger views; and he speedily found himself

outstripped in the race, and forgotten by his ancient retainers.

Then--like his predecessor, the original frontierman--disgusted with

civilization and its refinements--he migrated to more congenial regions,

and, in the scenes of his former triumphs, was heard of no more.

FOOTNOTES:

[82] Translate "_donum_," talent.

[83] A kind of soup, made by boiling all sorts of game with corn,

onions, tomatoes, and a variety of other vegetables. When skilfully

concocted and properly seasoned, not at all unsavory. So called from a

soup made by seamen.

EPILOGUE.

Here we must pause.

On the hither side of the period, represented by the early politician,

and between that and the present, the space of time is much too narrow,

to contain any distinct development: those who superseded the primitive

oracles, are yet in possession of the temple. We could not, therefore,

pursue our plan further, without hazarding the charge of drawing from

the life.

It is remarkable, that anything like a fair or candid estimate of--for

example--a public man's character, while he is yet favored with the

people's suffrages, is very certain to be pronounced a caricature; and

it is not less singular, that, while the complaints of popular critics,

in effect, affirm that there is fidelity enough in the picture to enable

even obtuse minds to fit the copy to the original, they at the same time

vehemently assert that the whole portrait is a libel. A just

admeasurement of a demagogue's ability is thus always abated by the

imputation of partisan falsehood or prejudice; and whosoever declines to

join in the adulation of a temporary idol, may consider himself

fortunate, if he escape with only the reproach of envy. Sketches of

contemporaneous character--if they seek recognition among the masses,

must, therefore, not reduce the altitude which blind admiration has

assigned, nor cut away the foreign lace, nor tear the ornaments, with

which excited parties have bedaubed their images of clay. And, yet, so

prone are men to overrate their leaders, that no estimate of a prominent

man can be just, without impugning popular opinion.

There is probably no other ground quite so perilous as politics, unless

it be literature: and, as yet, the west is comparatively barren of those

"sensitive plants," literary men. But any attempt to delineate society,

by portraiture of living characters, even though the pictures were

purely ideal, would, upon the present plan, involve the suspicion (and

perhaps the temptation to deserve it), indicated above. Before venturing

upon such uncertain paths, therefore, we must display a little

generalship, and call a halt, if not a council of war. Whether we are to

march forward, will be determined by the "General _Orders_."

THE END.

J. S. REDFIELD,

110 AND 112 NASSAU STREET, NEW YORK,

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Western Characters; or, Types of Border Life in the Western States · 第 18 / 19 段